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BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE 

SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND 

THE GIFT OF 

HENRY W. SAGE 

1891 



S0 19«* 

I S 1944 
^in\' 1 ? 1945 



JAN I S 1944 







PQ 901i!b43" ""'™™'"' '■""''' 
„PortuQuese literature, 




3 1924 027 709 462 




Cornell University 
Library 



The original of tiiis bool< is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 



http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027709462 



PORTUGUESE 
LITERATURE 



Oxford University Press 

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PORTUGUESE 
LITER AT URE 



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BY 






AUBREY F. G. BELL 







OXFORD 
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 

1922 






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LI R A R Y 






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TO THE TRUE PORTUGAL OF THE FUTURE 

La letteratura, dalla quale sola potrebbe aver sodo principio 

la rigenerazione della nostra patria. 

GiAcoMO Leopardi. 



"•y HIS book^was ready. in October 191 6, 
-^ but the war delayed its publication. 
^ few alterations have now been made in 
order to bring it up to date. It is need- 
less to say how welcome will be further 
suggestions^ especially for the bibliography. 
Only by such help can a book^ of this kind 
become useful^ since its object is not to ex- 
patiate upon schools and theories but to 
give with as much accuracy as possible the 
main facts concerning the work^ and life of 
each individual author. 



AUBREY F. G. BELL. 



s. joao do estoril, 
Portugal. 
July 1931 



CONTENTS 

Introduction 

PAGE- 

Portuguese literature in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries — 
D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos — Dr. Theophilo Braga — 
Portuguese prose — Portuguese writers in Spanish and Latin — 
Character of the Portuguese — Special qualities of their literature — 
Splendid achievement — Lack of criticism and proportion but not 
of talent ........ 13 

I. I185-I325. 

[i.e. from the accession of Sancho I to the death of Dinis.] 

§ I. The Cossantes . . . . .22 

Earliest poems — Their indigenous character and peculiar form — 
Their origin — Galicia in the Middle Ages — The pilgrimages — 
Dance-poems — Themes of the cossantes — Their relation to the 
poetry imported from Provence — Writers of cossantes : Nuno 
Fernandez Torneol — Joan Zorro — Pero Meogo — Pay Gomez 
Charino — Airas Nunez' pastorela — The cantigas de vilaos — Songs 
of women — Persistence of the cossante to modern timeg — Cossantes 
and cantigas de amor. 

§ 2. The Cancioneiros ..... 37 

Cancioneiro da Ajuda — Cancioneiro da Vaticana — Cancioneiro 
Colocci-Brancuti — Relations of Portugal with Spain, with France, 
with other countries — The Galician language — Its extension — 
Alfonso X — The Cantigas de Santa Maria — Poetry at the Court of 
Afonso III — Proven9al poetry in Portugal — Monotony and 
technical skill of the Portuguese poets — Cantigas de amigo — 
Satiric poems — Joan de Guilhade — Pero Garcia de Burgos — 
Pero da Ponte — Joan Airas — Fernan Garcia Esgaravunha — 
Airas Nunez — King Dinis. 

II. I325-I52I. 

[i. e. from the accession of Sancho IV to the death of Manuel I.] 

§ I. Early Prose ...... 58 

Comparatively late development of prose — Spanish influence in the 
second period of Portuguese literature — King Dinis' translation 



CONTENTS 9 

PAGE 
of the Cronica Geral — Regra de S. Bento — Translations from the 
Bible — Sacred legends — Aesop's Fables — Chronicles — Livros 
de Linhagins — The Breton cycle — The Quest of the Holy Grail — 
Livro de Josep ab Anmatia- — Estorea de Vespeseano — Amadis de 
Gaula — Problem of its origin — Early allusions — Vasco de Lobeira 

— Probable introduction of Amadis into the Peninsula through 
Portugal. 

§ 2. Epic and Later Galician Poets ... 72 

Dearth of epics ■ — Apocryphal poems — Afonso Giraldez — 
Romances — Their connexion with Spain — Survival of Galician 
lyrics — Macias — Juan Rodriguez de la Camara — Fernam Cas- 
quicio — Vasco Perez de Camoes — Gon^alo Rodriguez, Archdeacon 
of Toro — Garci Ferrandez de Gerena — Alfonso Alvarez de Villa- 
sandino — Cantigas de escarnho — The Constable D. Pedro. 

§ 3. The Chroniclers ..... 81 

Fernam Lopez — Cronica do Condestabre — Zurara — Ruy de Pina 

— Cronica do Infante Santo. Other prose : King Joao I — King 
Duarte — Pedro, Duke of Coimbra — Letters of Lopo de Almeida — 
Boosco Delleytoso — Corte Imperial — Flos Sanctorum — Vita Christi 

— Espelho de Christina — Espelho de Perfeifam. 

§ 4. The Cancioneiro Geral .... 96 

The break in Portuguese poetry — Its revival — Garcia de Resende 

— Cancioneiro Geral ■ — Its shallow themes — More serious poems — 
Alvaro de Brito — The Coudel M6r — D. Joao de Meneses — D. 
Joao Manuel — Fernam da Silveira — Nuno Pereira — Diogo Bran- 
dam — Luis Anriquez — Rodriguez de Sa — The Conde de Vimioso 

— Duarte de Brito — Spanish influence. 

III. The Sixteenth Century [1502-80]. 
§ I. Gil Vicente ....... 106 

The sixteenth century — Gil Vicente's first play (1502) • — The year 
and place of his birth — His life — Poet and goldsmith — His 
autos — Types sketched in his farsas — Devotional plays, comedies 
and tragicomedies — Origin of the drama in Portugal — Enzina's 
influence on Vicente — French influence — Other Spanish writers — 
Traditional satire — Number of Vicente's plays — Their character 
and that of their author — His patriotism and serious purpose ■ — 
His achievement and influence in Spain and Portugal. 

§ 2. Lyric and Bucolic Poets .... 132 

Bernardim Ribeiro — Cristovam Falcao — Sa de Miranda — 
D. Manuel de Portugal — Diogo Bernardez — Frei Agostinho da Cruz 



10 CONTENTS 

PAGE 

— Antonio Ferreira — Andrade Caminha — Sd de Meneses — Falcao 
de Resende — Jorge de Montemor — Fernam Alvarez do Oriente — 

— Faria e Sousa — Francisco Rodriguez Lobo. 

§ 3. The Drama ...... 156 

Gil Vicente's successors — Anonymous plays — Afonso Alvarez — 
Antonio Ribeiro Chiado — Balthasar Diaz — Anrique Lopez — 
Jorge Pinto — Antonio Prestes — Jeronimo Ribeiro Soarez — Simao 
Machado — Francisco Vaz — Gil Vicente de Almeida — Frei 
Antonio da Estrella — Classical drama : Sd de Miranda — Antonio 
Ferreira — Camoes — Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcellos. 

§ 4. Luis de Camoes ..... 174 

Family of Camoes — His birth and education — In North Africa 

— In India — Return to Portugal — Last years and death — 
Camoes as epic and lyric poet — The Lusiade — Its critics — His 
greatness — Influence on the language — His Parnasso — Camoes 
and Petrarca — Later epic poets — Corte Real — Pereira Brandao 

— Francisco de Andrade. 

§ 5. The Historians ..... 190 

Historians of India — Alvaro Velho — Lopez de Castanheda — Barros 

— Couto — CorrSa — Bras de Albuquerque — Antonio Galvam — 
Special narratives — Gaspar Fructuoso — Frei Bernardo de Brito — 
Francisco de Andrade — Osorio — Bernardo da Cruz — Jeronimo 
de Mendoga — Miguel de Moura — Duarte Nunez de Leam — 
Damiao de Goes — Andre de Resende — Manuel Severim de Faria 

— Faria e Sousa. 

§ 6, Quinhentista Prose . . . . .217 

Vivid prose — Historia Tragico-Maritima. Travels : Duarte Bar- 
bosa — Francisco Alvarez — Gaspar da Cruz — ■ Frei Joao dos 
Santos — Tenreiro — Mestre Afonso — Frei Gaspar de S. Ber- 
nardino — Manuel Godinho — Fernam Mendez Pinto — Garcia da 
Orta — Pedro Nunez — Duarte Pacheco — D. Joao de Castro — 
Afonso de Albuquerque — Soropita — Rodriguez Silveira — Fer- 
nandez Ferreira - — Francisco de HoUanda — Gon^alo Fernandez 
Trancoso — Francisco de Moraes. 

§ 7. Religious and Mystic Writers . . .235 

Mysticism — Frei Heitor Pinto — Arraez — Frei Thomfe de Jesus — 
Frei Luis de Sousa — Lucena — Preachers : Paiva de Andrade — 
Fernandez Galvao — Feo — Luz — Calvo — Veiga — Ceita — Lis- 
boa — Almeida — Alvarez — Samuel Usque — Frei Antonio das 
Chagas — Manuel Bernardes. 



CONTENTS II 

IV. 1580-1706. 

[i.e. from the accession of Philip II of Spain to the death of 

Pedro II.] 

PAGE 

The Seiscentistas . . . . . .251 

Culteranismo — T>. Francisco Manuel de Mello — Fenix Renascida — 
Soror Violante do Ceo — Child Rolim de Moura — Veiga Tagarro — 
Galhegos — The epic : Pereira de Castro — Bras Garcia de Mas- 
carenhas — Sa de Meneses — Sousa de Macedo — Mousinho de 
Quevedo — The Academies — Martim Afonso de Miranda — Leitao 
de Andrade — The Love Letters — Arte de Furtar — Ribeiro de 
Macedo — Freire de Andrade — Antonio Vieira. 

V. 1706-1816. 

[i. e. from the accession of Joao V to the death of Maria I.] 
The Eighteenth Century ..... 270 

The Arcadias — Correa Gar9ao — Quita — Diniz da Cruz e Silva — 
Filinto Elysio — Tolentino — The Marquesa de Alorna — Socage 

— Xavier de Mattos — Gonzaga — Costa — Brazilian epics — Macedo 

— The Drama : Figueiredo — Antonio Jose da Silva — Nicolau Dias 

— The Academy of Sciences — Scholars and critics — Theodore de 
Almeida — Letters. 

VI. 1816-1910. 
[i. e. from the accession of Joao VI to the fall of the Monarchy.] 
§ I. The Romantic School .... 287 

Portugal at the opening of the century — Almeida Garrett — 
Herculano — Historical novelists — Rebello da Silva — Camillo 
Castello Branco — Poetry : Castilho — Mendes Leal — Soares de 
Passos — Gomes de Amorim — Xavier de Novaes — Thomaz Ribeiro 

— Bulhao Pato. 

§ 2. The Reaction and After .... 304 

The Coimbra School — History : Oliveira Martins — Pinheiro 
Chagas — Research and criticism — The Drama : Ennes — Azevedo 

— D. Joao da Camara — Marcellino Mesquita — Snr. Lopes de 
Mendon9a— Snr. Julio Dantas — The Novel : Julio Diniz — E9a 
de Queiroz — J. L. Pinto — Snr. Luiz de Magalhaas — Snr. Maga- 
Ihaes Lima — Bento Moreno — Snr. Silva Gayo — Snr. Malheiro 
Dias — Abel Botelho — Ramalho Ortigao — Snr. Teixeira Gomes 

— Snr. Antero de Figueiredo — D. Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho 

— The Conde de Sabugosa — The Conto : Machado — The Conde 



12 CONTENTS 

PAGE 

de Ficalho — Fialho de Almeida — D. Joao da Camara — Trindade 
Coelho — Snr. Julio Brandao — Poetry : Quental — Joao de Deus 

— Guilherme Braga — A. da Coiicei9ao — G. de Azevedo — Joao 
Penha — Cesario Verde — Gon9alves Crespo — Snr. Guerra Jun- 
queiro — Gomes Leal — Snr. Teixeira de Pascoaes — Antonio Nobre 

— Colonel Christovam Ayres — Joaquim de Araujo — Antonio Feij6 

— Snr. Eugenio de Castro — Snr. Corrga de Oliveira — Snr. Afonso 
Lopes Vieira. 

APPENDIX 

§ 1. Literature of the People . . . 338 

Unwritten literature — Traditional themes — Flores e Branca Flor 

— Bandarra — The Holy Cobbler — Primaeval elements — Con- 
nexion of song and dance — Modern cantigas — Links with ancient 
poetry — Cradle-songs — Alvoradas — Fados — Proverbs — Folk- 
tales. 

§ 2. The Galician Revival .... 347 

Xogos Froraes of 1861 — Anon — Posada — Camino — Rosalia de 
Castro — Lamas Carvajal — Sr. Bircia Caballero — Losada — Eduardo 
Pondal — Curros Enriquez — Martelo Pauman — Pereira — Garcia 
Ferreiro — Nunez Gonzdlez — Nun de AUariz — Sr. Rodriguez Gon- 
zalez — Sr. L6pez Abente — Sr. Noriega Varela — Sr. Cabanillas — 
Sr. Rey Soto — Cancionero Popular Gallego — Prose — Perez 
Placer — D. Francisca Herrera. 



INTRODUCTION 

Portuguese literature may be said to belong largely to the 
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Europe can boast of no fresher 
and more charming early lyrics than those which slept forgotten ^ 
in the Vatican Library until the late Professor Ernesto Monaci 
published II Canzoniere Portoghese in 1875. And, to take a few 
more instances out of many, the poems of King Alfonso X, 
of extraordinary interest alike to historian and literary critic, 
first appeared in 1889 ; the plays of Gil Vicente were almost 
unknown before the Hamburg (1834) edition, based on the Gottin- 
gen copy of that of 1562 ; Sa de Miranda only received a definitive 
edition in 1885 ; the Cancioneiro Geral became accessible in the 
middle of the nineteenth century, when the three volumes of 
the Stuttgart edition were published ; the exquisite verses ^ of 
Sa de Meneses, which haunted Portuguese poetry for a century,^ 
then sank into oblivion till they were discovered by Dr. Sousa 
Viterbo in the Torre do Tombo.^ The abundant literature of popu- 
lar quadras, fados, romances, contos has only begun to be collected 
in the last fifty years. 

In prose, the most important Leal Conselheiro * of King Duarte 

. ' A few Portuguese sixteenth-century writers in touch with Italy may 
have known of their existence. But they were neglected as rusticas musas. 
The references to King Dinis as a poet by Antonio Ferreira and once in the 
Cancioneiro Geral do not of course imply that his poems were known and read, 
Andre de Resende seems to have been more interested in tracing an ancestor, 
Vasco Martinez de Resende, than in the poets among whom this ancestor 
figured (see C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Randglosse XV in Ztft. fiir rom. Phil., 
XXV. 683). 

^ Illud vero fioemaiion quod vulgo circumfertur de Lessa . . . nunc vera cum 
plurimum illud appelant . . . (Soares, Theatrum). Cf. F. Rodriguez Lobo, 
Primavera, ed. 1722, pp. 240, 356, 469 ; Eloy de Sd de Sottomayor, Ribeiras 
do Mondego, f. 27 v., 28 v., 120-1, 186 ; Cane. Geral of A. F. Barata (1836- 
1910), p. 235 ; Jeronimo Bahia, Ao Mondego (Fenix Ren., ii. 377-9)- Cf. 
Brito, Mon. Lus. 1. ii. 2 : rio Lega celebre pelas rimas de nosso famoso poeta. 

' The documents of the Torre do Tombo are now in the able keeping of 
Dr. Pedro de Azevedo and Snr. Antonio Baiao. 

* Even its title was inaccurately given, as O Fiel Conselheiro (Bernardo 
de Brito), De Fideli Consiliario (N. Antonio, Bib. Vetus, ii. 241), Del Buen 
Consejero (Faria e Sousa) ; correctly by Duarte Nunez de Learn. A Con- 
selheiro Fiel by Frei Manuel Guilherme (1658-1734) appeared in 1727. 



14 INTRODUCTION 

was rediscovered in the Paris Bibliotheque Nationale and first 
printed in 1842, and Zurara's Cronica da Guini, lost even in 
the days of Damiao de Goes,^ similarly in 1841 ; Correa's Lendas 
da India remained in manuscript till 1858 ; so notable a book 
as King Joao I's Limo da Montana appears only in the twentieth 
century, in an edition by Dr. Esteves Pereira, and the first trust- 
worthy text of a part of Fernam Lopez was published by Snr. 
Braamcamp Freire in 1915 ; D. Francisco Manuel de Mello, 
who at the end of his second Epanaphora wrote ' Se por 
Ventura tambem despois de meus dias acontece que algum 
vindouro honre ao meu . nome quanto eu procuro eternizar 
a engrandecer dos passados ', had to wait two and a half 
centuries before this debt was paid by Mr. Edgar Prestage.^ 
Even now no really complete history of Portuguese literature 
exists, but the first systematic work on the subject was written 
by Friedrich Bouterwek in 1804. Other histories have since 
appeared, and during the last half-century the ceaseless, ingenious, 
and enthusiastic studies of Dr. Theophilo Braga have sifted 
Portuguese literature, chiefly the poetry, in all directions, and 
a flood of light has been thrown on it by the works of D. Carolina 
Michaelis de Vasconcellos. Perhaps, therefore, one may be for- 
given for having been tempted to render some account of this 
' new ' literature which continues to be so strangely neglected 
in England and other countries.^ Yet a quarter of a century 
hence would perhaps offer better conditions, and a summary 
written at the present time cannot hope to be complete 
or definitive. Every year new studies and editions appear, new 
researches and alluring theories and discoveries are made. The 
Lisbon Academy of Sciences during its long and honourable 

' De que nao ha noticia (Goes, Cronica de D. Joao, cap. 6). 

" D. Francisco Manuel de Mello. Esbogo biographico. Coimbra, 1914, 
an admirably clear and very important work, in which much light from 
new documents is thrown on Mello's life. 

^ It would be interesting to know how many English-speaking persons 
have ever heard of the great men and writers that were King Dinis, Fernam 
Lopez, Bernardim Ribeiro, Diogo Bemardez, Heitor Pinto, Frei Thome 
de Jesus, Ferreira de Vasconcellos, Frei Luis de Sousa, Antonio Vieira, Manuel 
Bemardes. Their neglect has been largely due to the absence of good or 
easily available texts ; there is still nothing to correspond to the Spanish 
Biblioteca de Autores Espafloles or the many more modern Spanish collections. 
Butis not even Camoes still ' an abused stranger ', as Mickle called him in 1776 ? 



INTRODUCTION 15 

history ^ has rarely if ever rendered greater services — ' essential 
services' as Southey called them in 1803 — to Portuguese literature. 
A short history of that literature must, apart from unavoidable 
errors and omissions, do less than justice to many writers. In 
appropriating the words of Damiao de Goes, ' Haud ignari plurima 
esse a nobis omissa quibus Hispania ornatur et celebrari possit,' 
one may hope that Mr. Edgar Prestage, who has studied 
Portuguese literature for a quarter of a century,^ and whose 
ever-ready help and advice are here gratefully acknowledged, 
will eventually write a mellower history jn several volumes and 
give their full due both to the classics and to contemporary 
authors and critics. 

No one can study Portuguese literature without becoming 
deeply indebted to D. Carolina Wilhelma Michaelis de 
Vasconcellos. Her concise history, contributed to Groeber's 
Grundriss (1894), necessarily forms the basis of subsequent studies, 
but indeed her work is as vast as it is scholarly and accurate, and 
the student finds himself constantly relying on her guidance. 
Even if he occasionally disagrees, he cannot fail to give her point 
of view the deepest attention and respect. Born in 1851, the 
daughter of Professor Gustav Michaelis, she has lived in Portugal 
during the last forty years and is the wife of the celebrated aft 
critic. Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos (born in 1849). Her edition 
of the Cancioneiro da Ajuda (1904) is a masterpiece of historical re- 
construction and literary criticism, and her influence on Portuguese 
literature generally is as wide as her encouragement and assis- 
tance of younger scholars are generous.^ Femina, as was said of 
the Princess Maria, undequaque spectatissima et doctissima. 

Most of the works of Dr. Theophilo Braga are of too pro- 
visional a nature to be of permanent value, but a summary, Edade 
Medieval (1909), Renascenga (1914), Os Seiscentistas (1916), Os 

^ See F. de Figueiredo, O que i a Academia das Sciencias de Lisboa {1779- 
1915) in Revista da Histona. vol. iv^ 1915. 

" His valuable study on Zurara, which has not been superseded by any 
later work on the subject, is dated 1896. 

^ She has, indeed, laid the Portuguese people under an obligation which 
it will not easily redeem. That no formal recognition has been bestowed 
in England on her work (as in another field on that of Dr. Jose Leite de 
Vasconcellos, of Snr. Braamcamp Freire, and of the late Dr. Francisco Adolpho 
Coelho) is a striking example of our insularity. 



i6 liN IKUUUCTION 

Arcades (1918), gives his latest views. The best detailed criticism of 
the literature of the nineteenth century is that of Dr. Fidelino de 
FiGUEiREDO, Member of the Academy of Sciences and Editor of 
the Revista de Historia : Historia da Litteratura Romantica Poriu- 
gnesa (1913) and Historia da Litteratura Realista (1914). 

The only completely methodical history of Portuguese literature 
in existence is the brief manual by the learned ex- Rector of Coim- 
bra University, Dr. Joaquim Mendes dos Remedios : Historia 
da Literatura Portuguisa (5th ed., Coimbra, 1921), since it con- 
tains that rarity in Portuguese literature : an index.-^ Dr. 
Figueiredo published a short essay in its general bibliography 
in 1914 {Bibliographia portuguesa de critica litteraria), largely 
increased in a new (1920) edition, but otherwise little has been 
done in this respect (apart from a few special authors). The 
bibliography attached to thepresentbook^ follows — longo intervallo 
— the lines of Professor James Fitzmaurice-Kelly's Biblio- 
graphie de VHistoire de la Litterature Espagnole (Paris, 1913). 
After its proved excellence it would, indeed, have been folly to 
adopt any other method. 

It has been thought advisable to add a list of works on popular 
poetry, folk-lore, &c. (since in no country are the popular and 
the" written literatures more intimately connected), and of 
those concerning the Portuguese language. Unless energetic and 
persistent measures are taken to protect this language it will be 
hopeless to look for a great Portuguese literature in the future. 
Yet with the gradually developing prosperity of Portugal and her 
colonies such expectations are not unfounded. A new poet may 
arise indigenous as Gil Vicente and technically proficient as 
Camoes. And in prose, if it is not allowed to sink into a mere 
verbiage of gallicisms, great writers may place Portuguese on 
a level with and indeed above the other Romance languages. The 
possibilities are so vast, the quarry ready to their hand so rich — 
the works of Manuel Bernardes, Antonio Vieira, Jorge Ferreira de 
Vasconcellos, Luis de Sousa, Joao de Lucena, Heitor Pinto, 
Arraez ; an immense mass of sermons {milhoes de sermonarios), 

' It does not include living writers. Its dates must be received with 
caution. 

^ It has been found necessary to publish the bibliography separately. 



INTRODUCTION 17 

most of them in excellent Portuguese, as those of Ceita, Veiga, 
Feo, Luz, in which, as in a large number of political tracts, notably 
those of Macedo, intense conviction has given a glow and con- 
cision to the language ; old constitutQoes, ordenagoes, and foros ^ ; 
technical treatises,^ folk-lore, popular phrases,^ proverbs. But 
unless a scholarly use of Portuguese be more generally imposed 
no masterpieces will be produced. The same holds good 
of Brazilian literature, which, although, or perhaps because, it 
has provided material for a history in two portly volumes (Sylvio 
Romero, Historia da Litteratura Brazileira, 2nd ed., 1902-3), is 
here, with few exceptions, omitted. 

A supplementary chapter on modern Galician literature has 
been added, for although the language from which Portuguese 
parted only after the fourteenth century is now quite indepen- 
dent,* modern Galician is not more different from modern Portu- 
guese than is the language of the Cancioneiros with which Portu- 
guese literature opens. The Portuguese have always shown 
a strong aptitude for acquiring foreign languages, and the indi- 
vidual's gain has been the literature's loss. Jorge de Montemor, 
who 

con su Diana 
Enriquecio la lengua castellana, 

was not by any means the only Portuguese who wrote exclusively 
in Spanish, and others chose Latin. The reason usually given in 
either case was that Portuguese was less widely read.® It was 

' e.g. King Sancho II's Foros da Guarda, printed, from a 1305 manuscript, 
in vol. V (1824) of the Collecgao de Ineditos, or the Foros de Santarem (1385). 
The Livro Vermelho do Senhor D. Affonso V, printed in the Colhcgao de Livros 
Ineditos, vol. iii (1793), is also full of interest. 

' e. g. the fourteenth-century Livro de Cetreria of Pero Menino ; Mestre 
GiRALDo's Tratado das Enfermidades das Aves de Cafa and Livro d'Alveitaria ; 
the Arte da Cavallaria de gineta e estardiota (1678) by Antonio Galvam de 
Andrade (1613 ?-89) ; Correcfam de abusos introduzidos contra verdadeiro 
methddo da medicina (2 pts., 1668-80) by the Carmelite Frei Manuel de 
Azevedo (11672); Agricultura das Vinhas (1711) by Vicente Alarte 
(i.e. SiLVESTRE Gomez de Moraes (1643-1723)) ; Compendio de Botanica 
(2 vols., 1788) by Felix de Avellar Brotero (1744-1828). 

■ Many will be found in Portugalia and the Revista Lusitana. 

' In the beginning of the sixteenth century Galician is already despised in 
Portugal, and became more so as Portuguese grew more latinized. Cf. Gil 
Vicente, ii. 509 : Pera que he falar galego Senao craro e despachado ? ; Chiado, 
Auto das Regateiras : Eu nao te falo galego. 

' For ser lingua mais jirai (Vera, Lovvores), mais universal (Sousa de 

2362 B 



i8 INTRODUCTION 

a short-sighted view, for the more works of importance that were 
written in Portuguese the larger would naturally become the 
number of those who read them. While Portuguese literature may 
be taken to be the literature written in the Portuguese language, 
in a sense it must also include the Latin and Spanish works of 
Portuguese authors. Of the former, one collection alone, the 
Corpus Illustrium Poetarum Lusitanorum qui latine scripserunt 
(Lisbonae, 1745), consists of eight volumes, and Domingo Garcia 
Peres' Catdlogo Razonado (Madrid, 1890) contains over 600 names 
of Portuguese authors who wrote in Spanish. 

Portuguese names present a difficulty, for often they are as 
lengthy as that which was the pride of Dona Iria in Ennes' 
Saltimbanco. The course here adopted is to relegate the full 
name to the index and to print in the text only the form by which 
the writer is generally known.^ 

The Portuguese, a proud and passionate people with a certain 

love of magnificence and adventure, an Athenian receptivity,^ an 

Macedo) . Os grandes ingenios nao se contentao de ter por espera de seu applauso 
a hua s6 parte do mundo (D. Francisco de Portugal). Cf. Osorio, writing in 
Latin, De Rebus, p. 4, and Pedro Nunez' reason for translating his Libra 
de Algebra into Spanish : he mats comum, and the advice given to Luis 
Marinho de Azevedo to write in Spanish or Latin as mais geral (Primeira 
Parte da Fundagdo, Antiguidades e Grandezas da mvi insigne cidade de Lisboa. 
Prologo). Faria e Sousa condemns the practice of writing Spanish glosas 
to a Portuguese mote, and declares that he himself wrote in Spanish con gran 
pesar mio. Frei Antonio da Purifica9am considered that had he written his 
Cronica in Latin or Spanish fora digno de grande nota, in this following 
Frei Bernardo de Brito, who indignantly rejected the exhortation to use 
Latin or Spanish (Mon. Lus. i, Prologo), although he wrote under Spanish 
rule. Bernarda Ferreira de Lacerda wrote in Spanish por ser idioma claro 
y cast comun. Simao Machado explains why he wrote Alfea in Spanish as 
follows (f. 72 V.) : Vendo quam mal aceitais As obras dos naturais Fiz esta em 
lingoa estrangeira Por ver se desta maneira Como a eles nos tratais. 

» Portuguese speUing is a vexed and vexing question, comphcated by the 
positive dislike of the Portuguese for uniformity (the same word may be found 
spelt in two ways on the same page both in modern and ancient books ; 
the same person will spell his name Manoel and Manuel) . In proper names 
their owners' spelling has been retained, although no one now writes Prince 
Henry the Navigator's name as he wrote it : Anrique. Thus Mello (modern 
Melo) ; Nunez (13th c), Nunes (19th c.) ; Bernardez (i6th c), Bernardes 
(I7th-i8th c). The late Dr. Gonjalves Vianna himself adopted the form 
Gonfalvez Viana. In quoting ancient Portuguese texts the only alteration 
made has been occasionally to replace y and u by i and v. 

' Este desejo (de sempre ver e ouvir cousas nouas) he moor que nas outras 
nafoes na gente Lusitana. Andr6 de Burgos, Ao prudente leitor {Relafam, 
Evora, 1557). It is displayed in their fondness for foreign customs, for the 
Spanish language, for India to the neglect of Portugal, the description of 



INTRODUCTION 19 

extensive sea-board and vague land-frontiers, naturally came under 
foreign influences. Many and various causes made their country 
cosmopolitan from the beginning. It is customary to divide 
Portuguese literature into the Provengal (13th c), Spanish (14th 
and 15th c), Italian (i6th c), Spanish and Italian (17th c), French 
and English (i8th c), French and German (19th c.) Schools. 
The question may therefore be asked, especially by. those who con- 
fuse influence with imitation, as though it precluded originality : 
What has Portuguese literature of its own ? In the first place, 
the Celtic satire and mystic lyrism of the Galicians is developed 
and always present in Portuguese literature. Secondly, the genius 
for story-telling, displayed by Fernam Lopez, grew by reason of the 
great Portuguese discoveries in Africa and Asia to an epic grandeur 
both in verse and prose. Thirdly, the absence of great cities, the 
pleasant climate, and fertile soil produced a peculiarly realistic 
and natural bucolic poetry. And in prose, besides masterpieces 
of history and travel — a rich and fascinating literature of the East 
and of the sea — a fervent religious faith, as in Spain, with a more 
constant mysticism than in Spain, led to very high achievement. 
Had one to choose between the loss of the works of Homer, or 
Dante, or Shakespeare, and that of the whole of Portuguese 
literature, the whole of Portuguese literature must go, but that is 
not to saythat the loss would not be very grievous. Indeed, those 
who despise Portuguese literature despise it in ignorance,^ affecting 
to believe, with Edgar Quinet, that it has but one poet and a single 
book ; those who are acquainted with it — with the early lyrics, 
with the quaintly alluring eclogues of Ribeiro and Sa de Miranda, 
with the works of Fernam Lopez, described by Robert Southey as 
' the best chronicler of any age or nation ', naif, exact, touchant et 
philosophe^; of Gil Vicente, almost as far above his contemporary 
Juan del Enzina as Shakespeare is above Vicente ; of Bernardim 
Ribeiro, whose Menina e moga is the earliest and best of those 
pastoral romances which led Don Quixote to contemplate a quieter 

epic deeds rather than of ordinary life, high-flown language as opposed to 
the common speech {da prafa), &c. Antonio Prestes calls the Portuguese 
eslranho no natural, natural no estranjeiro. 

• In Spain it has had fervent admirers, notably Gracian. More recently 
Juan Valera spoke of it as riquisima, and Menendez y Pelayo explored this 
wealth. ' F- Denis, RSsumi (1R26), p. xx. 

B 2 



20 INTRODUCTION 

sequel to his first adventures ; of Camoes, ' not only the greatest 
lyric poet of his country, but one of the greatest lyric poets of 
all time ' ^ ; with Fernam Mendez Pinto's travels, ' as diverting 
a book of the kind as ever I read ' ^ ; or Correa's Lendas, Frei 
Thom^ de Jesus' Trabalhos, or the incomparable prose of Manuel 
Bernardes — know that, extraordinary as were Portugal's achieve- 
ments in discovery and conquest, her literature is not unworthy 
of those achievements. Unhappily the Portuguese, with a noto- 
rious carelessness,^ have in the past set the example of neglecting 
their literature, and even to-day scarcely seem to realize their 
great possessions and still greater possibilities in the realm of 
prose.* The excessive number of writers, the excessive production 
of each individual writer, and the desleixo by which innumerable 
books and manuscripts of exceptional interest have perished, are 
all traceable to the same source: the lack of criticism. A nation 
of poets, essentially lyrical,® with no dramatic genius but capable 
of writing charmingly and naturally without apparent effort, 
needed and needs a severely classical education and stern critics, 
to remind them that an epic is not rhymed history nor blank 
verse mangled prose, that in bucolic poetry the half is greater 
than the whole, and to bid them abandon abstractions for the 



' Wilhelm Storck, Luis de Camoens' SdmmtUche Werke, Bd. I (if 

' Dorothy Osborne to Sir William Temple. 

' For a good instance of this descuido portugues see Manuel Pereira de 
Novaes, Anacrisis Histortal.(a, history of the city of Oporto in Spanish), vol. i 
(1912), PredmbiUo, p. xvii. It is lamented by the editors of the Cancioneiro 
Geral (15 16) and Fenix Renascida (17 16). 

' Portuguese literature begins for most Portuguese with Camoes and 
Barros, and its most charming and original part thus escapes them. Cf. 
F. Dias Gomes, Ohras Poeticas (1799), p. 143: Camoes 'without whom 
there would have been no Portuguese poetry ' ; and ibid., p. 310 : Barros 
' prepared the beautiful style for our epic writers '. Faria e Sousa's homely 
phrase as to the efiect of Camoes on preceding poets {echdlos iodos a radar) 
was unfortunately true. 

<■ Much of their finest prose is of lyrical character, personal, fervent, mystic. 
As to philosophy proper the greatest if not the only Portuguese philosopher, 
Spinoza, a Portuguese Jew, left Portugal as a child, and Francisco Sanchez 
(c. 1550-C. 1620), although probably born at Braga, not at a soberba Tuy, 
lived in France and wrote in Latin. He tells us that he in 1574 finished his 
celebrated treatise Quod nihil scitur, published at Lyon in 1581, in which, 
at a time of great intolerance, he revived and gave acute and curious expression 
to the old theory that nothing can be known. To modern philosophy 
Dr. Leonardo Coimbra (born in 1883) has contributed a notable but somewhat 
abstruse work entitled Criacionismo (Porto, 1912). 



INTRODUCTION 21 

concrete and particular and crystallize the vague flow of their 
talent. But in Portugal, outside the circle of writers themselves, 
a reading public has hitherto hardly existed, and in the close 
atmosphere resulting the sense of proportion was inevitably lost, 
even as a stone and a feather will fall with equal speed in a 
vacuum. The criticism has been mainly personal,^ contesting 
the originality or truthfulness of a writer, without considering 
the literary merits of his work. To deprecate such criticism 
became a commonplace of the preface, while numerous passages 
in writers of the sixteenth century show that they feared their 
countrymen's scepticism, expressed in the proverb De longas vias 
mui longas mentiras, which occurs as early as the thirteenth 
century.2 The fear of slovenly or prolix composition was not 
present in the same degree. But these are defects that may be 
remedied partly by individual critics, partly by the increasing 
number of readers. Meanwhile this little book may perhaps 
serve to corroborate the poet Falcao de Resende's words : 

Engenhos nascem bons na Lusitania 
E ha copia delles.* 

' Or political, or anticlerical, or anything except literary. The critics 
seem to have forgotten that an auto-da-ft does not necessarily make its 
victim a good poet, and that even a priest may have literary talent. A few 
literary critics, as Dias in the eighteenth, Guilheime Moniz Barreto in the 
nineteenth century, are only exceptions to the rule. It has been the weakness 
of Portuguese criticism, more lenient than the gods and booksellers of ancient 
Rome, to suffer mediocres gladly. 

' C. da Vat. 979 (cf. Jorge Ferreira, Eufrosina, v. 5 : como dizia Galego : 
de longas vias longas mentiras). 

' Poesias, Sat. 2. The remark of Garrett still holds good : Em Portugal 
ha mais talento 'e menos cultivagao que em paiz nenhum da Europa, 



1185-1325 

§1 

The Cossantes 

Under the Moorish dominion we know that poetry was widely 
cultivated in the Iberian Peninsula, by high and low. At Silves 
in Algarve ' almost every peasant could improvise '} But the 
early Galician-Portuguese poetry has no relation with that of 
the Moors, despite certain characteristics which may seem to 
point to an Oriental origin. The indigenous poems of Galicia 
and Portugal, of which thirteenth-century examples have sur- 
vived, are so remarkable, so unlike those of any other country, 
that they deserve to be studied apart from the Provengal imita- 
tions by the side of which they developed. Half buried in the 
Cancioneiros, themselves only recently discovered, these ex- 
quisite and in some ways astonishingly modern lyrics are even 
now not very widely known and escape the attention of many 
who go far afield in search of true poetry. The earliest poem 
dated (1189) by D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos, in 
which Pay Soarez de Taveiroos, a nobleman of Galicia or North 
Portugal, addresses Maria Paez Ribeira, the lovely mistress of 
King Sancho I, mia seniwr branca e vermelha, does not belong 
to these lyrics^; but the secondearliest(ii99), attributed to King 
Sancho I (1185-1211) himself, is one of them(C.C.B. 348). This 
unique form of lyric requires a distinctive name, and if we adopt 
that used by the Marqu6s de Santillana's father, Diego Furtado de 
Mendoza (f 1404), we shall have a word well suited to convey an idea 
of their striking character.* His Spanish poem written in parallel 

' Kazwinl ap. Reinhart Dozy, Spanish Islam, trans. F. G. Stokes, London, 
1913, p. 663. 

' C A. 38. It is a cantiga de meestria, of two verses, each of eight octo- 
syllabic lines (abbaccde bfbaccde). 

' Although neither English nor Portuguese, it is a name for these poems, 
of lines pariter plangentes, less clumsy than parallelisiic songs adopted by 



THE COSSANTES 23 

distichs, A aquel arhol', is called a cossante} In an age when all 
that seemed most Spanish, the Poema del Cid, for instance, or the 
Libra de Buen Amor, has been proved to derive in part from 
French sources, it is peculiarly pleasant to find a whole series of 
early poems which have their roots firmly planted in the soil of 
the Peninsula. The indigenous character of the cossantes is now 
well established, thanks chiefly to the skilful and untiring re- 
searches of D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos.^ They are 
wild but deliciously scented single flowers which now reappear 
in all their freshness as though they had not lain pressed and 
dead for centuries in the library of the Vatican. One of the 
earliest is quoted by Airas Nunez (C. V. 454) and completed in 
Grundriss, p. 150 : 

1. Solo ramo verde frolido 
Vodas fazen a meu amigo, 
E choran olhos d'amor. 

2. Solo verde frolido ramo ^ 
Vodas fazen a meu amado, 
E choran olhos d'amor. 

What first strikes one in this is its Oriental immobility. The 

second distich adds nothing to the sense of the first, merely 

intensifying it by repetition. Neither the poetry of the trouveres 

of the North of France nor that of the Provengal troubadours 

presents any parallel. The scanty Basque literature contains 

Professor Henry R. Lang (who also uses the words serranas — but see C. D. L., 
p. cxxxviii, note 2 ; Dr. Theophilo Braga had called them serranilhas — and 
V erkettungsUeder) , Parallehtrophenlieder (D. Carolina Michaelis de Vas- 
concellos), cantigas parallelisticas (D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos 
and Snr. J. J. Nunes), chansons a repetitions (M, Alfred Jeanroy). Cantos 
dualisticos, cantos de danza prima, and bailadas encadeadas have also been 
proposed. 

' Perhaps = rhyme (consoante), but more probably it is derived from cosso, 
an enclosed place, which would be used for dancing : cf . Cristobal de Castillejo, 
Madre, un cahallero Que estaba en este cosso (bailia). In the Relacion de los 
fechos del mui magnifico i mas virtuoso senorel senor Don Miguel Lucas \de Iranzd] 
mui digno Condestable de Castilla, p. 446 (a.d. 1470), occurs the following 
passage : Y despues de danzar cantaron un gran rato de cosante (Memorial 
Histdrico Espafiol, torn, viii, Madrid, 1855). Rodrigo Cota, in the Didlogo 
entre el Amor y un Viejo, has dangas y corsantes, and Ant6n de Montoro 
(el Ropero) asks un portugues que vido vestido de muchos colores if he is a can- 
tador de corsante (v. 1. cosante) (Cane. General, ed. Biblidf. Esp.,ii. 270, no. 1018). 

' In the Grundriss (1894), Randglossen (1896-1905), and especially vol. ii 
of the Cancioneiro da Ajuda (1904). 

' Or Solo ramo verde granado : the green branch in (red) flower. 



24 X 105-13^5 

nothing in this kind. But it is unnecessary to go for a parallel 
to China.i None more remarkable will be found than those 
contained in the books of that religion which came from the East 
and imposed its forms if not its spirit on the pagans of the 
Peninsula. Verses 8, 9 of Psalm 118 are very nearly a cossante 
but have no refrain. The resemblance in Psalm 136, verses 
17, 18, is still more marked : 

To him which smote great kings, 
For his mercy endureth for ever, 

And slew famous kings. 

For his mercy endureth for ever. 

The relations between Church and people were very close if not 
always very friendly. The peasants maintained their ancient 
customs, and their pagan jollity kept overflowing into the 
churches to the scandal of the authorities. Innumerable ordi- 
nances later sought to check their delight in witchcraft and 
mummeries, feasts and funerals (the delight in the latter is still 
evident in Galicia as in Ireland and Wales). Men slept, ate, 
drank, danced, sang profane songs, and acted plays and parodies 
in the churches and pilgrimage shrines. The Church strove to 
turn their midsummer and May- day celebrations into Christian 
festivals, but the change was rather nominal than real. But 
if the priests and bishops remained spiritually, like modern 
politicians, shepherds without sheep, the religious services, the 
hymns, ^ the processions evidently affected the people. Especially 
was this the case in Galicia, since the great saint Santiago, who 
farther south (as later in India) rode into battle on a snow-white 

* Translations of Chinese poems resembling the cossantes axe given by 
Dr. Theophilo Braga, C. V. B., Introd., p. ci, and Professor H. R. Lang, 
C. D. L., Introd., p. cxlii. A Proven9al poem with resemblance to a cossante 
is printed in Bartsch, p. 62 : Li tensz est bels, les vinnesz sont fiories. 
^ Any one who has heard peasants at a Stabat singing the hymn 

Stabat Mater dolorosa 

Jussa crussa larimosa 

Du penebat Filius 
realizes that the words for them have no meaning, but that they will long 
remember tune and rhythm. Compare, for the form, the Latin hymn to the 
Virgin by the Breton poet Adam de Saint Victor (tii77) : 

Salve Verbi sacra parens. 

Flos de spinis spinis carens, 

Flos spineti gloria. 



THE COSSANTES 25 

steed before the Christians, gave a more peaceful prosperity 
to the North-west. Pilgrims from all countries in the Middle 
Ages came to worship at his shrine at Santiago de Compostela. 
They came a motley company singing on the road/ criminals 
taking this opportunity to escape from justice, tradesmen and 
players, jugglers and poets making a livelihood out of the 
gathering throngs, as well as devout pilgrims who had ' left alle 
gamys ' for their soul's good, des pSlerins qui vont chantant et des 
jongleurs. Thus the eyes of the whole province of Galicia as the 
eyes of Europe were directed towards the Church of Santiago in 
Jakobsland. The inhabitants of Galicia would naturally view 
their heaven-sent celebrity with pride and rejoice in the material 
gain. They would watch with eager interest the pilgrims passing 
along the camino francis or from the coast to Santiago, and would 
themselves flock to see and swell the crowds at the religious 
services. When we remember the frequent parodies of religious 
services in the Middle Ages and that the Galicians did not lag 
behind others in the art of mimicry,^ we can well imagine that 
the Latin hymns sung in church or procession might easily form 
the germ of the profane cossante. A further characteristic of the 
cossante is that the i-sound of the first distich is followed by 
an a-sound in the second [ricercando ora il grave, ora V acuta) and 
this too may be traced to a religious source, two answering choirs 
of singers, treble and bass.^ It is clear at least that these alter- 

■ Cf. Luis Jose Veldzquez, Origenes de la Poesia Castellana (Mdlaga, 1754) 
ap. C. M. (1889), i. 168 : las cantares y canciones devotas de los peregrinos que 
iban en romeria u visitor la iglesia de Compostela mantuvieron en Galicia el 
gusto de la poesia en tiempos bdrbaros. A Latin hymn composed in the twelfth 
century by Aimeric Picaud is printed in Recuerdos de un Viaje d Santiago 
de Galicia por el P. Fidel Fita y D. Aureliano Femdndez-Guerra (Madrid, 
1880), p. 45 : Jacobi Gailecia Opem rogat piam Glebe cujus gloria Dat insignem 
viam Ut precum frequentia Cantet melodiam. Herru Sanctiagu I Grot Sanc- 
tiagu I Eultrejaesuseja ! Deus, adjuva nos ! 

^ Cf. Simao de Vasconcellos, Cronica da Companhia de Jesu do Estado do 
Brazil (1549-62), 2nd ed. (1865), Bk. I, § 22 : chegamos a huma praga [in 
Santiago de Compostela] onde vimos hum ajuntamento de mulheres Gallegas 
com -grande risada e galhofa : e querendo irmdo meu companheiro pedir-lhe 
esmola via que estavao todas ouvindo a huma que feita pregadora arremedava, 
como por zombaria, sermao que eu tinha pregado. 

^ One has but to watch a Rogation procession passing through the fields 
in the Basque country (which until recently preserved customs of immemorial 
eld and still calls the Feast of Corpus Christi, introduced by Pope Urban IV 
in 1262, ' the New Feast — Festa Berria ') to realize the singularly impressive 



26 ii»5-i325 

nating sounds are echoes of music : one almost hears the clash 
of the adufe in the lougana (answering to garrida) or ramo {pinho). 
The words of these poems were, indeed, always accompanied 
by the son (= music). But if born in the Church, the cossante 
suffered a transformation when it went out into the world. 
The rhythm of many of the songs in the Cancioneiros is so 
obtrusive that they seem to dance out of the printed page. 
One would like to think that in the ears of the peasants the 
sound of the wheel mingled with the echo of a hymn and its 
refrain as they met at what was, even then, no doubt, a favourite 
gathering-place — the mill^ — and thus a lyric poem became 
a dance-song. The cossante Solo ramo would thus proceed, sung 
by ' the dancers dancing in tune ' : 

(Verses 3 and 4) Vodas fazen a meu amigo (amado) 

Porque mentiu o desmentido (perjurado) 
E choran olhos d'amor, 

the first line of the third distich repeating the second line of the 
first (and in the same way the first line of the fifth the second 
line of the third), in leixa-pren {laisser prendre) corresponding 
evidently to the movements of the dance. ^ The love-lorn maidens 
danced together, the men forming a circle to look on. St. Augus- 
tine considered the dance to be a circle of which the Devil was 
the centre ; in real life the Devil was often replaced by a tree (or 
by a mayo). The refrain was a notable feature of the cossante in 
all its phases as it went, a bailada (dance-song) from the terreiro, 
to become a serranilha on the hills, or at pilgrimage shrines 
a cantiga de romaria,^ or a barcarola (boat-song) or alvorada (dawn- 
effect of the singing, first the girls' treble Ave Ave Ave Maria, Ave Ave Ave 
Maria, then the answering bass of the men far behind, Ave Ave Ave Maria, 
Ave Ave Ave Maria (with the slow ringing of the church bell for a refrain 
like the contemplando and tan callando in the Coplas de Manrique). 

' Cf. Gil Vicente, Tambor em cada moinho. It is a curious coincidence 
that the word citola (the jogral's fiddle) = mill-clapper. Cf. also moinante in 
Galicia = picaro. 

^ Cf . the leixapren and refrain of the cantiga danced and sung at the end 
of Gil Vicente's Romagem de Aggravados (Por Maio era, por Maio). The 
parallelism and leixapren are present also in religious poems by Alfonso X : 
C. M. i6o, 250, 260. Snr. J. J. Nunes has noted that in modern peasant 
dances, accompanied with song, the dancers sometimes pause while the 
refrain is sung. 

' C. V. contains many striking pilgrimage songs, sometimes wrongly called 



THE COSSANTES 27 

song). A marked and thoroughly popular characteristic of the 
cossante is its wistful sadness/ the soidade which is already men- 
tioned more than once in the Cancioneiros,^ and, born in Galicia, 
continued in Portugal, combinedwith a more garish tone underthe 
hotter sun of the South. Thus we have the melancholy Celtic 
temperament, absorbed in Nature, acting on the forms suggested 
by an alien religion till they become vague cries to the sea, to the 
deer of the hills, the flower of the pine. The themes are as simple 
and monotonous — the monotony of snowdrops or daffodils — as 
the form in which they are sung. A girl in the gloom of the 
pine-trfees mourning for her lover, the birds in the cool of the morn- 
ing singing of love, the deer troubling the water of a mountain- 
stream, the boats at anchor, or- bearing away meus amores, or 
gliding up the river a sabor. The amiga lingers at the fountain, 
she goes to wash clothes or to bathe her hair in the stream, she 
meets her lover and dances at the pilgrim shrine, she waits for 
him under the hazel-trees, she implores the waves for news of 
him, she watches for the boats pelo mar viir. The language is 
native to the soil, far more so, at least, than in the cantigas de 
amor and cantigas de amigo written under foreign influence. 
Their French or Provengal words and learned forms ^ are replaced 
in the cossante by forms Galician or Spanish. Despite its striking 
appearance to us now among sirventes senes sal in the Cancioneiro 
Colocci-Brancuti, it must be confessed that the early cossante of 
King Sancho has a somewhat meagre, vinegar aspect, and the 
genre could hardly have developed so successfully in the next 
half-century had it not been fixed in the country-side, ever ready 
to the hand of the poet in search of fresh inspiration. It is 
possible to exaggerate the effect of war on the life of the peasant. 
Portugal in the twelfth century was only gradually and by 
constant conflict winning its territory and independence. It 
had no fixed capital and Court at which the Provencal poets 

cantigas de hdino. The word probably originated in a printer's error (de 
ledino for dele dino) in a line of Chrisfal : cantou canto de ledino. 

• Cf. the wailing refrains of C. V. 415, 417 ; and, for the form, compare 
e de mi, loufana ! with / ay de mi, Alfama ! In the sense of the two refrains lies 
all the difference between the poetry of Portugal and Spain. 

' C. C. B. 13s (= C. A. 389) ; C. V. 119, 181, 220, 527, 758, 964. 

^ Endurar, besonha, greu, gracir, cousir, escarnir, toste, entendedor, veiro 
(varius, Fr. vair, C. M. 213 has egua veira), genta (genser, gensor). 



28 IIO5-1325 

might gather. But while king and nobles and the members of 
the rehgious and military orders were engaged with the [Moors 
to the exclusion of the Muses, so that they had no opportunity to 
introduce the new measures, the peasants in Galicia and Minho 
no doubt went on tilling the soil and singing their primitive songs. 
In the thirteenth century Provencal poetry flourished in Portugal, 
but so monotonously that it failed to kill the older lyrics, and they 
reacted on the imported poetry. In the trite conventions with 
which the latter became clothed the cossante had a new oppor- 
tunity of life. Trohadores wearied by their own monotony, 
jograes wishing to please a patron with a novidade, had recourse 
to the cossante. The jogral wandering from house to house and 
town to town necessarily came into close touch with the peasants. 
Talented men among them, prompted by patrons of good taste, 
no doubt exercised the third requisite of a good jogral {doair' e uoz 
e aprenderdes ben, C. C. B. 388) — a good memory — not only in 
learning his patron's verses to recite at other houses but in re* 
membering the songs that he caught in passing from the lips of 
the peasants, songs of village mirth and dance, of workers in the 
fields and shepherds on the hills. These, developed and adorned 
according to his talent, he would introduce to the Court among 
his motz recreamens e prazers. When Joan de Guilhade in the 
middle of the thirteenth century complained that os trohadores ja 
van para mal (C. V. 370), he might almost be referring to the 
fact that the stereotyped poems of the Portuguese trohadores 
could no longer compete with the fresh charm of the cossante. 
Alfonso X reproached Pero da Ponte for not singing like a Pro- 
vencal but, rather, like Bernaldo de Bonaval (first half 13th c). 
King Dinis in the second half of the century viewed the cossante 
with such favour that he wrote or collected some of the most 
curious and delightful that we possess. But although King Dinis 
set his name to a handful of the finest cossantes, most of the 
cossante-writers belonged to an earlier period and were men of 
humble birth. Of Nunc Fernandez Torneol^ (first half 13th c), 
poet and soldier, besides conventional cantigas de amor we have 
eight simple cossantes of which the alvorada (C. V. 242), the har- 
carola (C. V. 246), and C. V. 245 with its dance rhythm are 
' C. V. 242-51, 979 ; C. C. B. 159-71 (= C. A. 70-81, 402). 



THE COSSANTES 29 

especially beautiful. Pedr' Anez Solaz^ (early 13th c.) wrote 
a cossante (C. V. 415) celebrated for its refrain, lelia doura, leli 
leli par deus leli, in which some have seen a vestige of Basque 
{il ■■= dead). Of Meendinho (first half 13th c.) we have only 
one poem, a cantiga de romaria (C. V. 438), but its beauty has 
brought him fame ; ^ and another jogral, Fernand' Esguio ' 
(second half 13th c), is remembered in the same way chiefly for 
C. V. 902 : Vayamos, irmana. Bernaldo de Bonaval, one of the 
earliest Galician poets, and the jograes Pero de Veer, Joan 
Servando, Airas Carpancho,* Martin de Ginzo,* Lopo and Lou- 
rengo, composed some charming pilgrimage songs in the second 
third of the thirteenth century. This was a popular theme, but 
the two poets who sffem to have felt most keenly the attraction 
of the popular poetry and to have cultivated it most successfully 
are Joan Zorro (fl. 1250) and Pero Meogo (fl. 1250). The 
cossantes of Zorro, one of the most ta'lented of all these singers, 
tell of Lisbon and the king's ships and the sea. In this series of 
harcarolas (C. V. 751-60) and in his delightful bailada (C. V. 
761) ® he evidently sought his inspiration in popular sources, as 
with equal felicity a little later did Pero Meogo,' whose cossantes 
(C. V. 789-97), each with its biblical reference to the deer of the 
hills [cervos do monte), are as singular as they are beautiful. 
Martin Codax at about the same time was singing graceful 
songs of the ondas do mar of Vigo (C. V. 884-90). But the real 
poet of the sea was the Admiral of Castille, Pay Gomez Charing * 
(fi295). He belonged to an ancient family of Galicia, was 

1 C. V. 414-16, 824-5 ; C. A. 281. 

^ Meen di nho in the C. V. M. index. Thus he is scarcely even a name. 

' Or Esquio (? = esquilo, 'squirrel '). 

« Or Corpancho (Broade) or Campancho (Broadacre) ; but the word 
carpancho ( = basket ) exists in the region of Santander (La Montana) . 
There is a modem Peruvian poet Manuel Nicolds Corpancho (1830-63). 

= This is the most probable form of his name, although modern critics 
have presented him with various others. 

" M. Alfred Jeanroy (Les Origines, 2" ed., 1904, p. 320) compares with this 
bailada the fragments Tuit cil qui sunt enamourat Vignent danfar, li autre non 
and N'en nostre compaignie ne soil nus S'il n'est amans, but even if there was 
direct imitation here, which is doubtful, that would not affect the indigenous 
character of the cossantes. 

' Or, according toD. C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Moogo (from monachus). 
^Meogo (= meio) occurs in C. M. 65 and 161, moogo (= monk) in C. M. 75 and 149. 

» C. V. 392-402, 424-30, 1 1 58-9; C. A. 246-56. Chariiio is buried at 
Pontevedra, in the Franciscan convent which he founded. 



30 I185-1325 

prominent at the Courts of Alfonso X (between whose character 
and the sea he draws an elaborate parallel in C. A. 256) and of 
his son Sancho IV, played an important part in the troubled 
history of the time, and fought by land and sea in Andalucia, at 
Jaenini246 andSevilleini247. Onthe lips of his awiga he places 
a touching cantiga de amigo (C. V. 424 : she expresses her relief 
that her amigo has ceased to be almirante do mar; no longer 
will she listen in sadness to the wind, now her heart may sleep 
and not tremble at the coming of a messenger) and the two 
sea cossantes C. V. 401, with its plaining refrain : 

E van-se as frores d'aqui ben con meus amores, 
idas son as frores d'aqui ben con meus amores, 

— one can imagine it sung as a chanty ^ — and C. V. 429, in which 
she prays Santiago to bring him safely home : ' Now in this hour 
Over the sea He is coming to me. Love is in flower.' Beauty of 
expression and a loyal sincerity are conspicuous in his poems, as 
well as a certain individuality and vigour. He escaped the perils 
of the sea, the muigran coita do mar (C. A. 251), but to fall by the 
hand of an assassin on shore. His sea lyrics are only excelled 
by the enchanting melody of the poem (C. V. 488) of his con- 
temporary and fellow-countryman Roy Fernandez (second half 
13th c), who was apparently a professor at Salamanca University, 
Canon of Santiago, and Chaplain to Alfonso the Learned. Of the 
later poets Estevam Coelho, perhaps father of one of the assassins 
of Ines (ti355), wrote a cossante of haunting beauty (C. V. 321) : 

Sedia la fremosa, seu sirgo torcendo, 
Sa voz mansehnha fremoso dizendo 
Cantigas d' amigo, 

and D. Afonso Sanchez (c. 1285-1329) in C. V. 368 {Dizia la 
fremosinha — Ay Deus val) proved that he had inherited part of his 
father King Dinis' genius and instinct for popular poetry. King 
Dinis, having thrown wide his palace doors to these thyme- 
scented lyrics, would turn again to the now musty chamber of 
Provengal song (C. V. 123) : 

Quer'eu en maneira de provengal 
Fazer agora un cantar d'amor. 

'■ a. the modern Ai U U U, mannheiro vira d ri 01 Ai U U U Ribamar 
e S. Jos6. 



THE COSSANTES 31 

The cossanies had become so familiar that Airas Nunez, of 
Santiago, could string them together, as it were, by the head, 
without troubling himself to give more than the first lines, precisely 
as Gil Vicente treated romances three centuries later. The reader 
or listener would easily complete them. His pastorela (C. V. 454) 
would be an ordinary imitation of a pastourelle of the trouveres ^ 
were it not for the five cossante fragments inserted. Riding along 
a stream he hears a solitary shepherdess singing and stays to 
listen. First she sang Solo ramo verde frolido,^ then — as if to 
prove that she is a shepherdess of Arcady, not of real life — 

Ay, estornifio do avelanedo, 
Cantades vos e moir'eu e pane, 
D'amores ei mal, 

an impassioned cry of the heart only comparable with 

Thine earth now springs, mine fadeth : 

Thy thorn without, my thorn my heart invadeth ; 

or that wonderful line of a wonderful poem : 

Ilia cantat, nos tacemus : quando ver venit meum } ^ 

Next she sang the first lines of a cossante by Nuno Fernandez 
Torneol (C. V. 245) with its dance refrain E pousarei solo avelanal. 
The refrain is identical in C. V. 245 and C. V. 454, but the distich 
has variations which seem to imply that Airas Nunez was not 
quoting Fernandez, rather that both drew from a popular source. 
The fourth cossante we also have complete, a lovely barcarola 
by Joan Zorro (C. V. 757) : 

Pela ribeira do rio (alto) 

Cantando ia la dona virgo (d'algo) 

D'amor : 

Venhan as barcas pelo rio 

A sabor.* 

' For later reminiscences of the pastorela see C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, 
Joao Lourenfo da Cunha, a ' Flor de Altura ' e a cantiga Ay Donas por qui 
em tristura ? (Separata da Revista Lusitana, vol. xix) Porto (1916), pp. 14-15. 
* See supra, p. 23. 
' A modern Portuguese quatrain runs 

Passarinho que cantaes 

Nesse raminho de flores, 

Cantae vos,. chorarei eu : 

Assim faz quem tem amores. 
' By the margin of a river Went a maiden singing, ever Of love sang she : 



32 I 185-1325 

Lastly she (or he), as he rides on his way, sings : 

Quen amores ha 
Como dormira, 
Ai bela fror ! 

i. e. este cantar which is famihar in the villancico [For una gentil 
floresta) by the Marques de Santillana (1398-1458) : 

La nina que amores ha 
i Sola c6mo dormira ? 

Very few, if any, of the cossantes were anonymous, which only 
means that modern folk-lore was unknown; it was not the fashion 
to collectsongs from the lipsof the peoplewithoutulteriorpurpose. 
A variety known as cantiga de vilaos existed, but it was deliber- 
ately composed by the trobadores and jograes} A specimen is 
given in C. V. 1043 : 

O pee d'hua torre 
Baila corpo piolo,^ 
Vedes o cos, ay cavaleiro. 

No drawing-room lyric, evidently : more likely to be sung in 
taverns ; composed perhaps by a knight like him of C. V. 965, 
whose songs were not fremosos e rimados. Like the Provengal 
poet Guilherme Figueira who mout se fetz grazir . . . als ostes et 
als taverniers, this knight's songs pleased ' tailors, furriers and 
millers ' ; they had not the good taste of the tailor's wife in Gil 
Vicente who sings the beautiful cantiga 

Donde vindes filha 
Branca e colorida? 

The cantiga de vildos was no such simple popular lyric, but rather 

a drinkers' song, picaresquely allusive, sung by a jogral who 

non fo hom que saubes caber entre 'Is baros ni entre la bona gen 

but sang vilmen et en gens bassas, entre gens bassas per pane 

d'aver (Riquier), cantares de que la gente baja e de servil condicion 

se alegra (Santillana). The cossante, on the contrary, came 

straight from field and hill into palace and song-book. Probably 

Up the stream the boats came gliding Gracefully. All along the river-bent 
The fair maiden singing went Of love's dream : Fair to see the boats came 
gliding Up the stream. ' Poetica (C. C. B., p. 3, 11. 50-1). 

^ It probabl5?Hdoes not rhyme (e morre or corre) purposely. D. Carolina 
Michaelis de Vasconcellos proposes gracioso or friolo {A Saudade Portuguesa, 
Porto, 1914, pp. 84, 140). 



THE COSSANTES 33 

many of them were composed, as they were sung, and sung danc- 
ing, by the women. The women of Galicia have always been 
noted for their poetical and musical talent. We read of the 
choreas psallentium mulierum, like Miriam, the sister of Moses, 
at Santiago in 1116,^ and there is a cloud of similar witnesses. 
But whether any of the cossantes that we have in the Cancio- 
neiros is strictly of the people or not, their traditional indigenous 
character is no longer doubtful. It would surely be a most 
astounding fact had the Galician-Portuguese Court poets, who 
in their cantigas de amor reduced Provencal poetry to a colourless 
insipidity, succeeded so much better with the cossantes that- while 
the originals from which they copied have vanished, the imita- 
tions stand out in the Portuguese Cancioneiros like crimson 
poppies among corn. It is remarkable, too, that of the three 
kinds of poem in the old Cancioneiros, satire, love song, and 
cossante, the first two remain in the Cancioneiro de Resende 
(1516), but the third has totally disappeared. The explanation 
is that as Court and people drew apart and the literary influence 
of Castille grew, the poems based on songs of the people were 
no longer in favour. But they continued, like the Guadiana, 
underground, and D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos has 
traced their occasional reappearances in poets of popular leanings, 
like Gil Vicente and Cristobal de Castillejo, from the thirteenth 
century to the present day,* while Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos has 
discovered whole cossantes sung by peasants at their work in the 
fields in the nineteenth century.* Dance or action always accom- 
panies the cossante as it does in the danza prima of Asturias (to the 
words Ay un galan d'esta villa, ay un galan d'esta casa).* If it 

■ Espana Sagrada, xx. 211. 

' C. A. M. V. ii. 928-36. Almeida Garrett had written in a general sense : 
OS vestigios d'essa poesia indigena ainda duram (Revista Univ. Lisbonense, 
vol. V (1846), p. 843). 

' At Rebordainhos, in Tras-os-Montes, e. g. Na ribeirinha ribeira Naquella 
ribeira Anda Id um peixinho vivo (bravo) Naquella ribeira. Other examples 
of the i-a sequence are amigo (amado), cosido (assado), villa (prafa), ermida 
(oragd), linda {clara), Abril (Natal), ceitil (real). See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, 
Annuario para estudo das tradifoes poptdares portuguezas (Porto, 1882), 
pp. 19-24. Cf. the modem Asturian song with its refrain /Ay Juana cuerpo 
garrido, ay Juana cuerpo galano I 

* Francisco Alvarez, Verd. Inf., p. 125, speaks of cantigas de bailhos •■■ de 
ierreiro (dance-songs). 

2362 C 



34 I 185-1325 

be objected that the songs printed by Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos 
are rude specimens by the side of a poem like Ay flares, ay flares 
da verde pinho, it should be remembered that the quadra (or 
perhaps one should say distich without refrain) has now replaced 
the cossante on the lips of the people, and that among these 
quatrains something of the old cassante's charm and melancholy 
is still found. D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos and others 
have remarked that these quadras pass from mouth to mouth 
and are perfected in the process, smoothed and polished like 
a stone by the sea, and this may well have been true of the earlier 
cossantes.^ The jogral who hastened to his patron with a lovely 
new poem was but reaping the inspiration of a succession of 
anonymous singers, an inspiration quickened by competition 
in antiphonies of song at many a pilgrimage. One singer would 
give a distich of a cossante, as to-day a quadra, another would 
take it up and return it with variations. The cassante did not 
always preserve its simple form, or, rather, the more complicated 
poems renewed themselves in its popularity. We find it as 
a hailada (C. V. 761), balleta (cf. C. A. 123 : Se vos eu amo mais 
que outra rev), as cantiga de amor (C. A. 360 or 361, C. V. 657- 
60), cantiga de maldizer (C. V. 1026-7), or satirical alba (C. V. 
1049). But these hybrid forms are not the true cossante, which 
is always marked by dignity, restraint, simple grace, close 
communion with Nature, delicacy of thought, and a haunting 
felicity of expression. The cossante written by King Sancho 
seems to indicate a natural development of the indigenous poetry. 
In its form it owed nothing to the poetry of Provence or 
North France, but its progress was perhaps quickened, and at 
least its perfection preserved, by the systematic cultivation of 
poetry introduced from abroad at a time when no middle 
class separated Court and peasant. The tantalizing frag- 
ments that survive in Gil Vicente's plays show all too plainly 
what marvels of popular song might flower and die unknown. 
In spirit the original grave religious character of the cossante 
may in some measure have affected the new poetry. To this 
• CI Barros, Dial, em lovvor da nossa ling., 1785 ed., p. 226 : Pots as cantigas 
compostas do povo, sem cabefa, sem pees, sem name ou verba que se entenda, 
quern cuidas que as iraz e leva da terra ? Quern as faz serem tratadas e recehida's 
do comum consintimento ? O tempo. 



THE COSSANTES 35 

in part may be ascribed the monotony, the absence of particular 
descriptions in the canttgas de amor. In religious hymns obviously 
reverence would not permit the Virgin to be described in greater 
detail than, for example, Gil Vicente's vague branca e colorada, 
and the reverence might be transferred unconsciously to poems 
addressed to an earthly <iowa. (Only in the extravagant devotional 
mannerisms {gongorismo ao divino) of the seventeenth century 
could Soror Violante do Ceo describe Christ as a galan de ojos 
verdes.) Dona genser qu'ieu no sat dir or la genser que sia says 
Arnaut de Marueil at the end of the thirteenth century. The 
Portuguese poet would make an end there : his lady is fairest 
among women, fairer than he can say. He would never go on 
to describe her grey eyes and snowy brow : huelhs vairs and 
fron pus blanc que lis. But introduced into alien and artificial 
forms, like mountain gentians in a garden, the monotony 
can no longer please. In the canttgas de amor the iteration 
becomes a tedious sluggishness of thought, whereas in the 
cossantes it is part of the music of the poem. 



C 2 



C. A. = Cancioneiro da Ajuda. 

C. A. M. V. = Cancioneiro da Ajuda. Ed. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos. 

2 vols. Halle, 1904. 
C. A. S. = Fragmentos de hum Cancioneiro Inedito que se acha na Livraria 

do Real CoUegio dos Nobres de Lisboa. Impresso a custa de Carlos 

Stuart, Socio da Academia Real de Lisboa. Paris, 1823. 
C. A. V. = Trovas e Cantares de um Codice do xiv Seculo. Ed. Francisco 

Adolpho de Varnhagen. Madrid, 1849. 
C. V. = Cancioneiro da Vaticana. 
~ C. V. M. = I1 Canzoniere Portoghese della Biblioteca Vaticana. Ed. Ernesto 

Monaci. Halle, 1875. 
C. V. B. = Cancioneiro Portuguez da Vaticana. Ed. Theophilo Braga. 

Lisboa, 1878. 
C. T. A. = Cancioneirinho das Trovas Antigas colligidas de um grande Can- 
cioneiro da Bibliotheca do Vaticano. Ed. F. A. de Varnhagen. Vienna 

(1870), 2nd ed. 1872. 
C. A. P. = Cantichi Antichi Portoghesi tratti dal Codice Vaticano 4803 con 

traduzione e note, a cura di Ernesto Monaci. Imola, 1873. 
C. L. = Cantos de Ledino tratti dal grande Canzoniere portoghese della Biblio- 
teca Vaticana. Ed. E. Monaci. Halle, 1875. 
C. D. M. = Cancioneiro d' El Rei D. Diniz, pela primeira vez impresso sobre 

o manuscripto da Vaticana. Ed. Caetano Lopes de Moura. Paris, 1847. 
C. D. L. = Da3 Liederbuch des Konigs Denis von Portugal. Ed. Henry R. 

Lang. Halle, 1894. 
C.C. B. = II Canzoniere Portoghese Colocci-Brancuti. Ed. Enrico Molteni. 

Halle, 1880. 
C. M. = Cantigas de Santa Maria de Don Alfonso el Sabio. 2 vols. Madrid, 

1889. 
C. G. C. = Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano. Ed. H. R.Lang. Vol. i. New 

York, London, 1902. 
C. M. B. = Cancionero Musical de los Siglos xv y xvi, Transcrito y comentado 

por Francisco Asenjo Barbieri. Madrid (1890). 
C. B. = Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena. Madrid, 1851. 
C. G. = Cancionero General (15 11). 
C. R. = Cancioneiro de Resende. Lisboa, 15 16 ( = Cancioneiro Geral). 



§2. 

The Cancioneiros 

If, besides the Cancioneiros da Vaticana, Colocci-Brancuti, 
and da Ajuda, we include King Alfonso X's Cantigas de Santa 
Maria (C. M.) we have over 2,000 poems, by some 200 poets. 
Of these the Cancioneiro da Ajuda (C. A.) contains 310. 
Preserved in the Lisbon Collegia dos Nohres and later in the 
Royal Library of Ajuda at Lisbon, it was first published in ah 
edition of twenty-five copies by Charles Stuart (afterwards 
Lord Stuart of Rothesay), British Minister at Lisbon (C. A. S.). 
Another edition, by Varnhagen, appeared in 1849 (C. A. V.), 
and the splendid definitive edition by D. Carolina Michaelis de 
Vasconcellos in 1904 (C. A. M. V.). C. A. M. V. contains 467 
poems, in part reproduced from C. V. M. and C. C. B. The 
third volume, of notes, is still unpublished. 

Of the Cancioneiro preserved as Codex Vaticanus 4803, and 
now commonly known as Cancioneiro da Vaticana (C. V.), frag- 
ments were published soon after its rediscovery : viz. that 
portion attributed to King Dinis, edited by Moura in 1847 
(C. D. M.). This part received a critical edition at the hands 
of Professor H. R. Lang in 1892 ; 2nd ed., with introduction, 
Halle, 1894 (C. D. L.). A few more crumbs were given to the 
world by Varnhagen in 1870, 2nd ed. 1872 (C. T. A.), and in 
1873 (C. A. P.) and 1875 (C. L.) by Ernesto Monaci, who 
printed his diplomatic edition of the complete text (1,205 
poems) in the latter year (C. V. M.), and with it an index of 
a still larger Cancioneiro (it has 1,675 entries) compiled by 
Angelo Colocci in the sixteenth century and discovered by 
Monaci in the Vatican Library (codex 3217). Dr. Theophilo 
Braga's critical edition appeared in 1878 (C. V. B.). 

In this very year a large Cancioneiro (355 ff.), corresponding 
nearly but not precisely to the Colocci index, was discovered 
in the library of the Conte Paolo Antonio Brancuti (C. C. B. 



38 I185-1325 

For convenience' sake C. C. B. also = the fragment published by 
Enrico Gasi Molteni), and the 442 of its poems, lacking in C. V. 
(but nearly half of which are in C. A.), were published in 
diplomatic edition by Enrico Molteni in 1880 (C. C. B.). All 
these (C. A., C. V., and C. C. B.) were in all probability derived 
from the Cancioneiro compiled by the Conde de Barcellos. 
When his father, King Dinis, died, silence fell upon the poets. 
The new king, Afonso IV, showed no sign of continuing to 
collect the smaller Cancioneiros kept by nobles and men of 
humbler position, a custom inaugurated by his grandfather, 
Afonso III (if the Livro de Trovas del Rei D. Afonso in King 
Duarte's library Was his), continued by King Dinis {Livro de 
Trovas del Rei D. Dinis), and perhaps revived by King Duarte 
a century later [Livro de Trovas del Rei). It was thus a time 
suitable for a ' definitive edition ', and Count Pedro, who 
was the last of the Cancioneiro poets and who was more 
collector than poet, probably took the existing Cancioneiros 
(of Afonso III and Dinis) and added a third part consisting of 
later poems. Besides the chronological order there was a division 
by subject into cantigas de amor, cantigas de amigo, and cantigas 
d'escarnho e de maldizer (Santillana's cantigas, serranas e dezires, 
or cantigas serranas, the Archpriest of Hita's cantares serranos 
e dezires). C. V. is divided into these three kinds ; in the older 
and incomplete C. A. 304 of the 310 poems are cantigas 
de amor Eleven years after the death of King Duarte the 
Marques de Santillana wrote (1449) to the Constable of Portugal, 
D. Pedro, describing the Galician- Portuguese Cancioneiro — 
un grant volume — ^which he had seen in his boyhood in the pos- 
session of D. Mencia de Cisneros. (This may have been the 
actual manuscript compiled by D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos 
and bequeathed by him in 1350 to Alfonso XI of Castille and 
Leon — a few days after Alfonso XI's death. Or it may have 
been a copy of the Cancioneiro of D. Pedro or the Cancioneiro 
of Afonso III or of Dinis.) It is significant that in this very 
important letter it is a foreigner informing a Portuguese. 
Under the predominating influence first of Spain then of the 
Renaissance, the old Portuguese poems, even if they were 
known to exist, excited no interest in Portugal. They were 



THE CANCIONEIROS - 39 

musas rusticas, tnusas in illo tempore rudes et incultas^ With this 
disdain the Cancioneiro became a real will-o'-the-wisp. Even 
as late as the nineteenth century one disappeared mysteriously 
from a sale, another emerged momentarily (see C. T. A.) from 
the shelves of a Spanish grandee only to fall back into the 
unknown. In the sixteenth century the evidence as to its 
being known is contradictory. Duarte Nunez de Leam in 1585 
says of King Dinis that extant hodie eius carmina. Antonio de 
Vasconcellos in 1631 declares that time has carried them away : 
obliviosa praeripuit vetustas. 

A few vague allusions (as that of Sa de Miranda concerning 
the echoes of Provencal song) were all that was vouchsafed in 
Portugal to the Cancioneiro, although prominent Portuguese 
men of letters — as Sa de Miranda, Andr6 de Resende, Damiao 
de Goes — travelled in Italy and met there Cardinal Pietro 
Bembo (1470-1547), who had probably owned the Cancioneiros 
(copies by an Italian hand of a Portuguese original) acquired 
by Angelo Colocci ; yet at this very time Colocci (ft 549) was 
eagerly indexing and annotating the Cancioneiros in Rome. It 
is this Portuguese neglect and indifference to the things of 
Portugal which explains the survival of the cossantes only in 
Rome while the more solemn and less indigenous poems of the 
Cancioneiro da Ajuda remained in the land of their birth. 
A fuller account of the Portuguese Cancioneiros, with the 
fascinating and complicated question of their descent and inter- 
relations, will be found in the Grundriss (pp. 199-202) and D. 
Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos' edition of the Cancioneiro 
da Ajuda (vol. ii, pp. 180-288).^ 

When the poetry of the troubadours flourished in Provence 
Portugal was scarcely a nation. The first Provencal poet, 
Guilhaume, Comte de Poitou (1087-1127), precedes by nearly 
a century Sancho I (1154-1211), second King of Portugal, who 
wrote poems and .married the Princess Dulce of Aragon ; and 
the Gascon Marcabrun, the first foreign poet to refer to Portugal, 
in his poems Al prim comens del ivernaill and Emperaire per mi 

' Antonio de Vasconcellos, Anacephalaeoses , id est Svmma Capita Actorutn 
Regum Lusitaniae (Antverpiae, 1 621), p. 79. 
2 See also C. V. B., pp. xcv-vi. 



40 I 185-1325 

mezeis, in the middle of the twelfth century, spoke not of her 
poetry but of her warrior deeds : la valor de Portegal. Gavaudan 
similarly refers at the end of the twelfth century to the Galicians 
and Portuguese among other (Castille, &c.) barriers against 
the ' black dogs ' (the Moors). It was in Spain that the Portu- 
guese had opportunity of meeting Proven9al poets. The Penin- 
sula in the thirteenth century was, like Greece of old, divided 
into little States and Courts, each harbouring exiles and refugees 
from neighbouring States. Civil strife or the death of a king in 
Portugal would scatter abroad a certain number of noblemen 
on the losing side, who would thus come into contact with the 
troubadours as Provengal poetry spread to the Courts of 
Catalonia and Aragon, Navarre, Castillet and Leon. The first 
King of Portugal, although a prince of the House of Burgundy, 
held his kingdom in fief to Leon, and all the early kings were 
in close touch with Leon and Castille. Fernando III, King of 
Castille and Leon (St. Ferdinand), was a devoted lover of poetry, 
and his son Alfonso X gathered at his cort sen ergiielh e sen 
vilania a galaxy of talented troubadours, Provengal and Galician. 
Portugal came into more direct touch with France in other 
ways, but the influence might have been almost exclusively 
that of the trouvhes of the North had not the more generous 
enthusiasm of Provence penetrated across the frontier into 
Spain. Trade was fairly active in the thirteenth century 
between Portugal and England, North France and Flanders. 
Many of the members of the religious orders — as the Cluny 
Benedictines — ^who occupied the territory of the Moors in 
Portugal were Frenchmen. With foreign colonists the new 
towns were systematically peopled. The number of French 
pilgrims was such that the road to Santiago became known as 
the ' French Road '. The Crusades also brought men of many 
languages to Portugal.' The Court by descent and dynastic 
intermarriage was cosmopolitan ; but indeed the life of the 
whole Peninsula was cosmopolitan to an extent which tallies 
ill with the idea of the Middle Ages as a period of isolation and 
darkness. The Portuguese had already begun to show their 

' An English Crusader writing from Lisbon speaks of inter hos tot linguarum 
populos (Crucesignati Anglici Epistola de Expugnatione Olisiponis , a.d. 1147). 



THE CAN'CIONEIROS 41 

fondness for novedades. Yet it was they who imposed their, 
the Galician, language. As the Marqu6s de Santillana observed 
and the Cancioneiros prove, lyric poets throughout the Peninsula 
used Galician.^ Probably the oldest surviving instance of this 
language in verse by a foreigner is to be found (ten lines) in 
a descort {descordo) written by Raimbaud de Vaqueiras (1158- 
1217) at the Court of Bonifazio II of Montferrat towards the end 
of the twelfth century. We cannot doubt that the character 
and conditions of the north-west of the Peninsula had permitted 
a thread of lyric poetry to continue there ever since Silius 
Italicus had heard the youth of Galicia wailing [ululantem) 
their native songs, and that both language and literature had 
the opportunity to develop earlier there than in the rest of 
Spain. The tide of Moorish victory only gradually ebbed 
southward, and the warriors in the sterner coifntry of Castille, 
with its fiery sun and battles and epics, would look back to the 
green country of Galicia as the idyllic land of song, a refuge 
where sons of kings and nobles could spend their minority in 
comparative peace. When from the ninth century Galicia 
became a second Holy Land its attractions and central 
character were immeasurably increased. Pilgrims thither from 
every country would return to their native land with some 
words of the language, and those acquainted with Provencal 
might note the similarity and the musical softness of Galician.^ 
It is not certain that the eldest of the ten children of San 
Fernando, Alfonso X (i22i?-84), el Sabio, King of Castille and 
Leon, Lord of Galicia, and brother-in-law of our Edward I, 
passed his boyhood in Galicia. But when he was compiling 
a volume of poems referring to many parts of the world besides 
Spain, to Canterbury and Rome, Paris and Alexandria, Lisbon, 
Cologne, Cesarea, Constantinople, he would naturally choose 
Galician not pnly, or indeed chiefly, because it was the more 
graceful and pliant medium for lyric verse but because it was 
the most widely known, and, like French, plus commune a toutes 

• Coleccidn de Poeslas Castellanas {1779), vol. i, p. Ivii. The important 
passages of Santillana's letter have been so often quoted that the reader may 
be referred to them. e.g. in the Grundriss, p. 168. 

" Mild y Fontanals {De los Trobadores, p. 522) lays much stress on the resem- 
blance between Galician and Provenjal. 



42 I185-1325 

gens} He had no delicate ear for its music and made such 
poor use of its phancy that it often becomes as hard as the 
hardest Castihan in his hands. His songs of miracles offer 
a striking contrast to contemporary Portuguese lyrics in the 
same language. Their jingles are only possible as a descort in 
the Portuguese Cancioneiros. At the same time he would be 
influenced in his choice of language by his knowledge of Galicia 
as the traditional home of the lyric, of the encouraging patronage 
extended to Galician poets by his son-in-law Afonso III, of the 
Santiago school of poets, and of the promising future before the 
Galician language in the hands of the conquering Portuguese. 
Multas et perpulchras composuit cantilenas, says Gil de Zamora, 
and likens him to David. But when we remember the prodigious 
services rendered by Alfonso X to Castilian prose, the first 
question that arises is whether he was indeed the author of the 
450 poems in Galician ^ that we possess under his name. Of 
these poems 426, or, cancelling repetitions, 420, are of a religious 
character, written, with one or two exceptions, in honour of 
the Virgin : Cantigas de Santa Maria. Many of these poems 
themselves provide an answer to the question : they record his 
illnesses and enterprises and his trohar in such a way that they 
could only have been written by himself : he is the entendedor 
of Santa Maria (C. M. 130), he exhorts other trobadores to sing 
her praises (C. M. 260), he himself is resolved to sing of no other 
dona (C. M. 10 : dou ao demo os otros amoves) ; and his attractive 
and ingenuous pride in these poems accords ill with an alien 
authorship. When he lay sick at Vitoria and was like to die it 
was only when the Livro das Cantigas was placed on his body 
that he recovered (C. M. 209), and he directed that they should 
be preserved in the church in which he was buried. There is 
little reason to doubt that he was the author, in a strictly 
limited sense, of the majority of the poems, although not of all. 

> It must be remembered that in the early thirteenth century (1213) the 
range of the Galician-Portuguese lyric already extended to Navarre (C. V. 937). 

* Guiraut Riquier and Nat de Mons placed Proven9al poems on his lips, 
which may be taken as an indication that he also wrote in Proven9al. As 
proof that he wrote poems in Castilian we have a single cantiga of eight lines 
(C. C. B. 363 : Senora por amor dios). The other poem of the Cancioneiros 
in Castilian (with traces of Galician) is by the victor of Salado, Alfonso XI 
(1312-50), King of Castille and Leon : En un tiempo cogi flores (C. V. 209). 



THE CANCIONEIROS 43 

Various phrases seem to imply a double method. C. M. 219 
says : ' I will have that miracle placed among the others ' ; 
C. M. 295 : ' I ordered it to be written.' On the other hand, 
C. M. 47 is ' a fair miracle of which I made my song ' ; CM. 84 
' a great miracle of which I made a song ' ; of 106 ' I know well 
that I will make a goodly song ' ; of 64 ' I made verses and 
tune ' ; for 188 ' I made a good tune and verses because it 
caught my fancy ' ; for 307 ' according to the words I made 
the tune ' ; of 347 ' I made a new song with a tune that was 
my own and not another's '. The inference seems to be that, 
the personal poems and the loas apart, if a miracle especially 
attracted the king he took it in hand ; otherwise he might 
leave it to one of the joglares, and he would perhaps revise it 
and be its author to the extent that the Portuguese jograes 
were authors of the early cossantes. We know that he had at 
his Court a veritable factory of verse. The vignettes ^ to these 
Cantigas show him surrounded by scribes, pen and parchment 
in hand, by joglares and joglaresas. Poets thronged to his 
Court and he was in communication with others in foreign 
lands. Some of the miracles might come to him in verse, the 
work of a friendly poet or of a sacred jogral such as Pierres de 
Siglar, whom C. M. 8 shows reciting his poems from church to 
church : en todalas eigreias da Uirgen que non a par un seu 
lais senpre dizia,^ and this would account for the variety of 
metre and treatment. Of raw material for his art there was 
never a scarcity, nor was the idea of turning it into verse 
original. In France Gautier de Coincy (1177-1236) had already 
written his Miracles de la Sainte Vierge in verse, and the Spanish 
poet Gonzalo de Berceo (1180-1247) had composed the Milagros 
de Nuestra Sennora. But there was no need for direct imitation. 
If the starry sky were parchment and the ocean ink, the miracles 

' Their antiquarian interest was recognized over three centuries ago. 
Cf. Argote de Molina, Nobleza de Andalvzia (Seuilla, 1588), f. 151 v. : es 
un libra de mucha curiosidad assi par la poesia como par los trages de aquella 
edad ^ se veen en sus pinturas. 

' Some of King Alfonso's Cantigas were recited in the same way. C. M. 
172 implies this in the lines : 

Et d'esto cantar fezemos 
Que cantassen os iograres 
And of this we made a song for the joglares to sing). 



44 I185-1325 

could not all be written down, says King Alfonso (C. M. no). 

Churches and rival shrines preserved an unfailing store for 

collectors. Gautier de Coincy spoke of tant miracles, a grant 

livre of them, and King Alfonso chooses one from among 300 

in a book (C. M. 33), finds one written in an ancient book (265) 

written among many others (258), in a book among many others 

(284), and refers to a book full of them at Soissons. The 

miracles were recorded more systematically in France, and the 

books of Soissons and Rocamadour [Liber Miraculorum S. 

Mariae de Rupe Amatoris) provided the king with many 

subjects, as did also Vincent de Beauvais' Speculum Historiale, 

of which he possessed a copy. But the sources in the Peninsula 

were very copious, as, for instance, the Book of the Miracles of 

Santiago, of which a copy, in Latin, exists in the Paris Biblio- 

theque Nationale. Of other miracles the king had had personal 

experience, or they were recent and came to him by word of 

mouth. Thus he often does not profess to invent his subject : 

he merely translates it into verse and sometimes appraises 

it as he does so. It is ' a marvellous great miracle ' (C. M. 257), 

' very beautiful ' (82), ' one in which I have great belief ' (241), 

' one almost incredible ', mui cruu de creer (242), or ' famous ' (195), 

'known throughout Spain' (191). Many of these miracles occurred 

to the peasants and unlettered : then as now the humbler the 

subject the greater the miracle. Accordingly we find the king 

in his poems dealing not with the conventional shepherdesses 

of the pastorelas but with lowly folk of real life, peasants, 

gleaners, sailors, fishermen, beggars, pilgrims, nuns; and it is 

one of the king's titles to be considered a true poet that he takes 

an evident pleasure in these themes and retains their graphic, 

artless presentment. The collection abounds in charming 

glimpses of the life of the people. Indeed, in many of the poems 

there is more of the people than of King Alfonso,^ and he 

sings diligently of the misdeeds of clerics and usurers, of the 

incompetence of doctors, and of massacres of Jews. He seems 

to have followed the originals very closely, and evident traces 

1 Their popular origin is borne out by the music. See H. Collet et 
L. Villalba, Contribution ct I'Mude des Cantigas {191 1). Cf. also P. Meyer, 
Types de quelques chansons de Gautier de Coinci {Romania, vol. xvii (iS 
pp. 429-37) : paroles pieuses H des milodies profanes. 



THE CANCIONEIROS 45 

of their language remain, French, English, and perhaps 
Provencal. The poems are often of considerable length, some- 
times twenty or thirty verses, and as a rule the last line of each 
verse must rhyme with the refrain. The attention thus neces- 
sarily bestowed upon the rhymes sometimes mars the pathos 
of the subject, and the reader is reminded that he has to do with 
a skilful, eager, and industrious craftsman but not with a great 
original poet. In the remarkable Ben vennas Mayo and in 
many of his other poems materialism and poetical ecstasy go 
hand in hand. Yet in several of the more beautiful legends 
the poet proves himself equal to his theme. Some of these 
legends are still famous, that of the Virgin taking the place of 
the nun (C. M. 55 and 94), of the knight and the pitcher (155), 
of the stone miraculously warded from the statue of the Virgin 
and Child (136 and 294), of the monk's mystic ecstasy at the 
lais of the bird in the convent garden (103). Others had probably 
an equal celebrity in the Middle Ages, as that of the captive 
miraculously brought from Africa and awaking free in Spain 
at dawn (325),^ of the painter with whom the Devil was wroth 
for always painting him so ugly (74), or of the peasant whose 
vineyard alone was saved from the hail (161). Every tenth 
poem (the collection was intended originally to consist of one 
hundred) interrupts the narratives of miracles by a purely 
lyrical cantiga de loor, and some of these, written with the 
fervour with which the king always sang as gramas muy granadas 
of the Madre de Deus Manuel, are of great simplicity and beauty. 
The king had not always written thus, and of his profane 
poems we possess thirty ^ (since no one who has read the lively 
essay by Cesare de LoUis will doubt that C. V. 61-79 ^^nd 
C. C. B. 359-72 ( = 467-78) were written by Alfonso X). The 
most important of these are historical, and invoke curses on 

■ Padre Nobrega came upon a crowd of pobres pedintes peregrinos at San- 
tiago feasting merrily and having grandes contendas entre si as to which of 
them was cleverest at taking people in. The trick of one of them was to 
declare that, being captive in Turkey, encommendando-me muito d Senhora . . . 
achei-me ao outro dia ao romper da alva em terra de Christaos (Simao de Vascon- 
cellos, Cronica, Lib. I, § 22). Cf. Jeronymo de Mendofa, Jornada de Africa, 
1904 ed., ii. 34, and Frei Luis de Sousa, Hist, de S. Domingos, i. i. 5. 

2 i. e. besides the Spanish cantiga (C. C. B. 363), C. C. B. 359, which belongs 
to the Cantigas de Santa Maria, and C. C. B. 372, which consists of a single 
line. 



46 I 185-1325 

false or recalcitrant knights, non ven al mayo ! C. V. 74 is 
a battle-scene description so swift and impetuous that we must 
go to the Poema del Cid for a parallel. And indeed some of the 
old spirit peeps out from the Cantigas de Santa Maria, as when 
he prays to be delivered from false friends or praises the Virgin 
for giving his enemies ' what they deserved '. 

From the return and enthronement of Afonso III imitation 
of French and Provengal poetry was in full swing in Portugal. 
The long sojourn of the prince in France, accompanied by 
several noblemen who figure in the Cancioneiros (as Rui Gomez 
de Briteiros and D. Joan de Aboim), had an important bearing 
on the development of Portuguese poetry. He came back 
determined to act the part of an enlightened patron of letters ; 
he encouraged the immigration of men of learning from France 
and maintained three jograes permanently in his palace.^ 
Princes and nobles as trobadores for their own pastime, the 
segreis,^ knights who went from Court to Court and received 
payment for the recital of their own verses, the jograes, belonging 
to a lower station, who recited the poems of their patrons the 
trobadores, all vied in imitation of the love songs of Provence. 
In general, i. e. in the structure of their poems, the resemblance 
is close and clear enough. The decasyllabic love song in three 
or four stanzas with an envoi, the satirical sirventes, the tenson 
(jocs-partits) in which two poets contended in dialogue, the 
descort in which the discordant sounds expressed the poet's 
distress and grief, the balada of Provence, the ballette and 
pastourelle of North France, were all faithfully reproduced. 

If, on the other hand, we look for imitations in detail it is 
perhaps natural that we should find them less frequently.^ 

1 El Ret aia Ires jograes en sa casa e non mats. 

^ Riquier's segriers per tolas cortz (King Alfonso X (C. M. 194) speaks of 
a jograr andando pelas cortes). See also C. V. 556. The word probably has 
no connexion with seguir (to follow). Possibly it was used originally to 
differentiate singers of profane songs, cantigas profanas e seculares. Frei Joao 
Alvarez in his Cronica do Infante Santo has ' obras ecclesiasticas e segraaes ' ; 
King Duarte counted among os pecados da boca ' cantar cantigas sagraaes '. 
The Cancioneiros show that the segrel was far less common than the jogral 
in the tliirteenth century. For segre ( = saeculum) see infra, p. 93, n. 2. 

^ For instances see H. R. Lang, The Relations of the Earliest Portuguese 
Lyric School with the Troubadours and Trouv&res (Modern Language Notes 
(April, 1895), pp. 207-31), and C. D. L., pp. xlviii et seq. 



THE CANCIONEIROS 47 

The conventional character of the Portuguese poems would 
sufficiently account for this, and moreover their models were 
probably more often heard than read, so that reproduction of 
the actual thought or words would be difficult. When Airas 
Nunez in a poem of striking beauty, which is almost a sonnet 
(C. V. 456), wrote the lines : 

Que muito m'eu pago d'este verao 
Por estes ramos et por estas flores 
Et polas aves que cantan d'amores, 

he need not have read Peire de Bussinac's lines : 

Quan lo dous temps d'Abril 
Fa 'Is arbres sees fulhar 
E 'Is auzels mutz cantar 
Quascun en son lati, 

in order to know that birds sing and trees grow green in spring. 
And generally it is not easy to say whether an apparent echo is 
a direct imitation or merely a stereotyped phrase. The Portu- 
guese trobadores introduced little of the true spirit of the 
Provencal troubadours — that had passed to Palestine and to 
the Lady of Tripoli. In their cantigas de amor is no sign of 
action — unless it be to die of love ; no thought of Nature, 
Jaufre Rudel (1140-70), that prince of lovers, had ' gone to 
school to the meadows ' and might sing in his maint tons vers 
of la flor aiglentina or of flors d'albespis, but in the Portuguese 
cantigas nothing relieves the conventional dullness and excessive 
monotony (which likewise marked the Provengal school of 
poets in Sicily). Composed for the most part in iambic deca- 
syllabics they describe continually the poet's coita d'amor, 
grave d'endurar, his grief at parting, his loss of sleep, his pleasure 
in dying for his fremosa sennor. She is described merely as 
beautiful, or, at most, as 

Tan mansa e tan fremosa e de bon sen (C. C. B. 206). 

Fremosa e mansa e d'outro ben comprida (C. C. B. 278). 

Vocabulary and thought are spectre-thin. Indeed, it was part 

of the convention to sing vaguely. Eu ben falarei de sa 

fremosura, says one poet ^ (C. C. B. 337) — he will sing of her 

■ This poet, Femam Gonfalvez de Seabra or Fernant Gonzalez de Sanabria 
(C. V. 338; C. C. B. 330-7 ; C. A. 210-21, 445-7), apparently obtained some 



48 I185-1325 

beauty, but not in such a way that the curious who non poden 
adevinhar should guess his secret, As to allusions to Nature, 
perhaps the climate, with less marked divisions than in Provence, 
furnished less incentive to sing of spring and the earth's renewal 
or to imitate Guiraut de Bornelh in going to school all the 
winter (I'ivern estava a escola a aprender) and singing only with 
the return of spring. King Dinis, perhaps in reference to that 
troubadour, declares that his love is independent of the seasons 
and more sincere than that of the singers of Provence : 

Proen^aes soen mui ben trobar 
E dizen eles que e con amor, 
Mais OS que troban no tempo da frol 
E non en outro sei eu ben que non 
An tan gran coita . . . (C. V. 127) 

and even as he wrote the words he was unconsciously imitating 
the thought of the Provencal poet Gace Brul6, who had spoken 
of les faus amoureus d'esU. The exceeding similarity of the 
cantigas de amor did raise doubts as to the sincerity of all this 
dying of love (cf. C. V. 353 and C. V. 988) and as to whether 
a poem was a cantar novo or an article at second hand (C. V. 
819). Yet the poets evidently had talent and poetic feeling; 
indeed, their skill in versification contrasts remarkably with 
their entire absence of thought or individuality. They appear 
to revel in monotony of ideas and pride themselves on the icy 
smoothness of their verse. All their originality consisted in the 
introduction of technical devices, such as the repetition at 
intervals of certain words {dobre), or of different tenses of the 
same verb {mordobre, as C. V. 681), to carry on the poem without 
stop from beginning to end by means of ' for ', ' but ', &c., at 
the beginning of each verse (cantigas de atafiinda,^ as C. V. 130, 

fame by his mystification, unless the object of his devotion was as high-placed 
as the Portuguese princess for love of whom, according to legend, D. Joan 
Soarez de Paiva died in Galicia. The latter wrote in the first years of 
the thirteenth century (C. V. 937, Randglosse xi). They are the only two 
Galician-Portuguese poets — besides King Dinis — mentioned in Santillana's 
letter. 

1 Poetica, U. 126, 130. Much of the information of this Poetica (printed 
in C. C. B.) may be gleaned from the Cancioneiros, but it shows how carefully 
the different kinds of poem were distinguished. There were apparently 
special names for poems to trick and deceive: de logr' e d'arteiro, and for 



THE CANCIONEIROS 49 

C. A. 205), to begin and end each verse with the same line 
[cangao redonda, as G. V. 685), to repeat the last line of one 
verse as the first line of the next (leixapren), to use the same 
word at the end of each line (as vi in C. A. 7). The poet 
who addressed cantigas de amor to his lady also provided her 
with poems for her to sing, cantigas de amigo in complicated 
form, or as the simpler cossante, which the cantigas de amigo 
include. These are poems with more life and action, often in 
dialogue. Perhaps the dona herself, wearied by the monotonous 
cantigas de amor, had pointed to the songs of the peasant women, 
and the form of these cantigas de amigo was a compromise 
between the Provencal cantiga de meestria and the popular 
cantiga de refran. The peasant woman composed her own 
songs, and the poet places his song on the lips of his love : thus 
we find her describing herself as beautiful, eu velida ; eufremosa ; 
trist' e fremosa ; fremosa e de mui bon prez ; meu bon semelhar. 
Poetical shepherdesses sing these cantigas de amigo ; the fair 
dona sings them as she sits spinning (C. V. 321). The old 
Poetica (11. 2-12) distinguishes between the cantigas de amor, in 
which the amigo speaks first, and the cantigas de amigo, in which 
the first to speak is the amiga. Both were artificial forms, but 
the latter are clearly more popular in theme (the amiga waiting 
and wailing for her lover), and in treatment sometimes convey 
a real intensity of feeling.^ The favourite subject of the cantiga 
de amigo is that the cruel mother prevents the lovers from 
meeting. The daughter is kept in the house : a manda muito 
guardar (C. V. 535). She reproaches and entreats her mother, 
who answers her as choir to choir ; she bewails her lot to her 
friends, or to her sister. She is dying of love and begs her 
mother to tell her lover. Her mother and lover are reconciled. 
Her lover is false and fails to meet her at the trysted hour. 
She waits for him in vain, and her mother comforts her in her 

festive laughter poems : de risadelha (or refestela ?) = de riso e mote. San- 
tiUana's mansohre is, it seems, a misprint for mordobre. It occurs again in 
the Requesta de Ferrant Manuel contra Alfonso Alvarez (Cane, de Baena, 
i860 ed., i. 253) : 

Sin lai, sin deslai, sin cor, sin descor. 

Sin dobre, mansobre, sensilla o menor. 

Sin encadenado, dexar o prender. 
' e. g. C. V. 300 : Par Deus, se era, se ora chegasse Con el mui leda seria. 

236a D 



50 I185-1325 

distress. She pines and dies of love while her amigo is away- 
serving the king in battle or en cas' del ret. 

The third section of the Cancioneiro da Vaticana does not 
sin by monotony. We may divide Pope's hne, since if the 
cantigas de amor are ' correctly cold ' many of the satiric poems 
are ' regularly low '. In these verses, containing violent invec- 
tive and abuse [cantigas de maldizer) or more covert sarcasm and 
ridicule [cantigas d'escarnho), the themes are often scandalous, 
the language ribald and unseemly. They were written with 
great zest, although without the fiery indignation of the Proven- 
gal and Catalan sirventeses. They are concerned with persons : 
the haughty trobador may take a jogral to task for writing verses 
that do not rhyme or scan, but even then it is a personal matter 
and he rebukes his insolence for daring to raise his thoughts to 
altas donas in song. Some of these poems should never have 
been written or printed, but many of them give a lively idea of 
the society of that time. They laugh merrily or venomously at 
the poverty-stricken knight with nothing to eat ; at the knight 
who set his dogs on those who called near dinner-time ; the 
jogral who knows as much of poetry as an ass of reading ; the 
poet who pretended to have gone as a pilgrim to the Holy Land 
but never went beyond Montpellier ; the physician (Mestre 
Nicolas) whose books were more for show than for use [E sab' os 
cadernos ben cantar quen'^ non sabe por elles leer, C. V. 1116) ; 
the Gahcian unjustifiably proud of his poetical talent [non 
sdbia ben, C. V. 914) ; the jogral who gave up poetry — shaved 
off his beard and cut his hair short about his ears — in order to 
take holy orders, in hope of a fat living, but was disappointed ; 
the jogral who played badly and sang worse ; the poet who was 
the cause of good poetry in others ; the gentleman who spent 
most of his income on clothes and wore gilt shoes winter and 
summer. We read of the excellent capon, kid, and pork provided 
by the king for dinner ; of the fair malmaridada, married or 
rather sold by her parents ; of the impoverished lady, one of 
those for whom later Nun' Alvarez provided ; of the poet pining 
in exile not of love but hunger ; of the lame lawyer, the unjust 

' g'coi (C. V. M.), qualcdr (C. V. B.). D. Carolina Michaelis de Vascon- 
cellos proposes quifa (cf. C. V. 1006, 1. 8). 



THE CANCIONEIROS 51 

judge, the parvenu villao, the knighted tailor, the seers and 
diviners {veedeiros, agoreiros, divinhos). These cantigas d'escarnho 
e de maldizer were a powerful instrument of satire from which 
there was no escape. A hapless infangon, slovenly in his ways, 
drew down upon himself the wit of D. Lopo Diaz, who in 
a series of eleven songs (C, V. 945-55) ridiculed him and his 
creaking saddle till at Christmas he was fain to call a truce. 
But the implacable D. Lopo forthwith indited a new song : 
' I won't deny that I agreed to a truce about the saddle, but — it 
didn't include the mare ',^ and so no doubt continued till ^as^coa 
florida or la triniU. But the majority of these verses are not so 
innocently merry. Many of the poets of the Cancioneiros wrote 
in all three kinds : cantigas de amor, de amigo, and de maldizer. 
Of Joan de Guilhade ^ (fi. 1250) we have over fifty poems.* He 
imitated both French and Provengal models, and, having learnt 
lightness of touch from them, would appear to have contented 
himself with writing cantigas de amigo (besides cantigas de amor 
and escarnho) without having recourse to the cossante. There is 
life and poetical feeling as well as facility of technique in his 
poems. 

Pero Garcia de Burgos (fl. 1250) is, with Joan de Guilhade, 
one of the more voluminous writers of the Cancioneiros. He 
shows himself capable of deep feeling in his love songs, but 
speaks with two voices, descending to sad depths in his poems 
of invective. His contemporary, the segrel Pero da Ponte, is 
also an accomplished poet of love, in the even flow of his verse 
far more accomplished than Pero Garcia, and in his satirical 
poems wittier and, as a rule, more moderate. He placed his 
poetical gift at the service of kings to sing their praises for hire, 
and celebrated San Fernando's conquest of Seville in 1248 ; 
Seville, of which, he says, ' none can adequately tell the praises '. 
To satire almost exclusively the powerful courtier of King 
Dinis' reign, Stevam Guarda, devoted his not inconsiderable 
talent, and the segrel Pedr' Amigo de Sevilha (fl. 1250) shone 
in the same kind with a great variety of metre as well as in 

^ Aqueste cantar da egoa que non andou na tregoa (C. V. 956). 
' Or D. Joan Garcia de Guilhade. See C. A. M. V. ii. 407-15. 
» C. V. 28-38, 343-61, 1097-1110 ; C. A. 235-9 ; C. C. B. 373-6. 

D 2 



52 I185-1325 

numerous cantigas de amigo. Martin Soarez (first half 13th c), 
born at Riba de Lima, and considered the best trobador of his 
time (by those who could not appreciate the charm of the 
indigenous poetry), wrote no cossante nor cantiga de amigo, and 
in his satirical poems displayed a contemptuous insolence 
— towards those whom he regarded as his inferiors in lineage 
or talent — which places him in no attractive light. A notable 
poet at the Courts of Spain and Portugal was Joan Airas of 
Santiago de Compostela (fl. 1250), of whom we have over twenty 
cantigas de amor and fifty cantigas de amigo. Contemporary 
criticism apparently viewed their quantity with disfavour,^ for 
he complains that Dizen que mens cantares non valen ren porque 
tan muitos son (C. V. 533). But if his poems lack the variety 
of those of King Dinis, which they almost rival in number, they 
are nevertheless marked not only by harmony but by many 
a touch of real life. Of most of the other singers we have far fewer 
poems. Like Meendinho and Estevam Coelho, Pero VyvyAes 
(first half 13th c.) is known chiefly for a single song : his bailada 
(C. V. 336). By D. Joan Soarez Coelho {c. 1210-80) there 
are two cossantes (C. V. 291, 292) and numerous other poems. 
He was prominent at the Court of Afonso III (1248-79) and 
in the conquest of Algarve, as was also D. Joan de Aboim 
(c. 1215-87), whose poems are less numerous but include a dozen 
cantigas de amigo and a pastorela (C. V. 278 : Cavalgava noutro dia 
per hun caminho frances), and Fernan Garcia Esgaravunha,^ 
whose cantigas de amor show characteristic life and vigour, and 
a good command of metre. There is an engaging grace and spirit 
in the cantigas de amigo written in dancing rhythm by Fernan 
Rodriguez de Calheiros (fl. in or before 1250), who preceded 
those soldier poets ; deep feeling and melancholy in the cantigas 
de amor of D. Joan Lopez de Ulhoa, their contemporary. 
Neither of these, however, possessed the poetical genius and 
versatility of the priest of Santiago, Airas Nunez (second half 

' A large number of cantigas by the same hand would emphasize the 
monotony of the kind and provide an unwelcome mirror for contemporary 
bards. Of Roy Queimado (fl. 1250) other love-lorn poets said that he was 
always dying of love — in verse. 

" Soares de Brito in his Theatrum mentions ' Ferdinandus Garcia Espara- 
vanha, optimus poeta ' (= bom trovador). 



THE CANCIONEIROS 53 

13th c.) — the name appears in a marginal note to one of King 
Alfonso's Cantigas de Santa Maria (C. M. 223 in the manuscript 
j. b. 2) — whose poems show a perfect mastery of rhythm and 
a true instinct for beauty. He wrote apastorela in the manner of 
the trouveres, and combined it with some of the most exquisite 
specimens of the indigenous poetry.^ The fact that one of these 
was by Joan Zorro makes it probable that Nunez' celebrated 
bailada (C. V. 462) is but a development of Zorro's (C. V. 761), 
unless both drew from a common popular source. Another of 
his poems (C. V. 468) reads like an anticipatory slice out of 
Juan Ruiz' Libro de Buen Amor. Great importance has been 
attached to another (C. V. 466) as a remnant of a cantar de gesta, 
but D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos has shown that it 
was written to commemorate a contemporary event, probably 
in 1289.2 More than any other poet of the Cancioneiros, with 
the exception, perhaps, of King Dinis, Nunez anticipated that 
doce estylo, the introduction of which cost Sa de Miranda so 
many perplexities. 

The Cancioneiros contain poems by high and low, prince and, one 
would fain say, peasant, noble trobador and humble jogral, soldiers 
and civilians, priests and laymen, singers of Galicia, Portugal, 
and Spain, but more especially of Galicia and North Portugal. 
As in the case of C. V. 466, the interest of many of the poems 
is historical : C. V. 1088, for instance, written by a partisan of 
the dethroned King Sancho H ; or C. V. 1080, a gesta de maldizer 
of fifty-six lines in three rhymes, with the exclamation Eoy ! at 
the change of the rhyme, which was written by D. Afonso 
Lopez de Bayan {c. 1220-80), clearly in imitation of the Chanson 
de Roland.^ Almost equally prominent, though not from any 
historical associations, is the curiously modern C. A. 429 ( = C. C. B. 
314) among the cantigas de amor. It tells of a girl forced against 
her will to enter a convent, and who says to her lover : ' My 
dress may be rehgious, but God shall not have my heart.' 
(For the metre, cf. C. V. 342.) Its author was the fidalgo 

' See p. 31. 

" See Randglosse xii. An incidental interest belongs to this poem of 
eighteen dodecasyllabic lines from the fact that in C. V, B. it is printed in 
thirty-six lines, as a proof of the early predominance of the redondilha. 

' Cf. the Provencal passage in Mild y Fontanals, De los Trohadores, p. 62. 



54 I185-1325 

D. Rodrig' Eanez de Vasconcellos, one of the pre-Dionysian 
poets. But indeed no further proofs are needed to show that, 
even had King Dinis never existed, the contents of the early 
Portuguese Cancioneiros would have been remarkable for their 
variety and beauty. When Alfonso X died his grandson Dinis 
(1261-1325) ^ had sat for five years on the throne of Portugal. 
Plentifully educated by a Frenchman, Aym6ric d'£brard, 
afterwards Bishop of Coimbra, married to a foreign princess, 
Isabel of Aragon (the Queen-Saint of Portugal), profoundly 
impressed, no doubt, by the world-fame of Alfonso X, to whom 
he was sent on a diplomatic mission when not yet in his teens, 
he became nevertheless one of the most national of kings. If 
he imitated Alfonso X in his love of literature, he showed him- 
self a far abler and firmer sovereign, being more like a rock 
than like the sea, to which the poet compared Alfonso. Far- 
sighted in the conception of his plans and vigorous in their 
execution, the Rei Lavrador, whom Dante mentions, though not 
by name : quel di Portogallo [Paradiso xix), fostered agriculture, 
increased his navy, planted pine-forests, fortified his towns, 
built castles and convents and churches, and legislated for the 
safety of the roads and for the general welfare and security of 
his people. Among his great and abiding services to his country 
was the foundation of the first Portuguese University in the 
year 1290, and in the same spirit he ordered the translation of 
many notable books from the Spanish, Latin, and Arabic into 
Portuguese prose, including the celebrated works of the Learned 
King, so that it is truer of prose than of poetry to say that he 
inaugurated a golden age.^ Had he written no line of verse his 
name must have been for ever honoured in Portugal as the real 
founder of that imperishable glory which was fulfilled two 
centuries later. But he also excelled as a poet, d'amor trobador. 
It had no doubt been part of his education to write convention- 
ally in the Provengal manner, but his skill in versification, 
remarkable even in an age in which Portuguese poetry had 
attained exceptional proficiency in technique, would have 

' He thus overlapped Dante's life by four years at either end. 
' T. A. Craveiro, Compendia (1833), cap. 5 : D. Diniz trouxe a idade de 
ouro a Portugal. 



THE CANCIONEIROS 55 

availed him, or at least us, little had he not also possessed an 
instinct for popular themes, perhaps directly encouraged by 
Alfonso X. The Declaratio placed by Guiraut Riquier of Nar- 
bonne on the lips of that king in 1275 marked the coming 
asphyxia of Provencal poetry, for it showed the tendency to 
take the jogral ^ away from tavern and open air and to cut off 
his poetry from the life of the people. It was owing to the 
personal encouragement of Dinis that the waning star of both 
Provencal and indigenous poetry continued to shine in Portugal 
for another half-century. The grandson of Alfonso X was the 
last hope of the trobadores and jograes of the Peninsula. From 
Leon and Castille and Aragon they came to reap an aftermath 
of song and panos at his Court, and after his death remained 
silent or unpaid (C. V. 708). The poems of King Dinis are not 
only more numerous but far more various than those of any 
other trobador, with the exception of Alfonso X, and it may 
perhaps be doubted whether they are all the work of his own 
hand. In poetry's old age he might well wish to collect speci- 
mens of various kinds for his Livro de Trovas. But many of the 
138 poems ^ that we possess under his name are undoubtedly 
his, and display a characteristic force and sincerity as well as 
true poetic delicacy and power. Among them are some colour- 
less cantigas de amor and others more individual in tone, 
pastorelas (C. V. 102, 137, 150), cantigas de amigo (more Provengal 
than Portuguese in their spirit of vigorous reproach are C. V. 186 : 
Amigo faW e desleal, and C. V. 198 : Ai faW amigo e sen lealdade), 
a jingle worthy of the Cantigas de Santa Maria (C. V. 136), 
a poem in 8.8.4.8 metre (C. V. 131), atafiindas (e. g. C. V. 130), a 
mordobre in querer (C. V. 113, Quix ben, amigos, e quer' e querrei 
Ua molher que me quis e quer mal E querrd), and cossantes of an 
unmistakably popular flavour : Ay flores, ay flores do verde pino 
(C. V. 171), two albas (C. V. 170, 172), C. V. 168, 169, with their 
refrains lougana and ai madre, moiro d'amor, C. V. 173 with its 

■ A late echo of the early (Alfonso X) legislation against the jogral is to be 
found in King Duarte's Leal Conselheiro, cap. 70 : Dos Pecados da Ohra, 
These include dar aos jograaees. Nunez de Learn translates joglar as truao 
(1606). 

C. V. 80-208 (= C. D. L. 1-75,77-128, 76) and C.C. B. 406-15 (= C.D.L. 
i2g-38). C. V. ii6 = C. V. 174. 



56 II85-1325 

quaint charm: Vede-la frol do pinho — Valha Deus, and the 
hailada-cossante (C. V. 195 : Mia madre velida, Voum' a la bailia 
Do amor). If the king wrote these cossantes he must be reckoned 
not only as a musical and skilful versifier but as a great poet. 
And certainly, at least, his graciosas e dulces palavras well earned 
him the reputation of being not only the best king but the best 
poet of his time in the Peninsula. 

It would seem that, unlike his grandfather, who had begun 
with profane and ended with religious verse, King Dinis, no 
doubt at his grandfather's bidding, who would be delighted 
to find a disciple [D'ized\ ai trobadores, A Sennor das Sennores 
Par que a non loades ?), began writing songs in honour of the 
Virgin and sent them to the Castilian king. His book of Louvores 
da Virgem Nossa Senhora is said to have been seen in the Escorial 
Library and in the Lisbon Torre do Tombo, and it is impossible 
altogether to set aside the statements of Duarte Nunez de Leam ^ 
and Aiitonio de Sousa de Macedo, who says that he read religious 
poems by King Dinis at the Escorial.^ On the other hand, it 
must be remembered that it was the common opinion that 
King Dinis had been the first to write Portuguese poetry, and 
the temptation to attribute ancient poems to him would be 
strong. The possibility of confusion with the Livro de Cantigas 
of Alfonso X (to which his grandson may well have contributed 
poems) * is also obvious. But the statement of Sousa de Macedo, 
who was no passing traveller in a hurry, and who had wide 
experience of books and libraries,* is very precise. No trace or 

' Cronica del Rei D. Diniz, 1677 ed., f. 113 v. 

* Mandou hum livro dalles escrito por sua mSo a seu avo ... quai eu vi na 
livraria do Real Convento do Escurial, em folha de papel grosso, de marca pequena, 
volume de tres ou quatro dedos de alto, de letra grande, latina, bem legivel, e que 
ly era de Louvores a Nossa Senhora, e outras cousas ao divino (Eva e Ave, 1676 ed., 
pp. 128-9) . This interesting passage is not included in those quoted in C. A.M. V. 
ii. 1 12-17 ; it is obviously the source of no. 17. It does not imply that the 
poems were exclusively religious. Can the book three or four fingers in height 
have been the Cane, da Ajuda (460 millimetres) from which a section of 
sacred poems may have been torn ? If so the letters Rey Dd Denis (C. A. M. V. 
i. 141) would explain the attribution to King Dinis. 

» The language of C. M. and the Portuguese Cancioneiros was of course the 
same. Identical phrases occur. 

' He twice visited Oxford, he says, in order to see the library, which he 
describes — hiia das grandes cousas do mundo {Eva e Ave, 1676 ed., p. 156). 
At the Escorial he also examined an original manuscript of St. Augustine 
(ibid., p. 150). 



THE CANCIONEIROS 57 

memory of the existence of this manuscript exists, however, at 
the Escorial Library, nor is to be found in the Catdlogo de los 
Manuscritos existentes antes del incendio de i6yi. The subjects 
of King Dinis' ten^ satirical poems are trivial, but he had 
too much force of character to descend to such vilenesses as 
were common among profofadores. (His concise definition of 
a bore : falou mutt' e mal (C. C. B. 411) is worthy of Afonso de 
Albuquerque.) Of his illegitimate sons, besides D. Afonso 
Sanchez, D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos, long had a reputation 
as a poet almost equal to that of his father, owing to the 
association of his name with the Cancioneiro ; but of his ten 
poems six (C. V. 1037-42) are satirical, and the four cantigas 
de amor (C. V. 210-13) are perhaps the heaviest and most prosaic 
in the collection. It was as a prose-writer and editor of the 
Livro de Linhagens that he worthily carried on the literary 
tradition of King Dinis. 

' c. c. B. 406-15. 



II 

I325-I52I 

§1 

Early Prose 

With prose a new period opens, since, although there are 
Portuguese documents of the late twelfth century ^ and the 
Latin chrysalis was in an advanced stage of development even 
earlier, prose as a literary instrument does not begin before the 
fourteenth century or the end of the thirteenth at the earliest. 
The fragments of an early Poetica^ clearly show how slow and 
awkward were still the movements of prose at a time when 
poetry had attained an exceedingly graceful expression. The 
next two centuries redressed the balance in the favour of prose. 
The victory of Aljubarrota (1385) made it possible to carry on 
the national work begun by King Dinis — the preparation of 
Portugal's resources for a high destiny. In this constructive 
process literature was not forgotten, and indeed its deliberate 
encouragement, as though it were an industry or a pine-forest, 
may account for the fact that it consisted mainly of prose — 
chronicles, numerous translations from Latin, Spanish, and 
other languages, works of religious or practical import. The 
first kings of the dynasty of Avis, who rendered noble service 
to Portuguese literature, were not poets, and in the second half 
of the fifteenth century Spanish influence, checked at Alju- 
barrota, succeeded by peaceful penetration in recovering all 
and more than all that it had lost, till it became common to hear 
lyrics of Boscan sung in the streets of Lisbon,^ and uncommon 
for a Portuguese poet to versify in his mother tongue.* Prose 

' Portuguese is then uma lingua coherente, clara, um instrumento perfeito 
para a expressao do pensamento, cuja maior plasticidade dependerd apenas 
da cultura liiteraria, F. Adolpho Coelho, A Lingua Portugueza (1881), p. 87. 

^ See supra, p. 48. 

' See p. 160. 

• Cf. for the seventeenth century Galhegos' preface and Mon. Lusit. 



EARLY PROSE 59 

was more national. King Dinis had encouraged translation 
into Portuguese, and among other works his grandfather King 
Alfonso the Learned's Cronica General was translated by his 
order. The only edition that we have, Historia Geral de 
Hespanha (1863), is cut short in the reign of King Ramiro (cap. 
ccii, p. 192). The first '0' of the preface in the manuscript 
contains the king in purple robe and crown of gold, pen in hand, 
with a book before him. The style is primitive, often a succes- 
sion of short sentences beginning with ' And '.^ In the convents 
brief lives of saints, portions of the Bible, prayers and regula- 
tions were written in Portuguese. Thus we have thirteenth- or 
fourteenth-century fragments of the rules of S. Bento, Fragmentos 
de uma versao antiga da regra de S. Bento, with its traces of a Latin 
original (e. g. os desprezintes Deos = contemnentes Deum) ; the 
Actos dos Apostolos, written in the middle of the fifteenth century 
by Frei Bernardo de Alcobaga and Frei Nicolao Vieira, that is, 
copied by them from an older manuscript ; the eloquent prayers 
{Libra de Moras) translated by ^another Alcobaga monk, Frei 
Joao Claro (ti520?); the Historias abreviadas do Testamento 
Velho, printed from a manuscript of the fourteenth century, or 
of the thirteenth retouched in the fourteenth. The translation 
is close ; the style foreshadows that of the Leal Conselheiro. The 
importance of these and other fragmentary versions of the 
Bible, in which there can rarely be a doubt as to the meaning 
of the words, is obvious. Extracts from the Vida de Eufrosina 
and the Vida de Maria Egipcia, published in 1882 by Jules 
Cornu from the manuscripts formerly in the Monastery of 
Alcobaga, now in the Torre do Tombo, show that they were 
written in vigorous if primitive prose (14th c). A Lenda dos 
Santos Barlaam e Josaphat is perhaps a little later (end of the 
fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century). The Visdo de 
Tundalo, of which the Latin original, Visio Tundali, was written 
by Frei Marcos not long after the date of the vision (1140), 

V. xvi. 3 : achandose neste reino poucos que escrevdo versos e nao seja na lingua 
estranjeira de Castilla. 

' e. g. £ matou a grande serpente dcdlagoa de lerne que auja sete cabefas. 
E persegujo as pias filhas de finees que Ihe aujd odio e o queria desherdar. 
E foy CO jaasson que adusse o velloso dourado da ylha de colcos. E destroyu 
troya, &c. 



6o 1325-1521 

exists in two Portuguese versions, probably both of ttie fifteenth 
century (Monastery of Alcobaga). The Vida de Santo Aleixo 
also exists in two codices belonging to the middle and beginning 
of the fifteenth century, and Dr. Esteves Pereira, who pub- 
lished the latter, considers that the variants point to an earlier 
manuscript of the beginning of the fourteenth or end of the 
thirteenth century. To about the same period (i4th-i5th c.) 
belong the Lenda de Santo Eloy, the Vida de Santo Amaro, the 
Vida de Santa Pelagia, and many similar short devout treatises 
and legends which concern literature less than the development 
of the Portuguese language. Both literature and philology are 
interested in the early fifteenth- century work printed by, Dr. 
Leite de Vasconcellos from the manuscript in, the Vienna HoJ- 
bibliothek : Livro de Esopo, which consists not of direct transla- 
tions ^ from Exopo greguo of Antioch but of estorias ffremosas 
de animalias, told in the manner of Aesop, half a century before 
William Caxton and Robert Henryson, with great naturalness, 
vigour, and brevity. 

The earliest entry of the Cronica Breve do Archivo Nacional is 
dated 1391, and both it and the Cronicas Breves e memorias 
avulsas de Santa Cruz de Coimbra are laconic annals of the first 
kings of Portugal, a few lines covering a whole reign. The Livro da 
Noa de Santa Cruz de Coimbra is an extract from the Livro das 
Heras of the same convent, and is, as the latter title indicates, 
a similar simple chronicle of events by years. ^ It begins in Latin, 
then Latin and Portuguese entries alternate till 1405. From 
1406 to the end (1444) they are exclusively Portuguese. The 
Cronica da Ordem dos Frades Menores (1209-85) is a fifteenth- 
century Portuguese translation of a fourteenth-century Latin 
chronicle, and has been carefully edited by Dr. J. J. Nunes from 
the manuscript in the Lisbon Biblioteca, Nacional ; the Vida de 
D. Tello (15th c), and the Vida de S. Isabel, the Queen-consort 
of King Dinis (earlier 15th c), are ' historical ' biographies 

' Cf . Por este enxemplo este doutor nos mostra, or este poeta nos dd ensinamento , 
&c. The Fables of Aesop were translated into Portuguese prose by Manuel 
Mendez, a schoolmaster at Lagos (Algarve) : Vida e Fabi4as do Insigne 
Fabulador Grego Esopo. Evora, 1603. 

' e. g. of an earthquake : Era de mil e quairocentos e quatro desoito diai do 
mez de Junho tremeo a terra ao serao muy rijamente e foi por espafo que 
disserom Pater tres vezes. 



EARLY PROSE 6i 

which contain more legend and less history than the Cronica 
da Fundagam do Moesteiro de S. Vicente de Lixboa {Cronica 
dos Vicentes), a fifteenth-century version from a Latin original, 
Indiculum, of the eleventh century. There is far more life if 
equal brevity in the Cronica da Conquista do Algarve [Coronica 
de como Dom Payo Correa . . . tomou este reino de Algarve aos 
Moras) — a rapid, vivid sketch which reads almost like a chapter 
out of Fernam Lopez. Here at last was some one with will ahd 
power to make the dry bones live.^ But meanwhile history of 
another kind had been written from a very early date. As 
a first rough catalogue of names the liwos de linhagens, books 
of descent, as they were called by their compilers,^ go back 
fartherthan the chronicles or religious prose, but so far asconcerns 
their claim to literary form they belong like those to the four- 
teenth century. Of the four that have come down to us the 
Livro Velho is a jejune family register (iith-i4th c.) ; the second 
is a mere fragment of the same kind. The manuscript of the 
third [0 Nobiliario do Collegia dos Nohres) was bound up with 
the Cancioneiro da Ajuda, and together with the fourth, Nobi- 
liario do Conde D. Pedro, represents the lost original of the 
Livro de Linhagens of D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos (1289- 
1354)- The Nobiliario do Conde has been shown by Alexandre 
Herculano, who printed it from the manuscript in the Torre do 
Tombo, to be the work of various authors extending over more 
than a century (i3th-i4th), the Conde de Barcellos being but 
one of them. It was in fact compiled like a modern peerage,^ 
and was not intended to be final, new entries being added as 
time made them necessary, so that the passage diz Conde 
D. Pedro em sen livro is as natural as the mention of Innocencio 
da Silva in a later volume of his great dictionary. But it was 
this son of King Dinis who with infinite diligence searched for 
documents far and wide, had recourse to the writings of King 
Alfonso X and others, and spared no pains to give the work 

' The Cronica Troyana, edited in 1900 by the Spanish scholar and patient 
investigator D. Andr6s Martinez Salazar, is a fourteenth-century Galician 
version of Benolt de Saint-More's Roman de Troie. 

' The name Nobiliario is one of the erudite words which in the sixteenth 
century, here as in so many other cases, ousted the indigenous. 

' Its object was por saberem os homens fidalgos de Portugal de qual linhagens 
vent e de quaes coutos, honras, mosteiros e igreias som naturaes. 



62 1325-1521 

an historical as well as a genealogical character. His researches 
{Ouue de catar, he says, por gram trabalho por muitas terras 
escripturas que fallauam das linhagees) set an excellent example 
to Fernam Lopez. Certainly the Livro de Linhagens is a vast 
catalogue of names, with at most a brief note after the name, as 
' he was a good priest ' or ' a very good poet ' ; but it also gives 
succinct stories of the. Kings of the Earth from Adarri, including 
Priam, Alexander, Julius Caesar, and the early kings of Portugal, 
and it contains rare but charming intervals, green oases of 
legend and anecdote, such as the tale of King Lear with its 
happy ending, or the account of King Ramiro going to see his 
wife, who was a captive of the Moors. -^ Count Pedro, by his 
humanity and his generous conception of what a genealogy 
should be, really made the book his own. It was naturally con- 
sulted by the early chroniclers, its worth was recognized by the 
ablest author of the Monarchia Lusitana,^ and recently, in the 
skilful hands of D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos, it has 
rendered invaluable service in reconstructing the lives of the 
thirteenth-century poets. ^ 

The Livro de Linhagens refers not only to King Lear but to 
Merlin, King Arthur, Lancelot, and the Isle of Avalon. Many 
other allusions, both earlier and later, to the Breton cycle, 
the matiere de Bretagne, are to be found in early Portuguese 
literature : to the lovers Tristan and Iseult, to the cantares de 
Cornoalha,* to the chivalry of the Knights of the Round Table. 
In the fourteenth century many in Portugal were baptized 
with the name of Lancelot, Tristan, and Percival; and Nun' 
Alvarez ( 1360-143 1) chose Galahad for his model, and came 
as near realizing his ideal as may be given to mortal man. In 
Gil Vicente's time the name Percival had already descended 
to the sphere of the peasants : as Passival (i. 11) in 1502 

' His successful wile is similar to the stratagem in Macbeth : e pots que 
a nave entrou pela foz cobrio-a de panos verdes em tal guisa que cuidassem que 
eram ramos, ca entonce Douro era cuberto de hua parte e da outra darvores. 

' A escritura de maior utilidade que temos em Espanha (Frei Francisco 
Brandao, Mon. Lus. V. xvii. S). 

' i. e. the copy printed in Portug. Mon. Hist, from the only existing manu- 
script {= the copy by Gaspar Alvarez de Lousada Machado (15 54-1634) in 
the Lisbon Torre do Tombo) . 

' The • songs of Cornwall ' are mentioned in C. V. 1007. Cf. 1140. 



EARLY PROSE 63 

{Auto Pastoril Castelhano) and Pessival (i. 117) in 1534 {Auto de 
Mofina Mendes). 

The early Portuguese Cancioneiros contain many references to 
this cycle, and the Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti opens with five 
celebrated songs,^ imitations of Breton lais, with rubrics explain- 
ing their subjects, and mentioning King Arthur and Tristan, 
Iseult, Cornwall, Maraot of Ireland, and Lancelot. Whether they 
were incorporated in the Cancioneiro from a Portuguese Tristam 
earlier than the Spanish version (1343 ?), or, as is more probable, 
directly from the Old-French Historia Tristani, their presence 
here is a sufficient witness to the Portuguese fondness for such 
themes. It was but natural that a Celtic people living by the 
sea, delighting in vague legends and in foreign novelties, should 
have felt drawn towards these misty tales of love and wandering 
adventure, which carried them west as far as Cornwall and 
Ireland, and also East, through the search for the Holy Grail. 
It was natural that they should undergo their influence earlier 
and more strongly than their more direct and more national 
neighbours the Castilians, whose clear, definite descriptions in 
the twelfth- century Poema del Cid would send those legends 
drifting back to the dim regions of their birth. (Even to-day 
connexion with and sympathy for Ireland is far commoner in 
Galicia than in any other part of Spain.) Unhappily, most of 
the early Portuguese versions of the Breton legends have been 
lost. King Duarte in his library possessed Merlim, Livro de 
Tristam, and Livro de Galaaz. The probability that these 
were written in Portuguese, not in Spanish, is increased by the 
survival of A Historia dos Cavalleiros da Mesa Redonda ,e da 
Demanda do Santo Graall, as yet only partially published from 
"the manuscript (2594) in the Vienna Hofbibliothek. It was written 
probably in the fourteenth century, perhaps at the end of the 
thirteenth, although the Vienna manuscript is more recent and 
belongs to the fifteenth century, in which the work was referred 
to by the poet Rodriguez de la Camara.^ It is a Portuguese 
version of the story of the Holy Grail, and, although not a 

' See C. Mchaelis de Vasconcellos, Cancioneiro da Ajuda, ii. 479-525. 
They are called lais, layx (C. C. B. 7, 8). 

" En la grand demanda de Santo Greal Se lee. Gral is still a common Portu- 
guese word (= almofariz, a mortar). 



64 1325-152I 

continuous translation, was evidently written with the French 
original (doubtfully ascribed to Robert de Boron,^ author of 
a different work on the same subject) constantly in view. Traces 
of French remain in its prose.^ This was clearly part of a larger 
work,* perhaps of a whole cycle of works dealing with the search 
for the Holy Grail. The only others that we have in print are 
the Estorea de Vespeseano and the Livro de Josep ab Arimatia, 
the manuscript of which was discovered in the nineteenth 
century in the Torre do Tombo. This, in the same way as the 
Demanda do Santo Graall, is a later (i6th c.) copy of a thirteenth- 
fourteenth-century Portuguese translation or adaptation from 
the French, and retains in its language signs of French origin. 
The incunable Estorea de Vespeseano (Lixboa, 1496) is a work 
in twenty-nine short chapters, which only incidentally ^ refers 
to the Holy Grail, but recounts vividly the event mentioned in 
the Demanda ^ : the destruction of Jerusalem by Vespasian and 
Titus. It was also known formerly as Destroygam de Jerusalem.^ 
It is an anonymous translation, made in the middle of the 
fifteenth century, not from the French Destruction de Jirusalem, 
but from the Spanish Estoria del noble Vespesiano {c. 1485 and 
1499). Dr. Esteves Pereira believes that the 1499 Spanish 
edition is a retranslation from the Portuguese text originally 
translated from the Spanish. 

Tennyson's revival of the Arthurian legend in JEngland 
evoked no corresponding interest in Portugal in the nineteenth 
century, and the primitive and touching story as published in 
1887 has left Sir Percival in the very middle of an adventure 
for over a generation. The descent of the Amadis romances 
from the noble ideal of chivalry of King Arthur's Court is obvious, 
but their exact pedigree, the date and nationality of the first 
ancestor of the Amadis who is still with us, has been the subject 
of some little contention. 

' ruberte de borem is mentioned, 1887 ed., p. 44. 

' Not to speak of certas, onta.fehre {= faible), a voso sciente, wliichmay be 
found in other Portuguese works of the fifteenth century, san (p. 136 ad fin.) 
apparently = Fr. s'en. 

' Cf. asi cotno conto a ja deuisado (1887 ed., p. 7). 

• 190S ed., p. 95. 

' 1887 ed., p. 43 : despois uespesiom os eyxerdou e os destruio. 

' 1905 ed., pp. 17, 23, 106. 



EARLY PROSE 65 

Amadis de Gaula has indeed been doubly fortunate. The 
successor of Lancelot, Galahad, and Tristan as a fearless and 
loyal knight, he early won his way in the Peninsula ; he was 
spared by the priest and barber in the Don Quixote scrutiny, 
and now when Vives' ' pestiferous books ',^ those ' serious 
follies ', are no longer read widely, he has received a new span 
of immortality as a corpse of Patroclus between the contending 
critics. The problem of the date and authorship has become 
more fascinating than the book. Champions for Spain and 
Portugal come forward armed for the fight : Braunfels, Gayangos, 
Baist are met by Theophilo Braga, Carolina Michaelis de Vas- 
concellos, Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, while Dr. Henry 
Thomas holds the scales. The ground is thick with their 
arrows. And beneath them all lies the simple ingenuous story 
as retold by Garci Rodriguez de Montalvo in or immediately 
after 1492 and published in 1508, still worth reading for 
its freshness and for its clear good style, which Braunfels, 
following up the praise in Juan de Valdes' Didlogo de la Lengua 
{c- 1535), declared could not be a translation.^ The argument, 
conclusive in the case of the masterpiece of prose that is Palmeirim 

" De Institutione Christianae Feminae, Bk. I, cap. 5 : ' Turn et de pestiferis 
libris cuiusmodi sunt in Hispania [= the whole Peninsula], Amadisius, Splan- 
dianus, Florisandus, Tirantus, Tristanus, quarum ineptiarum nuUus est 
finis ; quotidie prodeunt novae : Caelistina laena, nequitiarum parens, 
career amorum : in Gallia Lancilotus a Lacu, Paris et Vienna, Ponthus et 
Sydonia, Petrus Provincialis et Magelona, Melusina, domina inexorabilis : 
in hac Belgica Florius et Albus Flos, Leonella et Cana morus. Curias et 
Floreta, Pyramus et Thisbe ' {loannis Ludovici Vivis Valentini Opera Omnia, 
7 vols., Valentiae Edetanorum, 1782-8, iv. 87). A Portuguese Tristan may 
have existed, a Portuguese original of Tirant lo Blanch less probably, although 
Pedro Juan Martorell, who began it in the Valencian or Lemosin a ii de 
Giner de lany 1460, declares that he had not only translated it from English 
into Portuguese but (mas encara) from Portuguese into Valencian. He 
dedicated it to the molt illustre Princep Ferdinand of Portugal. Very prob- 
ably the fame and origin of Amadis accounted for this 'English' original, 
as mythical as the Hungarian origin of Las Sergas de Esplandian, and for 
its alleged translation into Portuguese. 

^ Braunfels, Versuch : ' Montalvo hatte, um einer Uebersetzung den 
Ruhm des mustergiltigen Styls und des reinsten Kastilianisch zu verschaffen, 
ein Geist ersten Rangs sein miissen, was er nicht war." Montalvo was probably 
not the real author even of the fourth book. The words (in this Prdlogo 
of his Amadis), que hasta aquino es memoria de ninguno ser visto, refer not to 
the fourth book but to Montalvo's Sergas de Esplandian, which is conveniently 
replaced by dots in T. Braga, QuestSes (1881), p. 99, and Hist, da Litt. 
Port.,i (1909), p. 313, and which the priest in Don Quixote properly consigned 
to the flames. 

2362 E 



66 1325-1521 

de Inglaterra, loses its force here, since Montalvo himself tells us 
that he corrected the work from old originals. Naturally we 
are curious to know what these antiguos originales were, but the 
question did not arise in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries : 
readers did not then concern themselves greatly with the origin 
and authorship of a book; they were content to enjoy it. 
Evidently Amadis was enjoyed both in Spain and Portugal. 
It is mentioned in the middle of the fourteenth century in the 
Spanish translation, by Johan Garcia de Castrogeriz, of Egidio 
Colonna's De regimine principum, at the very time, that is, 
when the Spanish poet and chronicler, Pero Lopez de Ayala 
(1332-1407), was reading Amadis in his youth.^ Half a century 
later, in the last quarter of the fourteenth century, a poem by 
Pero Ferrus in the Cancionero de Baena refers to Amadis as 
written in three books. This is one of the most definite early 
references to Amadis, but of course reference to the book by 
a Spaniard does not necessarily imply that it was written in 
Spanish, and indeed some of the vaguer allusions may refer to 
a French or Anglo-French original. The most frequent Spanish 
references occur in the Cancionero de Baena, which was compiled 
in the middle of the fifteenth century, at a period, that is, which 
the last Galician lyrics written in Spain connected with the time 
when all eyes were turned to Portuguese as the universal language 
of Peninsular lyrics. Because the Portuguese language was used 
throughout Spain in lyric poetry, it is sometimes argued as if 
the Portuguese had no prose, could only sing. (The more real 
division was not between verse and prose but between the 
Portuguese lyrical love literature and the Spanish epic battle 
literature, and the early romances of chivalry, although written 
in prose, belong essentially to the former.) The prose rubrics 
of the Portuguese Cancioneiros and the Poetica of the Cancioneiro 
Colocci- Brancuti are suf&cient to dispel this delusion. Whether 
this Poetica be contemporary (13th c.) of the lyrics or later 
(14th c), it offers a striking contrast between the clumsiness of 
its prose and the smooth perfection of the poetry for which 

' His connexion with Portugal was not voluntary. It was probably when 
he was a prisoner after the battle of Aljubarrota (1385) that he wrote the 
Rimado de Palacio, in which (st. 162) Amadis is mentioned. 



EARLY PROSE 67 

it theorizes. Miguel Leite Ferreira's statement (1598) that 
Amadis is contemporary with the lyrics is therefore remarkable. 
He says that the archaic (time of King Dinis) language of the 
two sonnets — Bom Vasco de Loheira and Vinha Amor pelo campo 
trebelhando — ^written by his father, Antonio Ferreira (1528-69), 
is the same as that in which Vasco de Lobeira wrote Amadis 
of Gaul. We know that King Dinis encouraged not only lyric 
poetry but also translations into Portuguese prose, but all the 
early Portuguese prose works are assigned to the fourteenth, 
not the thirteenth century. One of the earliest, the Demanda 
do Santo Graall, the language of which bears a close relation to 
that of the Cancioneiros, still belongs to the fourteenth century. 
Probably the later development of prose misled Leite Ferreira 
into making fourteenth-century prose contemporary with thir- 
teenth-century verse. The Infante whom he here on the strength 
of the passage in Montalvo's Amadis identifies with the son of 
King Dinis, not with the earlier Prince Afonso [c. 1265-1312), 
may as Infante have expressed dislike of a certain incident (the 
treatment of Briolanja) in the already well-known story, and 
his preferenpe would be borne in mind when the Portuguese 
version was written in his reign (1325-57). If the first Peninsular 
version of Amadis was composed in Portuguese in the middle 
of the fourteenth century, it may have been eagerly read as 
a novelty by Lopez de Ayala. In the fourteenth century most 
Spaniards read, a few wrote ^ Portuguese lyrics ; and there 
seems to be no reason why we should rigorously confine them 
to the reading of verse, to the exclusion of Portuguese prose. 
There is no means of deciding with certainty whether Lopez de 
Ayala and Ferrus read Amadis in Spanish or in Portuguese, but 
there are inherent probabilities in favour of Portuguese. No 
one without a thesis to support would deny that, generally, the 
cycle of the Round Table, to which Amadis is so closely related, 
was more congenial to the Portuguese than to the Spanish 
temperament, that the geographical position of Portugal facili- 
tated its introduction, and that, in the particular case of Amadis, 
the style and subject of the work, certainly of the first three 

■ For the later writers of Galician (second half 14th c.) see Professor 
Lang's Cancioneiro GaUego-Castelhano (1902). 

E 2 



68 I325-1521 

books, are Portuguese rather than Spanish. Melancholy in- 
cidents, sentimental phrases and tears occur on nearly every 
page. Some critics even discern traces of Portuguese in the 
language.^ 

But if we admit that Amadis was written c. 1350, who was 
its author ? It is noteworthy that while in Spanish it had been 
attributed to many persons, in Portugal tradition has persistently 
hovered round the name of Lobeira. Unfortunately the Lobeira 
authorship has given far more trouble than that of prince, Jew, 
or saint in Spain. Zurara, basing his statement on an earlier 
fifteenth-century authority, in a perfectly genuine passage of 
his Cronica do Conde D. Pedro de Meneses,^ written in the middle 
of the fifteenth century, ascribes Amadis to Vasco de Lobeira. 
In the next century Dr. Joao de Barros* (not the historian) and 
Leite Ferreira agree with Zurara.* There was no reason why 
they should say Vasco rather than Pedro or Joao. According 
to Nunez de Leam, Vasco de Lobeira was knighted on the field 
of Aljubarrota (1385), according to Fernam Lopez he was already 
a knight in 1383.^ If he was not a young but an old knight at 

' Lua (glove), cedo. Sec, of course occur in early Spanish prose. Soledad 
certainly occurs in the first three books more frequently than in other Spanish 
prose. The Portuguese atmosphere is altogether absent in Las Sergas. 

' Cap. 63 : Livro d' Amadis, como quer que soomente este fosse feito a prazer 
de hum homem que se chamava Vasco Lobeira em tempo d'El Rey Dom Fernando, 
sendo todalas cousas do dito Liuro fingidas do Autor. 

^ Libro das Antiguidades (1549), f. 32 v. : E daqui [do Porto] foi natural 
uasco lobeira cj fez os prim'"' 4 libros de amadis, obra certo muj subtil e 
graciosa e aprouada de todos os gallantes, mas comos [so] estas couzas se secao 
em nossas moos os Castelhanos Ihe mudardo a linguoagem e atribuirdo a obra assi 
[so]. This passage is, however, absent in the earliest manuscript. The 
spelling couzas implies a late date for its introduction. 

* So did Faria e Sousa, but he, too, had his Lobeira doubts, and after 
noting that Vasco de Lobeira was knighted by King Joao I says : ' si ya no 
es que era otro del mismo nombre. Pero la Escritura de Amadis se tiene per 
del tiempo deste Rey don luan ' (Fvente de Aganipe (Madrid, 1646), § 10). 
The obvious sympatliy of the author for the escudero viejo who is knighted 
in Amadis (ii. 13, 14) amidst the laughter of the Court ladies is perhaps 
significant. 

' Cronica de D. Fernando, cap. 177. The year of his death, given as 1403, 
is quite uncertain. Scares de Brito in the Theatrum forms no independent 
opinion : ' Vascus de Lobeyra inter Lusitanos Scriptores enumeratur a Faria. 
. . . Floruit tempore Fernandi Regis.' Antonio Sousa de Macedo, in Flores 
de Espana, also follows Faria : Vasco de Lobeira fui el primero que con gentil 
habilidad escribid libros de caballerias. NicolAs Antonio (1617-84), Bib. 
Nov., 1688 ed., ii. 322, says that Vasco de Lobeira vulgo inter cives suos 
existimari solet auctor celeberrimi inter famosa scripti Historia de Amadis de 



EARLY PROSE 69 

Aljubarrota, it is just possible that he wrote the book thirty-five 
years earlier, in the same way that the historian Barros wrote 
Clarimundo in his youth. 

If he lived on through the reigns of Pedro I (1357-67) and 
Fernando (1376-83), and acquired new distinction in battle in 
the reign of the latter, this might account for Zurara's assertion 
that he wrote Amadis in the reign of Fernando. But the chief 
obstacle to the authorship of Vasco is the existence in the 
Cancioneiro Colocci-BrancuH (Nos. 230 and 232 a) of a song by 
Joan de Lobeira, Leonoreta, fin ro seta, which, reappears with slight 
variations in Montalvo's Amadis (Lib. II, cap. xi : este villancico). 
It would seem then that Joan, not Vasco, wrote Amadis. Joan de 
Lobeira,^ or Joan Pirez Lobeira, flourished in the second half of 
the thirteenth century, and so we have Amadis dating not only 
from the reign of King Dinis but from the first half of his 
reign. But does the existence of the poem entail that of a prose 
romance? The early mention of Tristan, e.g. by Alfonso X, 
does not necessarily imply the existence of a thirteenth-century 
Peninsular Tristan in prose. May we not accept the poem, 
written in the stirring metre, dear to men of action, used by 
Alfonso X (CM. 300), as merely a proof of the popularity of 
the story, fondness for an episode perhaps treated in greater 
detail in the Anglo-French original than in Montalvo's version ? 
Certainly it is in the highest degree improbable that a Spaniard, 
writing at the end of the fifteenth century, should extract 
a poem from the Portuguese Cancioneiros and insert it in his 
prose ; but the improbability disappears if in the middle of the 
fourteenth century a Portuguese (Vasco de Lobeira), perhaps 
drawn to the story by the poem of his ancestor, incorporated it 
in his romance. The late Antonio Thomaz Pires in 1904 dis- 
covered at Elvas the will of a Joao de Lobeira, mercador, who died 

Gaula . . . cuius laudes nos inter Anonymos curiose collegimus. Ostendere 
autem Lusitanos Amadisium hunc Lusitane loquentem, uti Castellani Castel- 
lanum ostendunt, ius et aequum esset in dubia re ne verbis tantum agerent. 
The challenge in the last sentence is of interest, as coming in date between 
the two statements (by Leite Ferreira and the Conde da Ericeira) asserting 
the existence of the Portuguese text. 

' There was a Canon of Santiago of this name in 1295, and he may have 
come to the Portuguese Court on business concerning certain privileges of the 
Chapter which King Dinis confirmed in 1324. 



70 1325-1521 

there in 1386, and in Dr. Theophilo Braga's latest opinion^ there 
were three Portuguese versions of Amadis : that of the father, this 
Joao de Lobeira, written in the time of King Dinis (a long-hved 
race these Lobeiras !), that of the son,^ Vasco, and a third by 
Pedro de Lobeira in the first half of the fifteenth century. The 
threefold authorship of 'this family heirloom is even more cruu 
de creer than the theory that a single Lobeira — Vasco — wrote 
it in the middle of the fourteenth century. A certain note 
of disapproval of Amadis as fabulous, shared by Portuguese 
and Spanish writers,^ perhaps indicates a fairly late date : its 
irresponsible fiction would be less excusable if it was written 
in an age which was beginning to attach serious impor- 
tance to nohiliarios and ' true ' chronicles. Moreover, if the 
Portuguese adaptation of an Anglo-French legend had been 
even remotely as developed as the form in which we now have 
it, the Infante Afonso must have seen at once that the faith- 
fulness of Amadis was absolutely essential to the story. But 
especially the fact that the Portuguese Cancioneiros, familiar 
with Tristan and the matihe de Bretagne, are silent on the subject 
of Amadis is significant. 

In Gottfried Baist's argument, based on a rigid division 
between early lyric poetry (as Portuguese) and early prose (as 
Spanish), the Leonoreta lyric, far from being a stumbling-block, 
is actually a sign of the Spanish origin of Amadis : as a fragment 
(14th c.) of a prose Tristan exists in Spanish, and five Portuguese 
Tristan lais figure in the Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti, so the 
Leonoreta poem belongs to a Spanish Amadis in prose. But 
although the priority and relations of early Portuguese and 
Spanish prose works are intricate and have not yet been thoroughly 
studied, it is clear that in many cases versions have been more 
carefully preserved in conservative Spain, while the Portuguese 
through neglect, fire, and earthquake have perished, and also 
that the natural tendency and development of prose, in view of 

• Hist, da Litt. Port, i (1909). 

' In the document the only son mentioned is named Gon9alo. 

» Zurara, loc. cit., cousas fingidas ; L6pez de Ayala, mentiras probadas. 
According to D. Francisco de Portugal {Arte de Galanteria, p. 146) such 
lies could only be written in Spanish {en la Portuguesa no se podia mentir 
tanto). Portugal was writing in Spanish. 



EARLY PROSE 71 

the growing power of Castille and the greater pliancy of the 
Portuguese, was from Portuguese to Spanish, not from Spanish 
to Portuguese. And in one instance at least we have an early- 
Portuguese prose work of the first importance, the Demanda do 
Santo Graall, which with its gallicisms can by no stretch of 
imagination be accounted a version from the Spanish. It is 
plainly legitimate to hold that the story of Amadis was first 
reduced to book form in the Peninsula in precisely the same way 
as was the story of Galahad, i.e. as a fourteenth- century Portu- 
guese adaptation with the French text in view. Nicholas 
d'Herberay des Essarts, we know, claimed to have discovered 
fragments of Amadis en langage picard, Jorge Cardoso (1606- 
69) declared that Pero Lobeira translated Amadis from the 
French,^ and Bernardo Tasso, whose Amadigi appeared in 1560, 
believed {non ^ dubbio) Amadis to be derived da qualche istoria di 
Bretagna. Nor would the Portuguese, for all their familiarity 
with the story and topography of the Breton cycle, be likely 
to compose original works dealing with Vindilisora (Windsor) 
or Bristoya (Bristol). Unhappily, however deep may be our 
con\siction (a conviction which stands in no need of antedating 
Hebrew versions of the 1508 Amadis) that the Peninsular Amadis 
was originally Portuguese, it has now ceased to belong to 
Portuguese literature; another instance, if we may beg the 
question, of the gravitation to Spain. The Portuguese text, of 
which a copy, according to Leite Ferreira, existed in the 
library of the Duques de Aveiro in the sixteenth century (1598), 
and, according to the Conde da Ericeira, in the library of the 
Condes de Vimieiro in the seventeenth (1686), is still missing, as 
it was in 1726. 

" * Agiologio Lusitano, i (1652), p. 410 : E por seu mandado [of the Infante 
Pedro, son of Joao I] trasladou de Frances em a nossa lingua Pero Lobeiro 
[so], Tabaliao d'Eluas, liuro de Amadis. 



§2 

Epic and Later Galician Poetry 

Some of the poems of the early Cancioneiros, as we have seen, 
have an historical character, but they are all written from a 
personal point of view. Portuguese history, with its heroic 
achievements such as the conquest of Algarve, seems to have 
begun just too late to be the subject of great anonymous epics, 
or rather the temperament of the Portuguese people eschewed 
them. Of five poems, long believed to be the earliest examples 
of Portuguese verse but no longer accepted by any sane critic 
as genuine, only one belongs to epic poetry. This Poema da 
Cava or da Perda de Espanha was an infant prodigy indeed, 
since it was supposed to have been written (in oitavas) in the 
eighth century. With a discretion passing that of Horace it 
kept itself from the world not for nine but nine hundred years, 
and was first published in Leitao de Andrada's Miscellanea 
(1629) ^ : rougo da Cava imprio de tal sanha, &c. 

Of the four other spurious poems, two^ were alleged to be 
love letters of Egas Moniz Coelho, a cousin of the celebrated 
Egas Moniz Coelho of the twelfth century ; another, pub- 
lished by Bernardo de Brito,^ Tinherabos nam tinherabos, has 
a real charm as gibberish. Fascination, of a different kind, 
attaches also to the fifth : 

No figueiral figueiredo, no figueiral entrei : 

Tres ninas encontrara, tres nifias encontrei, 

for if this poem is not genuine, and the fact that it was first 
published by Brito * at once lays it open to grave suspicion, it is 
nevertheless undoubtedly based on popular tradition of a yearly 

' 1867 ed., p. 333. 2 Ibid., pp. 304-7. 

" Cronica de Cister, Bk. VI, cap. i, 1602 ed., f. 372. It has been several 
times reprinted : cf. J. F. Barreto, Ortografia (1671), p. 23 ; Bellermann, Die 
alien Liederbiicher, p. 5 ; Grundriss, p. 163. 

" Monarchia Lusilana, 1609 ed., ii. 296 (also in Miscellanea, 1867 ed., 
pp- 25-6 ; Bellermann, pp. 3-4). 



EPIC AND LATER GALICIAN POETRY 73 

tribute of maidens to the Moors such as the Greeks paid to the 
Minotaur, and must be the echo of some Algarvian song. Its 
simple repetitions have a haunting rhythm, but they are perhaps 
a little too emphatic. The impression is that its author had 
been struck by the repetitions in songs heard on the lips of the 
people, perhaps crooned to him in his infancy (cf. Miscellanea, 
p. 25 : sendo eu muito menino), and worked them up in this 
poem. One early epic poem Portugal undoubtedly possessed, 
the Poema da Batalha do Salado, by Afonso Giraldez, who 
himself probably took part in the battle (1340). The subject of 
the poem is the same as that of the Spanish Poema de Alfonso 
Onceno, but whether its treatment was similar we cannot say, 
as only forty lines of the Galician-Portuguese poem survive. 
Since the authorship of the Spanish poem is doubtful and its 
rhymes run more naturally in Galician than in Spanish, the 
theory has arisen, among others, that Rodrigo Yannez, whose 
name perhaps denotes a connexion with Galicia, merely trans- 
lated the poem of Afonso Giraldez. But against this it is 
argued that Yannez or Eanez was a Galician or wrote Galician 
lyrics ( there are several poets of that name in the Cancioneiro da 
Vaticana), and when called upon to compose an epic — ^for Spain 
a late epic — chose Castilian, the traditional language of such 
poetry, and in executing his design found that his enthusiasm 
had outrun his knowledge of Castilian.^ It is not strange if so 
brilliant a victory inspired two poets independently with its 
theme. It is perhaps more extraordinary that both should have 
chosen a metre (8 + 8) which has called for remark as showing 
the romance through the cantar de gesta.^ Frei Antonio Brandao, 
indeed, called the Portuguese poem a romance, a type of poem 
which did not exist in the fourteenth century. Since the battle 
was fought in Spain it would be considered in Brandao's day 
a proper subject for a romance, but would be noticeable as being 
written in Galician. Castilian was throughout the Peninsula 
regarded as the fitting medium for the romance, as for its father 
the epic, just as, a century earlier, Galician was the universal 

■ SeeGrundriss, p. 205. D. Ram6n Men6ndez Pidal supports the suggestion 
of Leonese authorship (Revista de Filologia Espanola, i. i (1914), pp. 90-2). 
" See J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, LitUrature Espagnole, 1913 ed., p. 64. 



74 1325-1521 

language of the lyric.^ Portuguese poets, if they wrote a 
romance, would usually do so in Spanish. The best-known 
instance is Gil Vicente's fine poem ( muy sentido y galan as the 
1720 editor says) of D. Duardos e Flerida, which only belongs 
to Portuguese literature through the excellent ' translation of 
the Cavalheiro de Oliveira ', among whose papers Garrett pro- 
fessed to have found it. Portugal possessed no epic cantares 
de gesta of her own, had not therefore the stuff out of which the 
romances were formed, and the birth of the romance coincided 
with the predominance of Spanish influence in Spain. It is 
therefore surprising to find in Portugal a large number of romances 
unconnected with Spain, the explanation being that, having 
accepted with characteristic enthusiasm the new thing imported 
from abroad, the Portuguese turned to congenial themes, of. 
love, religion, and adventure. Had the romances been elaborated 
in the same way as in Spain, we might have expected a large 
number of anonymous Portuguese romances dealing with the 
Breton cycle, and indeed with early Portuguese history, so rich 
in heroic incidents. The fact that this is not the case and the 
number of romances collected in Tras-os-Montes alike point to 
their Spanish origin, while their frequency in the Azores denotes 
how popular they became later in Portugal. In the sixteenth 
century their Spanish character wa;s recognized. The poor 
escudeiro in Eufrosina is bidden go to Spain to gloss romances, 
and in the seventeenth century, as a passage in Mello's Fidalgo 
Aprendiz well shows, they were better liked if written in Spanish. 
The partiality for Spanish applied to poetry of other kinds, 
and Manuel de Galhegos says (1635) that it is a bold ventpre 
to publish poetry in Portuguese.^ But it did not as a rule 
extend to popular poetry. It is therefore noteworthy that the 
nurse in Gil Vicente sings romances in Spanish.* Dr. Theophilo 
Braga, who considers Spanish influence on the romances in 

' Cf. Rodriguez Lobo, Primavera (1722 ed.), p. 369 : tinhao os nossos 
guardadores por muyto difficultoso fazeremse em a lingoa Portugueza, porque 
a tern por menos engrafada para os romances. Sousa de Macedo says that 
Romance he poesia propria de Hespanha, but Hespanha here means Spain 
and Portugal and he instances G6ngora and Rodriguez Lobo (Eva e Ave, 
1676 ed., p. 130). 

" See infra, p. 258. 

' Obras, 1834 ed., ii. 27. 



EPIC AND LATER GALICIAN POETRY 75 

Portugal to have been ' late and insignificant '/ is obliged, in 
order to support his argument, to quote not Portuguese but 
Spanish romances.^ Nor is it a happy contention that Portuguese 
romances were not printed owing to desleixo, since the publica- 
tion of Spanish romances at Lisbon cannot be attributed merely 
to a craze for things foreign. More persuasive is the theory, 
developed by D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos,^ that 
many romances in Spanish were the work of Portuguese poets, 
especially those related to the Breton cycle, such as Ferido estd 
Don Tristan, those concerned with the sea, and those of a soft 
lyrical character, as Fonte Frida and La Bella Malmaridada. 
However that may be, the fact that romances appear on the lips 
of the people in Gil Vicente, that is, before the publication of 
the romanceros, indicates how rapidly their popularity spread,* 
and accounts for their numerous progeny in Portugal, collected 
in the nineteenth century. True historical romances the Portu- 
guese did not possess, unless we are to consider that certain lines 
which occur in Vicente's parody of Yo me estaha alia en Coimbra, 
in Garcia de Resende's Trovas, and elsewhere, are echoes of 
a Portuguese romance on the death of In& de Castro.^ But that 
is not to say that they did not possess romances, and many of 
these might be almost as old as their Spanish models, although 
not derived directly from cantares de gesta. These Portuguese 
romances or xacaras (in the Azores estorias and aravias) often 
differ from the Spanish in a certain vagueness of outline and 
sentimental tone. They are frequently of considerable length. 
Many of them are undoubtedly of popular origin and have 
a large number of variants in different parts of the country. If 

• Hist, da Litt. Port., ii (1914), pp. 267-87. ^ Ibid., pp. 280-5. 

' Estudos sobre Romanceiro Peninsular. Romances velhos de Portugal, 
Madrid, 1907-9. 

* Lucena (Vida, Bk. Ill, cap. 3) speaks of romances velhos em que elles 
[the natives of India] como nos, por ser o ordinario cantar da gente, guardam 
successo das memorias e cousas antigas. The expression romance velho 
in the sixteenth century may mean a romance that has gone out of fashion. 
Cf. Vicente, Os Almocreves : Hei os de todos grosar Ainda que sejam velhos. 
Antigo may similarly mean ' antiquated ' rather than ancient. Barros, 
Grammatica, 1785 ed., p. 163, mentions rimances antigos. D. Carohna Michaelis 
de Vasconcellos considers that the romances came from Spain to Portugal at 
the latestin the third quarter and perhaps in the first half of theiifteenthcentury. 

= See Estudos sobre Rom. Penins. (the lines are Polos campos do Mondego 
Cavaieiros vi somar). 



76 1325-1521 

there are none to compare with Fonte Frida or Conde Arnaldos 
(which belong to Castilian literature, whatever the nationality of 
their authors), they nevertheless, with a total lack of concentra- 
tion, present many natural scenes and incidents of affecting 
pathos and an attractive simplicity. One of the best and most 
characteristically Portuguese is A Nau Catharineta, and others 
almost equally famous are Santa Iria, Conde Nillo, and Brancaflor 
e Flores. The second edition of Dr. Theophilo Braga's Romanceiro 
runs to nearly two thousand pages. The first two volumes 
contain over 150 romances (together with numerous variants). 
Of these 5 belong to the Carolingian, 8 to the Arthurian cycle, 
63 are romances sacros or ao divino, 11 treat of the cruel 
husband or unfaithful wife. In the third volume are reprinted 
romances composed by well-known Portuguese authors of the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It must be admitted that 
Spain generously repaid to Portugal the loan of the Galician 
language for lyrical composition — although in each case it was 
the lender's literature that profited (especially if some of the 
most beautiful Spanish romances were the work of Galician or 
Portuguese poets). But even after the birth of the romance 
Spain continued to cultivate the Galician lyric, until the 
second half of the fifteenth century. The last instance is sup- 
posed to be a Galician poem by Gomez Manrique (1412-91), 
uncle of the author of Recuerde el alma dormida, No. 65 in the 
Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano. This collection, published by 
Professor Lang at the suggestion of D. Carolina Michaelis de 
Vasconcellos, contains the meagre crop of Portuguese verse of 
the transition period from 1350 to 1450, meagre in quality and 
quantity. One name dominates the period. The love and tragic 
fate of Macias (second half 14th c), Namorado, idolo de los 
amantes, gave him a renown similar to but far exceeding that 
of D. Joan Soarez de Paiva in the preceding century. As the 
ideal lover he is met with at every turn in the Portuguese poetry 
of the fifteenth century,^ and later became the subject of Lope 
de Vega's Porfiar hasta morir (1638). Of his story we know 
definitely nothing, but some lines in one of his poems, En meu 

> In later Portuguese his name was often written Mansias. So Moraes 
transforms Mile de Macy's name into Mansi. 



EPIC AND LATER GALICIAN POETRY ^^ 

COY tenno ta langa and Aquesta langa . . . me ferio, would appear 
to have inspired the famous legend which dates from the end of 
the fifteenth century. Imprisoned at Arjonilla in Andalucia for 
paying court to his sennora, he continued to address her in song 
and was killed by the lance that her infuriated husband hurled 
through the prison window. In an older version, that of the 
Constable D. Pedro in his Satira de felice e infelice vida, he 
saved the lady of his heart from drowning, and afterwards, as 
he lingered where she had stood, was struck down by the jealous 
husband. According to Argote de Molina,^ both he and the 
husband served in the household of D. Enrique de Villena 
(1385-1434), who was perhaps only six when Macias died. 
Most of the twenty poems ascribed to Macias that survive are 
written in Galician, and of many, as Loado sejas amor,^ the 
authorship is doubtful. Clearly his fame would act as a strong 
magnet to poems of uncertain origin. The matter is of the less 
importance in that these poems, however love-sick, have but 
little literary merit. If the Galician Juan Rodriguez de la 
CAmara, a native, like Macias, of Padron, was the real author of 
the romance of Conde Arnaldos (which is improbable), he was 
a far greater poet than his friend. Both the lyrics and the 
prose of his El Sieruo libre de Amor are in Castilian. Of the other 
two fourteenth-century Galician poets mentioned by Santillana, 
Fernam Casquicio and Vasco Perez de Camoes (ti386?),^ 
no poems have survived. The latter, a knight well known at 
the Court of King Ferdinand and an ancestor of Luis de Camoes, 
played a leading part in the troubles preceding the battle of 
Aljubarrota. He had come to Portugal from Galicia, and his 
name appears frequently in the pages of Fernam Lopez (where 
it is written Caamooes) till the year 1386. In the middle of the 
sixteenth century he is mentioned by Sa de Miranda's brother- 
in-law as a Court poet corresponding to Juan de Mena in Spain. 
But there were other poets whose verse was probably not inferior 

' Nobleza de Andalvzia (1588), ii, f. 272 v. 

' This and two other Macias poems (Ai que mul aconsellado and Crueldad' 
e trocamento) are in C. G. C. (Nos. 33, 38, 41) ascribed to Alfonso Alvarez de 
Villasandino. 

' The Cancionero de Baena contains poems addressed to Vasco Lopez de 
Camoes, un cavallero de Galizia, and an answering poem by him. 



78 1325-1521 

to that of Perez de Camoes and Casquicio. Besides Macias the 
Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano contains the names of sixteen 
writers whose poems may not attain high distinction but prove 
that the Galician lyric continued to be cultivated by poets in 
the fourteenth and first half of the fifteenth century in Castille 
and Leon, Aragon and Catalonia. The Archdeacon of Toro, 
GoNgALO Rodriguez (£1. 1385)/ was one of a group of such 
poets ; a man with a keen zest of living and capable of vigorous 
verse, in which he took a characteristic delight {a minna boa arte 
de Undo cantar). In his farewell poem A Deus Amor^a Deus 
el Ret, which Cervantes perhaps remembered, he bids good-bye 
to the trobadores con quen trobei, and in a quaint humorous 
testament he mentions a number of friends and relatives, two 
of whom, at least, his cousin Pedro de Valcacer or Valcarcel and 
Lope de Porto Carreiro, also wrote verse. In the last of the 
sixteen stanzas {abhacca) of this testamento the Archdeacon 
appoints his namesake Gongalo Rodriguez de Sousa and Fernan 
Rodriguez to be his executors. He may have been alive in 1402, 
for a Doctor Gongalo Rodriguez, Archdeacon of Almazan, is 
mentioned as one of the witnesses to the oath taken by the city 
of Burgos to the Infante Maria in that year.^ In that case he 
must have been transferred to Almazan, some 150 miles farther 
up the Duero. More chequered was the career of Garci Ferran- 
DEZ DE Gerena [c. 1340-C. 1400). Having married one of 
King Juan I's dancing girls [una juglara) in the belief that she 
was rich, he repented when he found que nan tenia nada. He 
next became a hermit near Gerena, and, this not proving more 
congenial than married poverty, he embarked ostensibly for the 
Holy Land, but in fact landed at Malaga with his wife and 
children. At Granada he turned Moor, satirized the Christian 
faith, and deserted his wife for her sister. After such proven 
inconstancy we may perhaps doubt the sincerity of his repen- 
tance when he returned to Christianity and Castille at the end 

' For the name of this hitherto anonymous poet see The Modern Language 
Review (July 1917), pp. 357-8. 

' Gil Gonzalez Davila, Historia de la Vida y Hechos del Rey Don Henriqve 
Tercero, &c. (Madrid, 1638), p. 173. The name was a common one. The 
Spanish translator of Pero Menino's Livro de Cetreria, Gon9alo Rodriguez de 
Escobar, may have been a relation. There was also a fourteenth-century 
poet called Ruiz de Toro. 



EPIC AND LATER GALICIAN POETRY 79 

of the fourteenth century. But for all his weakness and folly 
he seems not to have sunk utterly out of the reach of finer 
feelings ; he sang various episodes of his life, e.g. when he went 
to his hermitage {puso se beato), in lyrics of some charm, and 
addressed the nightingale in a dialogue, as did his contemporary, 
Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino [c. 1345-c. 1428). This 
Castilian Court poet, born at Villasandino near Burgos and 
possessed of property at Illescas, was of a sleeker and more 
subservient mind than Garci Ferrandez and prospered accord- 
ingly, en onra e en ben e en alto estado. He wrote to order and 
was considered the ' crown and king of all the poetas e trovadores 
who had ever existed in the whole of Spain '. This extravagant 
claim of his admirers need not prevent us from recognizing that 
there is often real feeling and music in his poems, of which the 
Cancionero de Baena has preserved over twenty. He writes in 
varying metres with unfailing ease and harmony, rarely sinks 
into mere verbal dexterity, and well deserves to be considered 
the best of these later Galician poets. Side by side with the 
lyric the cantiga d'escarnho continued to flourish. Alfonso 
Alvarez (C. G. C. 48) upbraids Garci Ferrandez for renouncing 
the Christian faith and leaguing himself with the Devil [gannaste 
privanga do demo mayor) ; Pero Velez de Guevara (ti42o), 
uncle of the Marques de Santillana, addresses a satiric poem to 
an old maid, and an anonymous poet in a vigorous sirventes 
attacks degenerate Castille, cativa, mezela Castela, perhaps, as 
Professor Lang thinks, immediately after the Portuguese vic- 
tories of Trancoso, Aljubarrota, and Valverde in 1385. Five 
fragmentary poems belong to the Infante D. Pedro (1429-66), 
Constable of Portugal. There are, besides his three short 
Portuguese poems in the Cancioneiro de Resende, only forty- 
one lines in all, for while Galician, already separated from 
her twin sister of Portugal, went to sleep — a sleep of nearly four 
centuries — ^in these last accents of her muse preserved in the 
Cancionero de Baena, the Infante Pedro turned definitely to 
the new forms of lyric appearing in Castille. As a transition 
poet he may be mentioned here before his father D. Pedro, 
Duke of Coimbra, since his prose works, which would naturally 
place him with his father and with D. Duarte, his uncle, belong. 



8o 1325-1521 

together with most of his poetry [prosas and metros) to Spanish 
literature. By stress of circumstance rather than any set 
purpose he inaugurated the fashion of writing in Castilian, 
a fashion so eagerly taken up by his fellow-countrymen during 
the next two centuries. After the tragic death of his father 
at Alfarrobeira (1449) he escaped from Portugal, of which his 
sister Isabel was queen/ spent the next seven years as an exile 
in Castille, and after returning to his native land died an exile, 
but now as King of Aragon (1464-6). His life of thirty-seven 
years was thus as full of wandering adventure as that of any 
troubadour of old. To him Santillana addressed his celebrated 
letter on the development of poetry, and his own influence on 
Portuguese literature was important, for he introduced not only 
a new style of poetry, including oitavas de arte maior, but the 
habit of classical allusion and allegory. His first work, Satira 
de felice e infelice vida, was written in Portuguese before he was 
twenty, but re-written by himself in Castilian, the only form 
in which it has survived. This firstfruit of his studies was 
dedicated to his sister. Queen Isabel, whose death (1455) he 
mourned in his Tragedia de la Insigne Reyna Dona Isabel (1457), 
a work of deep feeling and some literary merit, first published 
by D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos 444 years after 
Queen Isabel's death. His longest and most important poem, 
in 125 octaves, Coplas del menosprecio e contempto de las cosas 
fermosas del mundo (1455), reflects the misfortunes of his life and 
the high philosophy they had brought him. Under a false 
attribution to his father, the Duke |of Coimbra ^ (his Portuguese 
poems were also wrongly ascribed to King Peter I of Portugal, 
through confusion with the later King Peter, of Aragon), it was 
incorporated in the Cancioneiro de Resende, which appeared half 
a century after the Constable's death. 

1 Another sister, D. Philippa de Lencastre (1437-97), lived in retirement 
in the convent of Odivellas near Lisbon, and as a dedicatory poem to her 
translation of the Gospels wrote the simple, impressive lines beginning 
Non vos sirvo, non vos amo, 
Mas desejo vos amar. 
' Cf. Ribeiro dos Santos, Obras (MS.), vol. xix, f. 205 : A frente de todos os 
Poetas deste Seculo apparece como hum Ds \peus'\ da Poezia Infante D. Pedro, 
filho do Snr. Rey D. Joao I. In reality he was not gifted with greater poetical 
talent than his brothers. 



§3 
The Chroniclers 

The father of Portuguese history, Fernam Lopez {c. 1380- 
c. 1460), had grown up with the generation that succeeded 
Aljubarrota, and from his earliest years imbibed the national 
enthusiasm of the time. He had himself seen Nun' Alvarez as 
a young man and the heroes who had fought in a hundred 
fights to free their country from a foreign yoke, and he had 
listened to many a tale of Lisbon's sufferings during the great 
siege. ^ Since 1418, at latest, he was employed in the Lisbon 
Torre do Tombo (the State Archives), for in that year he was 
appointed keeper of the documents [escrituras) there. Sixteen 
years later. King Duarte, who as prince encouraged him to 
collect materials for the work,^ entrusted him with the task of 
writing the chronicles of the Kings of Portugal [poer em caronycas 
as estorias dos reys), and at the same time (March 19, 1434 ^) 
assigned him a salary of 14,000 riis. His work at the Torre do 
Tombo covered a period of over thirty years. He won and kept 
the confidence of three kings, was secretary to Joao I [escrivam 
dos livros) and to the Infante Fernando {escrivam da puridade), 
whose will exists in Lopez' handwriting.* His son Martinho 
accompanied the Infante to Africa as doctor, and died (1443) 
in prison soon after the prince. The last document signed by 
Lopez as oflScial is dated 145 1 ; in July 1452 he seems to have 
resigned his position at least temporarily, and on June 6, 1454, 
he was definitely superseded by Zurara as being ' so old and 

' Lopez himself was probably of humble birth. It appears from a document 
presented by Dr. Pedro de Azevedo at a meeting of the Sociedade Portuguesa 
de Estudos Historicos in July 19 16 that his wife's niece was married to a shoe- 
maker. 

" Zurara, Cron. D. Joam, cap. 2. 

' i.e. eighty-nine years before the first English translation of Froissart 
was published. Needless to say, no English translation of Lopez exists. 

' A facsimile of a page of this lengthy document is given in Snr. Braam- 
camp Freire's excellent edition of the Primeira Parte da Crdnica de D. Joam I 
(1915)- 

2362 F 



83 1325-1521 

weak that he cannot well fulfil the duties of his post '. That 
he lived for at least five years more we know from the existence 
of a document (July 3, 1459) referring to the pretensions of an 
illegitimate son of Martinho which Fernam Lopez rejected.^ 
Of the chronicles of the first ten Kings of Portugal written by 
Lopez ^ only three survive : the Cronica del Rei Dom Joam de 
boa memoria, Cronica del Rei Dom Fernando, and Cronica del 
Rei Dom Pedro. The latter is but a brief sketch, and lacks the 
unity which the subject-matter gives to the other two. His 
chronicles of the seven earlier kings disappeared in the revised 
versions of subsequent historians. Although they no doubt 
incorporated large slices of his work with little alteration, the 
freshness and the style are gone, the good oak hidden beneath 
coats of paint. It was a proceeding the more deplorable in that 
Lopez had been at great pains to discover and record the truth, 
' the* nak,^ truth '.' Hfe successor, Zurara, represents him as 
'a notable person', ' a man of some learning and great authority' ; * 
he travelled through the whole of Portugal to collect information 
and spent much time in visiting churches and convents in search 
of papers and inscriptions, while King Duarte had documents 
brought from Spain for his use. Whatever sources he utilized, 
Latin, Spanish, or Portuguese, he stamped his work with his 
own individuality. He himself frequently refers to previous 
historians, and often expresses his disapproval of their methods.® 
He seems to have drawn largely from a Latin work of a certain 
Dr. Cristoforus. Keenly alive to the dignity and responsibilities 

' See A. Braamcamp Freire, ibid., pp. xl-xlii. 

" Fez todas as chronicas dos Reis U seu tempo, comefando do Conde dom 
Henrique, como prova Damiao de Goes (Caspar Esta90. Varias Antigvidades 
de Portugal (1625), cap. 21, § 1) ; cf. Goes, Cron. de D. Manuel, iv. 38. 

' Nosso desejo foi em esta obra escrever verdade — nuamente — a nua verdade 
(Cr. D. Joam, Prologo). 

* Zurara, Cr. D. Joam, cap. 2. Cf. Lopez' preface to his Cr. D. Joam • 
Oo com quamto cuidado e diligem^ia vimos gramdes vollumes de livros, de desvai- 
radas linguagees e terras ; e isso meesmo puhricas escprituras de muitos cartarios 
e outros logares nas quaaes depois de longas vegilias e gramdes trabalhos mais 
fertidom aver nom podemos da contheuda em esta obra (1915 ed., p. 2). 

^ Usually he does this without naming the offender, but he refutes the 
razdes of Martim Afonso de Mello, a person well known at the Court of King 
Joao I and author of a technical book on the art of war. Da Guerra (see 
Zurara, Cr. D. Joam, cap. 99). Mello refused the governorship of captured 
Ceuta in 141 5. A work on a similar subject, Tratado da Milicia, is ascribed 
to Zurara's friend and patron, King Afonso V (Barbosa Machado, i. 19). 



THE CHRONICLERS 83 

of history, he was anxious that his work should be well ordered 
and philosophical.^ He has been called the Portuguese Froissart, 
but he combines with Froissart's picturesqueness moral philo- 
sophy, enthusiasm, and high principles, is in fact a Froissart 
with something of Montaigne added, and easily excels Giovanni 
Villani or Pero Lopez de Ayala. The latter must descend from 
the pedestal given him by Men^ndez y Pelayo,^ since he only 
occasionally rises to the height of Fernam Lopez, as in the 
account of the murder of the Infante Fradique, which Lopez 
copies very closely (although abbreviating it as really foreign to 
his history), evidently appreciating such dramatic touches as 
the sentence which describes how, as the murdered man advanced 
through the palace, ever fewer went in his company. By the 
side of the laborious prose and precocious wisdom of King 
Duarte this child of genius seems to give free rein to his pen, 
but it is his greatness and his title to rank above all contemporary 
chroniclers, not only of Portugal but of Europe, that he could 
combine this spontaneity with the scruples of an accurate 
historian, and be at once careful and impetuous, or, as Goes calls 
him, copious and discreet. He assigns speeches of considerable 
length to the principal actors, but they contain not mere rhetoric ^ 
but arguments such as might well have beeil used; and the 
frequent shorter sayings of humbler persons, often anonymous 
and as illuminating as graffiti, have the stamp of truth and 
bring the scenes most clearly before us. Indeed, every sentence 
is living; his unfailing qualities are rapidity and directness. 
Sometimes the sound of galloping horses or the loud murmur 
of a throng of men is in his pages. He ever and anon rivets the 
reader's — the listener's — attention by some captivating phrase, 
by his quaintly expressed wisdom, by his personal keenness and 
delight in the ' marvellous deeds of God ' {maravilhas que Deos 
faz) or in the actions of his heroes {Oo que fremosa cousa era de 
veer !). His chronicles are not only a succession of imperishably 

' Cr. del Rei D. Fern., cap. 2 : a ordenan^a de nossa obra ; Cr. D. Joam, 
1915 ed., p. 51 : Certo he que quaaesquer estorias muito melhor se entemdem 
e nembram se som perfeitamente e hem hordenadas ; Cr. del Rei D. Fern., cap. 
139 : guardando a regra do philosopho [of cause and effect]. 

^ Antologia, iv, p. xx : Nada hay semejante en las literatuyas extranjeras 
antes de fin del siglo xv. The words apply more accurately to Fernam Lopez. 

' Leixados^ os compostos e afeitados razoamentos (Cr. D. Joam, Prologo) . 

F2 



84 1325-1521 

vivid scenes — King Pedro dancing through his capital by night, 
the escape of Diogo Lopez, the punishment of D. In^s' mur- 
derers, the siege of Lisbon, the murder of D. Maria Tellez 
— but describe fully and with skilful care the character of 
the actors, pleasure-loving King Ferdinand, cunning, audacious, 
and accomplished Queen Lianor Tellez, wise and noble Queen 
Philippa, even morose Juan I, and principally the popular 
Mestre d'Avis and his great Constable, Nun' Alvarez Pereira. 
And the Portuguese people is delineated both collectively and 
as individuals, in its generous enthusiasm, unreasoning impetuo- 
sity, and atrocious anger. That Lopez paid attention to his 
style is proved by his modest disclaimer bidding the reader 
expect no fremosura e afeitamento das pallavras, but merely 
the facts breve e scLamente contados, em bom e claro estilo. His 
style is always clear and natural, the serviceable handmaid of 
his subject, admirably assuming the colour and sound of the 
events described, and his longest sentences are never obscure. 
He wrote his history on a generous scale, for in the rapidity of 
his descriptions this inimitable story-teller preserved his leisure. 
His last chronicle ended with the expedition to Ceuta (1415). 
The kernel of that chronicle had been the illustrious deeds and 
character of Nun' Alvarez, also described in the hitherto anony- 
mous Coronica do condestdbre de purtugal, of which the earliest 
edition is dated 1526. Large tracts of this chronicle are 
included, with alterations, in Lopez' Chronicles of King Fernando 
and King Joao L Dr. Esteves Pereira and Snr. Braamcamp 
Freire have now independently come to the conclusion that it 
is the work of Lopez, clearly an earlier work^ written shortly 
after the death of Nun' Alvarez (1431), i. e. before he concluded 
the Cronica de D. Fernando^ and wrote the Cronica de D. 
Joam, at which he was working in 1443.' We are forced to 
accept this view, although of course it is no argument to say 
that the conscientious and scrupulous Fernam Lopez could not 
be a plagiarist since it was the duty of the official chronicler of 
the day to incorporate the best work of other historians. Lopez' 

• The references in cap. 76 and 80 to events of 145 1 and 1461 are evidently 
later additions. 

' Cf. Cr. do Cond., cap. 14 and 15, with Cr. del Ret Fern., cap. 166. 
s A. Braamcamp Freire, Cr. de D. Joam (1915), IntrodufSo, p. xxi. 



THE CHRONICLERS 85 

authorship is borne out by two passages which at a first glance 
seem to refute it. In chapter 55 of the Cronica de D. Joam {igi5 
ed., p. 120) he introduces the version given in the Cronica do Con- 
destabre (cap. 22) with the words ' now here some say ' {ora aqui 
dizem algus), and then cites huu outro estoriador, cujo fallamento 
nosparege mats rrazoado, i.e. he now rejects the version (of algus) 
which he had adopted in his earlier work. In chapter 152 
(1915 ed., p. 281) he similarly quotes what dizem aqui algus and 
then the version of Amm outro compillador destes feitos, de cujos 
garfos per mais largo estillo exertamos nesta obra segundo que 
compre, rrecomta isto per esta maneira, a manner which is not 
that of the Cronica do Condestahre. But indeed the style of the 
two works is conclusive. A single age does not produce two 
Fernam Lopez any more than it produces two Montaignes or 
two Malorys. Those who read the continuation of the Cronica 
de D. Joam (i. e. the Cronica da Tomada de Ceuta, completed 
in 1450) by Gomez J^anez de Zurara (c. 1410-74) find 
themselves in a very different atmosphere. We are told ^ that 
this soldier, turned historian, acquired his learning late in life, 
and he parades it like a new toy. Aristotle, Avicenna, and all 
the Scriptures are in his preface ; Job, Ovid, Hercules, and 
Xenophon, a motley company, mourn the death of Queen 
Philippa (cap. 44). Sermons extend over whole chapters, 
although, as he is careful to state, the exact words of the preachers 
could not be given.^ Philosophy had been graciously woven 
into Lopez' narrative, but here it stands in solid icebergs 
interrupting the story. And if he wishes to say that memory 
often fails in old age he must quote St. Jerome ; a date 
occupies half a page, being calculated in nine or ten eras ; * 

1 By Matheus de Pisano (whom some have considered the son of Christine 
de Pisan). He wrote in Latin : De Bella Sepiensi (Ined. de Hist. Port., 
vol. i, 1790), Portuguese tr. Roberto Correia Pinto : Livro da Guerra de 
Ceuta (1916). 

^ Nao seja porem algum de tarn simples conhecimento que preswma que este 
i tear propria, &c. (cap. 95). 

' But he can also be picturesque in expressing time (like Lopez, who for 
' early morning ' says, ' at the time when people were coming from Mass '), 
e. g. Cr. D. Jaam, cap. 102 ad fin. : Ceuta had been captured so swiftly 
that ' many had left the corn of their fields stored in their granaries and 
returned in time for the vintage '. The whole description of the expedition 
against Ceuta and the attack and sack of the city are extremely clear. 



86 1325-1521 

and the style is sometimes similarly inflated, so that ' next 
morning ' becomes ' When Night was bringing the end of its 
obscurity and the Sun began to strike the Oriental horizon ' 
(cap. 92). He also delights in elaborate metaphors.^ But it 
must not be thought that Zurara is all froth and morals : in 
between his purple patches and erudite allusions he tells his 
story directly and vividly, and, what is more, he has his en- 
thusiasm and his hero. Nun' Alvarez has faded into the back- 
ground, but in his place appears the intense and fervent spirit 
of Prince Henry the Navigator. His partiality for Prince Henry 
appears in the Cronica de D. Joam, and in his Cronica do 
Descobrimento e Conquista da Guine it is still more evident.^ 
In this chronicle, written at the request of King Afonso V and 
finished in the king's library in February 1453, he made use of 
a lost Historia das Conquistas dos Portugueses by Afonso Cerveira, 
and profited by much that he had heard from the Infantes Pedro 
and Henrique and other makers of history. For Zurara was 
a sincere and painstaking historian,* and when the king bade 
him record the deeds of the Meneses in Africa (the Cronica do 
Conde D. Pedro de Meneses was completed in 1463, and the 
Cronica dos Feitos de D. Duarte de Meneses about five years 
later) he was not content with the ' recollections of courtiers ', 
but set out for Africa (August 1467) and spent a whole year 
there gathering material at first hand. An affectionate letter* 

' Cf . Goes, Cr. D. Manuel : escrevia com razoamentos prolixos e cheos de 
metaforicas figuras que no estilo historico nao tern lugar ; Cr. do Princ. 
D. Joam, cap. 17 : com a superflua abundancia e copia de palavras poeticas 
e metaforicas que usou em todaias cousas que screveo. His style is less involved 
than is often said. Some of his sentences may contain as many as 500 words 
and yet be perfectly plain and straightforward, whereas Mallarm6 could be 
obscure in five words. 

^ Cf. cap. 2 ; Oo tu prinoipe pouco menos que devinal / and Tua gloria, teus 
louvores, tua fama enchem assi as minhas orelhas e ocupam a minha vista que 
nom sei a qual parte acuda primeiro. This chronicle has the same plethora of 
learned quotations. Chapter i quotes St. Thomas, Solomon, TuUy, the Book 
of Esther, and introduces Afonso V, King Duarte, the French duke Jean de 
Lan90n, the Cid, Nun' Alvarez, Moses, Fabricius, Joshua, and King Ramiro. 

" He re-wrote the Cronica do Conde D. Pedro de Meneses twice. Joao de 
Barros, who was inclined to slight earlier and contemporary historians, 
■^acknowledges his great debt to Zurara. Damiao de Goes regards him less 
favourably. 

» November 22, 1467 (Coll. Liv. Ined. iii. 3-5). There is also an affection- 
ate letter from King Pedro of Aragon to Zurara, dated June 11, 1466, or 1460. 



THE CHRONICLERS 87 

from King Afonso to the historian in hia voluntary exile shows 
the pleasant relations existing between the liberal king and his 
grateful librarian. He praises him as well learned in the arte 
oratoria^ and for undertaking of his own free will a journey 
which was imposed on others as a punishment, and promises 
to look after the interests of his sister while he is away. Zurara 
was a Knight of the Order of Christ, with a comendant2ir Santarem, 
owned other property, and suffered himself to be adopted by 
a wealthy furrier's widow, an unusual proceeding for a person 
in his station. But if, as this indicates, he had a love of riches 
(satisfied by the king's generosity and this fortunate adoption), 
this in no way interfered with his work of collecting and verify- 
ing evidence nor affects the truth of his chronicles. He had 
proposed to write that of Afonso V, but the king, wisely con- 
sidering that his reign was not yet over, refused his consent,^ 
and this chronicle was reserved for the pen of Ruy de Pina 
[c. 1440-1523 ?).* Herculano's ' crow in peacock's feathers ' has 
been somewhat harshly treated by modern critics. Not he but 
the taste and fashion of his time was to blame if he laid desecrat- 
ing hands on the invaluable chronicles of Fernam Lopez, and 
thus became the ' author ' of the chronicles of the six kings, 
Sancho I to Afonso IV. The mischief is irreparable, but it is 
well at least that these chronicles should have been dealt 

' Zurara, on the other hand, with feigned diffidence represents himself 
as ■ a poor scholar ', ' a man almost entirely ignorant and without any know- 
ledge ', and if he has any learning it is but the crumbs from King Afonso's 
table (Cr. D. Pedro, cap. 2). He can rise to real eloquence, as in the 
beginning of cap. 25 of the Cr. da Guini : Oo tu cellestricd padre, que com 
iua poderosa maSo, sem movimento de tu devynal essencia, governas toda a in- 
fiinda companhya da tua sancta cidade, &c., or sober down into a Tacitean 
phrase such as that of cap. 26, describing the fate of natives of Africa brought 
to Portugal : morriam, empero xraSos (they died, but Christians). He has 
a misleading trick of saying ' The author says — diz autor ', meaning himself. 

" Nunca me em ello quis leixar obrar segundo meu desejo (Cr. D. Pedro, 
cap. i). 

' His son Fernam de Pina became Cronista M6r in 1523. The immediate 
successor of Zurara as Cronista M6r was Vasco Fernandez de Lucena, 
whose life must have coincided almost exactly with the sixteenth century. 
He represented King Duarte at the Council of Basel in 1435, and according 
to Barbosa Machado, who calls him um dos varoes mats famosos da sua idade 
assim na profundidade da Htteratura como na eloquencia da frase, he was 
still living in 1499. Unfortunately none of his works have survived. His 
manuscript translation of Cicero's De Senectute and other works were destroyed 
in the Lisbon earthquake (1755). 



88 1325-1521 

with, by Ruy de Pina, and not, for instance, by the uncritical 

DuARTE GalvAo {c. 1445-1517), the friend of Afonso de 

Albuquerque, who died in the Arabian Sea when on his way as 

Ambassador to Ethiopia, and who as Cronista M6r revised the 

Cronica de D. Afonso Henriquez (1727). Ruy de Pina has 

further been attacked because the people no longer figures, and 

the king figures too prominently, in the chronicles for which 

he was more directly responsible : Cronica de D. Duarte, Cronica 

de D. Afonso V, and Cronica de D. Joao II. That is to 

censure him for faithfully recording the changed times and not 

writing as if he were his own grandfather. Pina was no flatterer, 

but the chronicle of Joao II inevitably centred round the king, 

and, in spite of its excellence and of the moving incident of 

Prince Afonso's death, is less attractive than those which are 

a record of freer, jollier times. Born at Guarda, of a family 

originally Aragonese, Pina served as secretary on an embassy to 

Castille in 1482 and on two subsequent occasions, and in the 

same capacity in a special mission to the Vatican in 1484. He 

became secretary {escrivao da nossa camara) to King Joao II, 

and succeeded Lucena as Cronista MSr in 1497. Both King 

Joao II and King Manuel showed their appreciation of his 

services, and Barros lent authority to a foolish story that Afonso 

de Albuquerque sent him rubies and diamonds from India as 

a reminder, in Corr^a's phrase, to glorificar as cousas de Afonso 

de Albuquerque. Ruy de Pina in his chronicles of King Duarte 

and Afonso V used material collected by Fernam Lopez and 

Zurara, and he in turn left material for the reign of King Manuel 

of which Damiao de Goes availed himself, while his Cronica 

de D. Joao II was laid under contribution by Garcia de Resende. 

It may be doubted whether the Cronica de D. Afonso V contains 

much that is not Ruy de Pina's own. It was poetical justice 

that the interest of the story should be transferred from the 

Infante Henrique to the Infante Pedro.^ His death and that of 

the Conde de Abranches at Alfarrobeira are told with the most 

impressive simplicity, which produces a far greater effect than 

' Much later, in the first third of the seventeenth century, Caspar Diaz 
DK Landim wrote a copiosa relagSo from a point of view unfavourable to 
D. Pedro and dedicated it to the Duke of Braganza : O Infante D. Pedro 
Chronica Inedita, 3 vols. {1893-4). ' 



THE CHRONICLERS 89 

the long exclamagao that follows. Lacking Lopez' genius, but 
possessed of an excellent plain style, which only becomes flowery 
on occasion, and on his guard against what he calls the vicio 
e avorrecimento da proluxidade, Pina relates his story straight- 
forwardly, almost in the form of annals. He does not attempt 
to eke out his matter with rhetoric and has chapters of under 
fifty words. The Cronica de D. Afonso V effectively contrasts 
the characters of the weak and chivalrous Afonso, who is praised 
as man but not as king, and the vigorous practical Joao H, and 
has an inimitable scene of the meeting of the former and Louis XI 
at Tours in 1476. The glow of Fernam Lopez is absent, but 
Pina none the less deserves to be accounted an able and 
impartial historian. 

To the fifteenth century belongs the Cronica do Infante 
Santo. It is impossible to read unmoved the clear and unaffected 
story of the sufferings and death ( 1437-43), as a captive of Fez, 
of this the most saintly of the sons of King Joao I and Queen 
Philippa. It was written at the bidding of his brother, Prince 
Henry the Navigator, with the skill born of a fervent devotion, 
by Frei Joao Alvarez, an eyewitness ^ of D. Fernando's 
misfortunes and one of the few of his companions to survive 
(till 1470 or later). A curious indication of the writer's accuracy 
in detail is the correct spelling of a Basque name,^ of the meaning 
of which he was probably ignorant. 

The founder of the dynasty of Avis, King Joao I (1365- 
1433)) found time in his busy reign of forty-eight years to 
encourage literature, ardently assisted no doubt by English Queen 
Philippa, and was himself an author. His keen practical spirit 
turned to Portuguese prose, and while as a poet he confined 
himself to a few prayers and psalms, in prose he caused to be 
translated the Hours of the Virgin and the greater part of the 
New Testament, as well as foreign works such as John Gower's 

' Tudo contheudo no siguiente trautado eu o uy e ouuy (igii ed., p. 2). 

^ 1911 ed., p. 117 : Ichoa (= Blind). The fact that no other name is given 
shows that then as now Basques were known by their nicknames. The same 
name figures in ' Pierre Loti's ' Ramuntcho (1897) : Itchoua. In the sixteenth 
century Martim Ichoa and Joao de Ychoa appear among the moradores of 
King Manuel's household (1518). The substantive ich6(= armadilha), derived 
from ostiolum, is used by Diogo Fernandez Ferreira (A rte da Ca(a) and Garcia 
de Resende (Cron. Joao II). 



90 1325-1521 

Confessio Amantis [c. 1383), and himself wrote a long treatise 
on the chase. This Livro da Montaria, which has little but the 
title in common with Alfonso XI's Libra de Monteria, lay un- 
published for four centuries, but is now available in a scholarly 
edition by Dr. Esteves Pereira from the manuscript in the 
Lisbon Biblioteca Nacional. Valuable and interesting in itself, 
this book is of great significance in Portuguese literature by 
reason of the impulse thus given to Portuguese prose. It is 
impossible as yet to estimate the full value of the prose works 
that followed : many are lost, others remain in manuscript, as 
the Orto do Sposo by Frei Hermenegildo de Tancos, or the Livro 
das Aves. But with King Joao's son and successor Portuguese 
prose came into its kingdom. 

Punctilious and affectionate, gifted with many virtues and 
graces, the half-English King Duarte(i39i-i438), Eloquente, 
shared the high ideals of all the sons of Joao I. Liable to fits 
of melancholy, and of less active disposition than his brothers 
Henrique and Pedro, he proved himself not less gallant in action 
than they at the taking of Ceuta in 1415, and had even earlier 
been entrusted by his father with affairs of State. His scruples 
as philosopher- or rather student-king during his unhappy reign 
of five years may have hampered his decisions, but his love of 
truth made the saying palavra de rei proverbial. The corroding 
cares of State prevented him from giving all the time he would 
have wished to literary studies, but he was a methodical collector 
of books ^ and papers written by himself and others, and his great 
work. Leal Conselheiro {c. 1430), consisted of such a collection on 
moral philosophy and practical conduct, addressed to his wife, 
Queen Lianor. It contains 102 chapters, often stray papers, 
sometimes translated from other authors.^ Besides a detailed 
consideration of virtues and vices which are treated with an 
Aristotelian precision, and always with preference for the 

' The extremely interesting list of his important library has been published 
in Provas Genealogicas, i. 544, in the 1842 ed. of Leal Conselheiro, and edited 
by Dr. T . Braga in Historia da Univ . de Coimbra, i . 209 . It contained O A cypreste 
de Fysa (— the Archpriest of Hita) and O Amante, i.e. the translation by 
Robert Payne, Canon of Lisbon, of Gower's Confessio Amantis. 

' p. 9, Fiz tralladar em el alguus capitullos douiros livros : the Vita Christi, 
St. Thomas Aquinas, Diogo Afonso Mangancha on Prudence, Cicero, De 
Officiis, St. Gregory. 



THE CHRONICLERS 91 

Portuguese as opposed to the latinized word, it has chapters 
on the art of translation, food, chapel services, and other subjects.^ 
The book reveals a character of rare charm, combining humility 
with a clear instinct for what was right, humanity with common 
sense. His literary genius was akin to that of his father ; he 
scarcely possessed poetical talent, although he translated in 
verse the Latin hymn Juste Judex, and possessed in his library 
a Livro das Trovas del Rei, in all probability a collection of the 
poems of others. Wit and originality he also lacked. But as 
a prose-writer he ranks among the greatest Portuguese authors, 
and in style was indeed something of an innovator, using words 
with an exactness and scrupulous nicety hitherto unknown in 
Portugal. He gave the matter long and serious consideration, 
and the directness of his style corresponds to his sincerity of 
thought. His clear, concise sentences and careful choice of words 
show a true artist of unerring instinct in prose. ^ King Duarte 
wished to be read as Sainte-Beuve recommended that one should 
read the Caracteres of La Bruyere : peu et souvent {pouco . . . 
tornando alguas vezes). The first part of the precept has been 
followed, but unhappily for Portuguese prose the second has 
been neglected. In his youth the king was noted for his horse- 
manship, and his Livro da Ensinanga de bem cavalgar toda sella 
is a practical treatise based on his personal experience [nom 
screvo do que ouvi, as he says) begun when he was prince, laid 
aside after his accession, and left unfinished at his death. It is 
remarkable, like the Leal Conselheiro, for the excellence of its 
style and the manly, thoughtful character of its author. But 
for his premature death, King Duarte might have done for 
Portuguese prose what Alfonso X and Don Juan Manuel had 
done for Castilian. An excellent translator himself, he encouraged 
translations into Portuguese, in Portugal and Spain ; the Bishop 
of Burgos, Don Alonso de Cartagena, translated Cicero for him, 

' It contains papers written at various times (between 1428 and 1438). 
The date 1435 occurs p. 474. Cf. p. 169, King Joao I (ti433), cuja alma 
Deos aja. 

^ His modern editor, Jos6 Ignacio Roquette (1801-70), comments (p. 37) 
on the passage he bem de lavrar e criarem as a great grammatical discordancia 
and erro, but it is by no means certain that King Duarte did not omit one 
of the personal infinitives deliberately, for the sake of euphony, as the -mente 
is omitted in the case of two or more adverbs. 



92 1325-1521 

and the Dean of Santiago Aristotle. More active than King 
Duarte, more literary than his younger brother Prince Henry 
the Navigator (1394-1460), D. Pedro (1392-1449), created 
Duke of Coimbra after the capture of Ceuta in 1415, became 
almost a legendary figure owing to his extensive travels (1424-8) 
— andou as sete partes do mundo — and his equally exaggerated 
reputation as a poet, through confusion with his son the Con- 
stable. Regent from 1438 to 1448, he resigned when the young 
king, his nephew and son-in-law, Afonso V, came of age. His 
enemies succeeded in effecting his banishment from Court. 
Civil strife followed, and D. Pedro fell in a preliminary skirmish 
at Alfarrobeira in May 1449. Had he been granted a peaceful 
old age he would probably occupy a more important place in 
Portuguese literature. Apart from the historical value of his 
letters, his chief claim to be remembered literarily consists in 
the translations from the Latin, principally from Cicero, under- 
taken under his supervision or by himself personally, as the 
De Officiis, which was dedicated to King Duarte and is still 
unpublished. The Trauctado da Uirtuosa Benfeyturia was 
originally a translation by the prince of Seneca's De Beneficiis. 
Except the dedication to King Duarte (between 1430 and 1433), 
the work as it stands in six books is properly not D. Pedro's, 
since he had not leisure for the corrections and additions which 
he wished to make, and accordingly handed over his translation 
and the original to his confessor, Frei Joao Verba, who made 
the necessary alterations,^ and expanded the book from a literal 
translation to a paraphrase of the De Beneficiis. The reader 
who does not bear this in mind might be startled to find refer- 
ences in a work of Seneca's to St. Thomas, JNun' Alvarez, the 
noble knight Abraham, or the virtuous knight Cid Ruy Diaz. 
The work lacks King Duarte's gift of style which set the Leal 
Conselheiro high above contemporary prose. 

Lopo DE Almeida, created first Count of Abrantes in 1472,^ 

' Corregendo e acrecentando que entendeo ser compridoiro acabou liuro 
adeante scripto. 

" Damiao de Goes (Cr. do Pr. D. Joam, cap. 88) says 1476. His father Diogo 
Fernandez was Reposteiro M6r at the Court of King Duarte, and his 
mother a half-sister of the Archbishop of Braga. One of his sons was the 
famous and unfortunate Viceroy of India (1505-9), D. Francisco de Almeida. 



THE CHRONICLERS 93 

accompanied D. Lianor, daughter of King Duarte, on her 
marriage to the Emperor Frederick III in 1 451. In four letters 
written to King Afonso V from Italy (February to May 1452) 
he displays a keen eye for colour and much directness in descrip- 
tion, so that the Emperor bargaining miserly over the price of 
damask or the two wealthy Italian dukes so sorrily horsed {em 
sima de senhos rocins magros) remain in the memory, and the 
letters are more original- than most of the Portuguese prose of 
the century. 

One of the most important early prose works is the Boosco 
Delleytoso (15 15). It consists of 153 short chapters,^ and is 
dedicated (on the verso of the frontispiece portraying the 
' delightful wood ') to Queen Lianor, widow of King Joao II. 
It is a homily in praise of the hermit's life of solitude and against 
worldly joys and traffics, and is marked by a pleasant quaint- 
ness, an intense and excellent style, a fervent humanity and love 
of Nature. The hermit's independent and healthy life ^ is con- 
trasted with that of the merchant in cities.* In chapter i the 
repentant sinner is introduced in ' a very thick wood of very 
fair trees in which many birds sang very sweetly ' near ' a very 
fair field full of many herbs and scented flowers ' — -frolles de boo 
odor. He prays to be delivered from this darkness of death, 
and a very fair youth appears ' clothed in clothes of gleaming 
fire and his face shone as the sun when it rises in the season of 
great heat '. His ' glorious guide ', grorioso guyador, leads him 
to a dona sabedor and to dam francisco solitario, who in a fremoso 
fallamento praises the solitary life and condemns those who are 
puffed up with the conceit of learning, in itself ' a very fair 

' Seventy-four black-letter double column folios, unnumbered, of fifty lines 
each. The colophon runs: Acabouse (fo [so] emprimir este lyuro chamado 
boosco delleytoso solitario p.. Herma de capos bombardeiro del Rey nosso Sehor 
CO grafa &• preuilegio de sua alteza em ha muy nobrem [so] S- sempre leal fidad 
[so] de lixboa co muy grande dilligencia. A no da encarnafS de nosso Saluador 
&■ Redentor jhesu xpo. De mil &■ quinientos 6- quinze a vinte quatro de 
Mayo {Bib. Nacional de Lisboa, Res. 176 A [lacking f. 1]). Nicolds Antonio 
thus refers to the work (Bib. Nova, ii. 402) : Anonymus, Lusitanus, scripsit 
S- nuncupavit Serenissimae Eleonorae Reginae loanis II Portugalliae Regis 
Coniugi librum ita inscriptum. Bosco deleitoso. Olisipone 1315. 

' He can do ho que Ihe praz ; at sunrise he goes up alguu outeiro de boo 
&• saaom aar far from the delleytafooes do mundo, arroydo do segre and os 
auollimentos &• trasfegos das (idades, 

' The^malaueturado negociador que qr seer rico tostemete. 



94 1325-1521 

thing '. He tells of the lives of saintly hermits ; St. Bernard, 
St. Thomas Aquinas, Dom Seneca, Dom Cicero, a mui com- 
fortosa donzella, and others exhort the sinner to leave the world, 
and he ends by relating his frequent raptures until his soul is 
carried to the terra perduravil. In its main subject, praise of 
the solitary life, the book recalls the title of the treatise ascribed 
to D. Philippa de Lencastre : Tratado da Vida Solitaria, 
a translation or adaptation from the Latin of Laurentius Jus- 
tinianus.^ The latter's De Vita Solitaria is, however, quite 
different from the Boosco deleytoso, which was probably composed 
before the birth of D. Philippa (1437). 

Another remarkable early work is the anonymous Corte 
Imperial (14th or early 15th c), the language of which often 
bears traces of a Latin original.^ Many of its sentences are 
veritable dobres and mordobres in prose,^ and to a superficial 
reader will have little meaning ; but in fact this mystic treatise 
is closely reasoned. It may have some connexion with similar 
works by Juda Levi, Ramon Lull, and Don Juan Manuel. In 
a corte or parliament the Church 'Militant, in the person of 
a ' glorious Catholic Queen ' argues with Gentile, Moor, and Jew 
on the nature of God and the Trinity. The Gentiles and Moors 
gradually accept her doctrines, but the Jewish rabbis prove 
more contumacious. Saints and angels and all the company of 
heaven discourse sweet music in the intervals of the discussion. 
One of |the best known of the many other important translations 
of this time was the Flos Sanctorum (1513),* which begins ® with 
extracts from the Gospels and has a savour of the Bible about 
its prose. There were many later versions of the Gospel story, 
as A Paxa de Jesu Christo Nosso Deos e Senhor, &c. (1551) ; 

' See Grundriss, p. 249, and Divi Lavrentii Ivstiniani Protopatriarchae 
Veneti opera Omnia (Coloniae, 1616), pp. 728-70 : De Vita Solitaria. 
C» Cf. 1910 ed., pp. I, 4. The writer claims to be only a compiler : comego 
este livro nom como autor e achador das cousas em elle contheudas mas coma 
simprez aiuntador deltas em huu vellume. It has been attributed to the 
Infante D. Pedro and to Joao I. 

' e. g. p. 85 : Ca per entender entende entendedor e per entender i entendido 
entendido e entendedor entende que elle mesmo i Deos, 

' The title is simply i/o Flos Sctorj em lingoaje porgue'. The colophon says 
that it se chama ystorea lomharda pero comuumente se chama flos sanctorum. 

" Aqui se come fa ha payxam do eterno Principe christo Jhesu nosso Senhor 
S- saluador segundo os sanctos quatro euangelistas. 



THE CHRONICLERS 95 

Tratado en que se comprende breue e deuotamente a Vida, Paixao 
e Resurreigdo, &c. (1553) ; Traatado em q se conte a paixam de 
xpo, &c. (1589?). But the earliest and most splendid, an 
incunable of which Portugal has reason to be proud on account 
of its beautiful print, is the Vita Christi (Lixboa, 1495), trans- 
lated em lingoa materna e portugues linguagem from the original 
of Ludolph von Sachsen by the Cistercian monk Frei Bernardo 
de Alcobaga (ti478 ?), at the bidding of Queen Isabel, sister of 
the Constable D. Pedro, in the middle of the fifteenth century 

(1445)- 

Another notable translation for the same queen is the Espelho 
de Christina [1518), ^irom the French of Christine de Pisan : Livre 
des trois vertus pour V enseignement des princesses (1497). The 
Portuguese manuscript, translated from the French manuscript 
nearly half a century before the latter appeared in print,^ was 
published at the bidding of Queen Lianor (wife of Joao II), 
who so keenly encouraged Portuguese art, language, and litera- 
ture. Her squire Valentim Fernandez' version of Marco Polo, 
Marco Paulo, was published at Lisbon in 1502. The Espelho 
de Prefeygam (1533) was translated from the Latin by the 
Canons of Santa Cruz, Coimbra, and edited by Bras de Barros 
{c. 1500-59), Bishop of Leiria and cousin of the historian Joao 
de Barros. A Portuguese version of a scriptural work entitled 
Sacramental, originally written in Spanish by Clemente Sanchez 
de Vercial, was published apparently in 1488 (it would thus be 
one of the earliest books printed in Portugal), and was 
reprinted at Lisbon in 1502. 

' The only known copy exists in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. The 
colophon (in Spanish) gives the alternative title {das (res virtudes). The 
French original was also called Trisor de la CM des Dames. 

' See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, Li foes de Philologia Portuguesa, p. 137. 



§4 
The Cancioneiro Geral 

The silence that falls on Portuguese poetry after the early 
Cancioneiros lasts for over a century, scarcely interrupted by 
the twilight murmurings of the later Galician poets, and is only 
broken for us by the publication of the Cancioneiro Geral five 
years before the death of King Manuel. The native trovas had 
no doubt continued to be written by many poets in a country 
where poetry is scarcely rarer than prose, far commoner than 
good prose. But no one had cared to preserve them in a collec- 
tion corresponding to the Cancionero de Baena in Spain. When 
Portuguese poetry again emerges into the clear light of day Spanish 
influence is infuUswing and behind it looms that of Italian poetry, 
the natural continuation of one side of the Cancioneiro da Vati- 
cana. No Spanish poet now writes in Portuguese, many Portu- 
guese in Spanish. Popular poetry and royal troubadours have 
alike disappeared, leaving a narrow circle of Court rhymesters. ' 
It is to one of these that we owe the collection which embraces 
the poetry of the day, from the middle of the fifteenth century 
to the actual year of publication, 1516. Stout, good-natured 
Garcia de Resende (c. 1470-1536), a favourite alike with king 
and courtiers, often the butt of the Court poets' wit — he is 
a tunny, a barrel, a wineskin, a melon in August — belonged to 
an old family which in the sixteenth century distinguished itself 
in literature. Born at Evora and brought up in the palace as 
page and then as secretary of King Joao II, he had every oppor- 
tunity of observing the events which he so graphically describes 
in his Vida de Dom Joao II (1545).! Talented and many-sided, 
Resende continued in high favour during the succeeding reigns : 
in 1498 as secretary he accompanied King Manuel to Castille 
and Aragon, and in 15 14 was chosen for the much coveted post 

• The book has as many titles as editions, that of 1545 being Lyuro das 
Obras de Garcia de Resede que trata da vida e grSdissimas virtudes, &c. 



THE CANCIONEIRO GERAL 97 

of secretary to Tristao da Cunha's mission to Rome with wonder- 
ful presents for Pope Leo X. Resende not only drew and wrote 
verses- but was a musician and an accomplished singer : de tudo 
intende laughed his friend Gil Vicente. Perhaps it only required 
the stress of adversity to inspire to greatness this blunted, pros- 
perous courtier — fidalgo da casa del Rei. He was not a great 
poet, although he excelled the Court poets of the fifteenth 
century. As historian he has been unjustly condemned. If in his 
Chronicle of Joao H he made use of Ruy de Pina's manuscript 
chronicle, first published in 1792, it must be remembered that 
it was customary for the official historians to regard their pre- 
decessors as existing mainly for purposes of plagiarism. Hercu- 
lano called Resende's chronicle a poor bundle of anecdotes,^ and no 
doubt Resende was not a Herculano nor a Fernam Lopez but 
a more limited Court chronicler. He is none the less delightful 
because he deals not in tendencies and abstractions but in con- 
crete details and persons, Court persons. With an artist's eye 
for the picturesque he makes his readers see the event described, 
and his chronicle is throughout singularly vivid and dramatic. 
He is certainly an attractive writer, and perhaps he is also 
instructive. The incident, for instance, of the Duke of Braganza 
being kept waiting while a scaffold of the latest Paris pattern is 
being erected for his execution (1483), which a grander historian 
might have omitted, is possibly not without its significance and 
shows francesismo in action four centuries before Ega de Queiroz. 
Besides various minor works in prose Resende composed, not 
without misgiving,^ a long survey of the events of his day in some 
300 decimas : Miscellania e Variedade de Historias, which throws 
curious and valuable light on the times. His literary work was 
prompted by a real desire to serve his country. His delicate 
appreciation of the past appears in his remarkable and charming 
verses on the death of Ines de Castro ; and wishing in so far as 
lay in his power to remedy the Portuguese neglect which had 
allowed so many poems and records and gentilezas to perish, he 
collected what he could of past and present poets and published 

' Historiadores Portugueses in Opuscules (1907), ii. 27. The author of the 
Theatrum has a similar verdict : Scripsit Chronicam loannis II ut quidem 
potuit sed longe impar regis et rerum magnitudinis . 

' Sem letras e sem saber, he says modestly, me fui nisto meter. 

2362 G 



98 1325-1521 

them in one great volume which he dedicated to the Infante Joao : 
Cancioneiro Geral (15 16), often known as the Cancioneiro de 
Resende to distinguish it from the Spanish Cancionero General 
(i 5 1 1) . Resende wrote to the poets of his acquaintance requesting 
them in verse to send him their poems, and they sent him answers, 
also in verse, accompanying their poems.^ The receipt of these 
he would acknowledge as editor, promising, still in verse, to have 
them printed. Politeness no doubt induced him to include more 
than his judgement warranted, for his own poems are superior 
to those of most of his contemporaries. A large number of the 
Cancioneiro'' s poems — some 1,000 poems by between 100 and 200 
poets — should scarcely have been included, for, however well 
they might answer their purpose as occasional verse, they were 
not intended as a possession for ever, and massed together pro- 
duce an effect of dull and endless triviality. These love poems 
can indeed be as monotonous, the satiric poems as coarse, licen- 
tious, and irreverent, as those of the Cancioneiro da Vaticana. 
One of the poets, D. Joao Manuel, like King Alfonso X of old, 
does beseech his colleagues to cease singing of Cupid and Macias 
and turn to religious subjects. But itwas not Garcia de Resende's 
purpose to include religious verse. Poems recording great deeds 
and occasions he would gladly have printed in larger number, but, 
as he (among others) complained in his preface, it was character- 
istic of the Portuguese not to record their deeds in literary form. 
Satiric verses he included in plenty, satire being one of the 
recognized functions of the poet's art : per trouas sam castigados.^ 
But if we turn to the poems of his collection we are amazed by 
the pettiness of the subjects, and our amazement grows when 
we remember that this was the period in the world's whole 
history most calculated to awe and inspire men's minds with the 
thought of vast new horizons. While Columbus was discovering 
America, Bartholomeu Diaz rounding the Cape of Good Hope, 

' Or he would seek to obtain them through a friend as in the case of Can- 
cioneiro do abode frei Martinho of Alcobaga. It is improbable that Resende, 
who valued friendship above good poetry, altered the manuscripts he received, 
in spite of Francisco de Sousa's permission : as quaes podeys enmendar. 

" Prologo. ' Had you forgotten that trovas are still written in Portugal ? ' 
asks Nuno Pereira of one of his victims ; and of a dress it is said that it 
would be certo de leuar Trouas de riso e mote. Cf. the phrase dar causa a 
trovadores. 



THE CANCIONEIRO GERAL 99 

Vasco da Gama sailing to India, or Afonso de Albuquerque 
making desperate appeals for men and money to enable him to 
maintain his brilliant conquests, the Court poets were versifying 
on an incorrectly addressed letter, a lock of hair, a dingy head- 
dress, a very lean and aged mule, the sad fate of a lady marrying 
away from the Court in Beira, a quarrel between a tenor and 
soprano, a courtier's velvet cap or hat of blue silk, a button 
more or less on a coat, the length of spurs, fashions in sleeves : 
themes, as Jose Agostinho de Macedo might say, ' prodigiously 
frivolous'. When news reached Lisbon of the tragic death of 
D. Francisco de Almeida and of the defeat of Afonso de 
Albuquerque ^ and the Mairshal D. Fernando de Coutinho before 
Calicut, with the death of the latter. Bras da Costa wrote to 
Garcia de Resende that at this rate he would prefer to have no 
pepper, and Resende answered that for his part he certainly had 
no intention of embarking. But, as a rule, such events received 
not even so trivial a comment, and no doubt the poets felt that 
the verse which served to pass the time at the seroes was in- 
adequate to any great occasion. But the trovador segundo as 
trovas de aquelle tempo ^ had little idea of what subjects were 
suitable or unsuitable to poetry. A typical instance of the 
themes in which they delighted is an event which seems to have 
produced a greater impression than the discovery of new worlds : 
the return from Castille of a gentleman of the Portuguese Court 
wearing a large velvet cap. For over 300 lines of verse this cap 
is bandied to and fro by the witty poets. It must weigh four 
hundredweight, says one. Another advises him to lock it up 
em arcaaz until he can turn it into a doublet ; another bids him 
sell it in the Jews' quarter. Small wonder, chimes in a fourth, 
that no galleys come now with velvet from Venice.^ ' I would 
not wear it at a serdo, not for a million, ' says another. ' A Samson 
could not wear it all one summer,' is the comment of a sixth. 
Another remarks that he would rather read Lucan (or Lucian) 

■ Or Albuquerque would be mentioned in a game of Porque's (why's) 
common among the praguentos da India : Porque Afonso d' Albuquerque 
Dd pareas a el rey de Fez ? 

^ Zurara, Cr. de D. Joam, cap. 29. 

' The Cancioneiro contains many references to Venice. The pimenta de 
Veneza mentioned in one of the poems must have sounded strange to Portu- 
guese readers in 15 16. 

G 2 



100 1325-1521 

{antes leria por lugam) in the heat of the day than wear it. 
' He will need a cart to bring it to the serao,' says yet another. 
The wit, it will be seen, is not brilliant, although it may have 
effectively nipped this budding Castilian fashion and enlivened 
an evening. But there were duller contests. For score on score of 
pages the rival merits of sighing and of loving in silence are dis- 
cussed by poet after poet [0 Cuidar e Sospirar). Such a subject 
once started tended to accumulate verses like a snowball. But 
the Cancioneiro also contains poems on serious topics, although 
they are rarer, as well as delicate, airy nothings {sutiles nadas) 
like Vimioso's vilancetes} There are two poems on the death of 
King Joao II, there is Luis Anriquez' lamentation on the death of 
the Infante Afonso (1491), that of Luis de Azevedo on the death 
of the Infante Pedro, Duke of Coimbra, at Alfarrobeira, and a 
few poets, like Resende himself, stand out from the rest. Besides 
the elaborate Spanish poem by that noble prince the Constable 
D. Pedro we have several long poems dealing with high matters 
of the soul or the State. The sixty-one interesting stanzas by 
the querulous, satirical^ intolerant Alvaro de Brito Pestana 
treat of the condition of the city of Lisbon and the decay of 
morals. The correspondent of Gomez Manrique and contem- 
porary of his nephew Jorge, in the metre of whose famous Coplas 
he wrote, he was present at the battle of Alfarrobeira. His 
trovas on the death of Prince Afonso, with the recurrent choremos 
perda tamanha, are wooden and artificial and his sixteen allitera- 
tive verses scarcely belong to literature, but at least he chose 
themes which were not concerned with passing Court fashions. 
The few simple lines written as he lay dying show him at his 
best.^ His friend and distant relative Fernam da Silveira, 
Coudel Mdr, is concerned with more mundane matters. A man 
of noble birth and high character, he was held in great honour 
by Afonso V and Joao II. The latter, a keen judge of men, had 
implicit confidence in the justice of this upright magistrate, who 

' e. g. Meu bem, sent vos ver Se vivo um dia, Viver nam queria. Caland' 
e sofrendo Meu mal sent medida. Mil mortes na vida Sinto nam vos vendo, 
E pais que vivendo Moiro toda via, Viver nam queria, 

' La t'arreda Satanas, Crista Jesu a ti chamo, A ti amo, Tu Senhor me 
salvards. O sinal da cruz espante Minha torpe tentafam. Com devagam 
Espero dir adiante. 



THE CANCIONEIRO GERAL loi 

was also a soldier, a poet, and a finished courtier. He deals with 
affairs of State, writes an account in trovas of six syllables of 
the Cortes held by the king at Montemor in 1477 and a short 
poem on the appointment of various bishops in 1485. Or he sends 
a poem to his nephew Garcia de Mello with detailed instructions 
as to how he should dress and behave at Court. His trovas are 
thoroughly Portuguese, vigorous, concise, and picturesque. He is 
less at home in the trovas de poesia (i. e. de arte mayor) written on a 
journey from Evora toThomar, but he could skilfully turn a short 
love poem, and for a wager of capons for Easter (with Alvaro de 
Brito) wrote a stanza containing as many rhymes as it has words. 
In fine he belonged to his age, but his poetry bears the impress of 
his strong character and his love of Portuguese ways. On the 
other hand, the younger brother of the Conde de Cantanhede, 
D. JoAo DE Meneses (fi5i4), wrote indifferently in Portuguese 
or Spanish. He fought for many years in Africa, although his 
slight love poems, fluent and harmonious, give no sign of a life 
of action, and died in the expedition against Azamor.^ Another 
soldier, courtier, and poet marked out by birth and ability was 
D. JoAO Manuel (c. 1460-99), son of the Bishop of Guarda. 
Legitimized in 1475 and brought up at Court with the prince 
Manuel, he continued to be a favourite after the latter's accession, 
became Lord High Chamberlain, and was sent to the Court of 
Castille in 1499 to arrange the marriage of the king with the 
daughter of Ferdinand a,nd Isabella. In Spanish octaves he had 
written a lament on the death of Prince Afonso, which both in 
feeling and technique excels the verses of Alvaro de Brito on the 
same subject. Towards the end of his poem he introduces the 
saying of St. Augustine that ' our soul exists not where it lives 
but where it loves ', which in the following century was quoted 
by two writers so different as Ferreira de Vasconcellos and Frei 
Heitor Pinto and soon became a commonplace. In other works 
he shows a high seriousness, sometimes a sententious strain, 
combined with a very real poetical talent. His death during his 
mission to Castille was a loss for the Court and for Portuguese 
poetry. By another writer, Fernam daSilveira (11489), wehave 

' One of his poems has the heading : Outro vilanfeie seu estado em Azamor 
antes q se fynasse. 



102 I325-I52I 

but a few poems, the principal of which is a lament for his owp 
death, in the metre of Manrique, which he places on the lips of 
various ladies of the Court. His death was tragic, for, having 
succeeded his father as secretary to King Joao II, he took part 
in the ill-fated conspiracy of the Duke of Viseu. After lying 
hidden in the house of a friend he fled in disguise to Castille and 
thence to France, but, although he thus succeeded in prolonging 
his life for five years, the king's justice relentlessly pursued and 
he was stabbed to death at Avignon. A favourite of Joao II, 
especially before his accession, was Nunc Pereira (fi. 1485), 
homem galante, cortesao e bom trovador, who married the daughter 
of the Coudel MSr and valiantly sustained the part of Cuidar 
against his relative Jorge da Silveira's Sospirar in the great 
literary tournament of the courtiers. Later, after serving as 
Governor {Alcaide) of the town of Portel, he retired to live in 
the country, and presents a happy picture of himself in the midst 
of harvesters and pruners. He finds, he says, more pleasure 
in his vines, in the chase, in digging and watering his garden, 
than in being a favourite at Court. He had not always thought 
thus, for when the lady he was courting married a rival he could 
devise no worse fate for her than to bid her go and die among 
the chestnut groves of Beira. He had, indeed, made a name for 
himself by his courtly satire, which he turned to good use in 
ridiculing those who came back from Castille with a supercilious 
disdain for everything Portuguese. It is pleasant to find him 
bidding them not speak their ' insipid Castilian ' in his presence. 
DiOGO Brandam (f 1530) of Oporto wrote an elaborate poem in 
octaves on the death of King Joao II. He also used the octo- 
syllabic metre with breaks of single lines [quebrados] of four 
syllables, so familiar in Gil Vicente's plays, and in his Fingi- 
mento de Amoves (27 verses of 8 octosyllabic lines), under Spanish- 
Italian influence, he touches a richer, more generous vein of 
poetry : the poet-lover descends into the region of Proserpine, 
the dominion of Pluto, and sees the torments of Love's followers. 
His vilancete to the Virgin is in the same metre with the difference 
that the verses have seven lines only (abbaacc). The spirit of 
Jorge de Manrique is absent from the stanzas written in the metre- 
of his Coplas by Luis Anriquez on the fatal accident which ended 



THE CANCIONEIRO GERAL 103 

the life of Prince Afonso in his teens. His lamentation on the 
death of King Joao H is written in octaves, as that of Diogo 
Brandam, which they resemble. Both poets invoke Death : 
morte que matas quern i prosper ado (Brandam) ; morte que 
matas sent tempo e sazam (Anriquez). Other historical poems 
by Anriquez in the same metre are the verses written on the 
occasion of the transference of the remains of Joao H and thirty- 
five stanzas addressed to James, Duke of Braganza, when he 
left Lisbon with his fleet te attack Azamor in 1513. If we turn 
from these somewhat heavy pieces to Anriquez' other poems 
we find a hymn in praise of the Virgin, written more in the 
manner of Alfonso X, and various love cantigas. The nephew 
of D. Joao de Meneses, Joam rroiz de saa, that is, Joam 
Rodriguez de SX e Meneses (1465 }-i$y6); studied in Italy 
as a disciple of Angelo Poliziano (11594) and died a cen- 
tenarian. He wrote a poem in decimas describing the arms of 
the noble families of Portugal, and translated into trovas three 
long letters from the Latin which by their spirit of saudade 
appealed to Portuguese taste : Penelope to Ulysses, Laodamia 
to Protesilaus, and Dido to Aeneas. He was also versed in the 
Greek language, and for his noble character and courtly ways 
as well as for his learning and poetical talent was venerated by 
the younger generation into which he lived : Antonio Ferreira 
salutes him as the ' ancient sire of the muses of this land '. 
The ' most discreet ' D. Francisco de Portugal, first Conde 
de Vimioso (11549), although he did not live to be a centenarian, 
also survived most of the poets of Joao IPs reign and died towards 
the end of that of Joao III. Son of the Bishop of Evora and great- 
grandson of the first Duke of Braganza, he was created a count 
by King Manuel in 15 15, and was equally renowned as soldier, 
statesman, courtier, and poet, ' wise and prudent in peace and 
war '. His Sentengas{T.6o^), over one hundred of which are rhymed 
quatrains, were published by his grandson D. Anrique de Portu- 
gal. Some of these moral sayings have considerable subtlety, 
and they reveal a fine character and insight into the character 
of others.^ Most of his poems, in Spanish and Portuguese, 

' e. g. ^ culpa de quern se ama doe mais &■ perdoase mats asinha, Nampede 
louvoY quern o merece. Da fee nace a rezam da fee, &c. 



104 1325-152I 

preserved in the Cancioneiro are brief cantigas which prove him 
to have been a skilful versifier and a typical Court poet. On the 
other hand, a feeling for Nature, a constant command of metre, 
and a certain passionate sadness mark out an earher poet, 
DuARTE DE Brito (fl. 1490), the friend of D. Joao de Meneses, 
from most of the other writers in Resende's song-book. The 
redondilha in his hands is no wooden toy but a living, moving 
instrument. His most celebrated poem, em que conta o que a ele 
& a outro Ihacontegeo com huu rrousifiol & muitas outras cousas 
que vio, is written after the fashion of Diogo Brandam's Fin- 
gimento de Amoves and Garci Sanchez de Badajoz' Infierno de 
Amor, in imitation of the Marqu6s de Santillana's El Infierno 
de los Enamorados ; but there is real feeling in these eighty verses 
of eleven lines (of which the eighth and eleventh are of four, the 
rest of eight syllables). The Italian influence, working through 
Spanish, was already present in Portuguese poetry in the fifteenth 
century, although Brito writes exclusively in redondilhas, as 
indeed does the introducer of the new style, Sa de Miranda, in 
the few and short poems which he contributed to the Cancio- 
neiro immediately before its publication. Duarte de Brito did 
not condescend to those artificial devices which give us in this 
Cancioneiro a poem of sixty lines all ending in dos, alliterative 
stanzas, and other verbal tricks. The real business of the seroes, 
so far as poetry was concerned, was ouvir e glosar motes. These 
glosas and the similar cantigas and esparsas, short poems of fixed 
form, often written with skill and spontaneous charm, were merely 
one of the necessary accomplishments of a courtier. Such a view 
of poetry could scarcely give rise to great poets, and these versi- 
fiers indeed styled themselves trovadores, reserving the name of 
poet for those who wrote, often but clumsily, in versos de arte 
mayor, de muita poesia. But, worse still, the poets of the Can- 
cioneiro were often scarcely Portuguese.^ Many wrote in Spanish, 
and Spanish influence is to be found at every turn : that of Juan 
de Mena, Gomez and Jorge Manrique, Rodriguez de la Camara, 
Macias, Santillana. Unlike Macias, who is but a name, Santillana 

' D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos goes so far as to call the Portu- 
guese Cancioneiro Geral a mere supplement or second part of the Spanish 
Cancionero General (Estudos sobre Romanceiro, p. 303). 



THE CANCIONEIRO GERAL 105 

is not mentioned, but his influence is constantly felt. On the 
other hand, King Dinis, unexpectedly introduced once as a poet 
by Pedro Homem (fl. 1490) — invoco el rei dom Denis Da licenga 
Daretusa — is nowhere imitated. By method, subject, and foreign 
imitation, this Court poetry was thus inevitably artificial and 
uninspired. Perhaps in the whole Cancioneiro the only poem 
marked by authentic fire is that of the obscure Francisco de 
SousA — the few lines beginning monies erguidos, Deixai-vos cair. 
The contribution? of Sa de Miranda, as those of three other famous 
poets, give no sign of the coming greatness of the contributor. 
The names of the other three are Bernardim Ribeiro, Cristovam 
Falcao, and the prince of all these poets, here the humblest of 
Cinderellas, Gil Vicente. 



Ill 

The Sixteenth Century [1503-80] 

§1 
Gil Vicente 

In Portugal a splendid dawn ushered in the sixteenth century, 
The discovery of the sea route to India, while it gave an impulse 
to science and literature, also increased religious fervour, since 
the Portuguese who contended against the Moors in India were 
but carrying on the work of their ancestors five centuries earlier 
in Portugal. Old-fashioned Portugal thus only gradually wel- 
comed the Renaissance and stood firm against the Reformation. 
But in the reign of Joao III (1521-57) the University of Coimbra 
came to be one of the best-known universities in Europe. Andre de 
Gouvea (11548), whom Montaigne called ' sans comparaison le 
plus grand principal de France',^ and Diogo de Teive returned 
from the College de Sainte-Barbe to inaugurate its studies, and 
many of its chairs were offered to distinguished Portuguese and 
foreign scholars, such as Ayres Barbosa (ti54o) and George 
Buchanan (1506-82), as well as to Portuguese humanists such as 
Antonio de Gouvea and Achilles Estago (jiSSi). Nicholas 
Cleynarts or Nicolaus Clenardus (1493 or 1494-1542), Professor 
of Greek and Hebrew at Louvain, came to Portugal from 
Salamanca as tutor to the Infante Henrique in 1533, and from 
Portugal wrote some of his wittiest letters.^ He found Coimbra 
a second Athens, and few great Portuguese writers of the century 
had not spent some years there or at the University before it was 
transferred to Coimbra from Lisbon in 1537. King Joao III and 
especially his son, the young prince Joao (1537-54), Cardinal 
Henrique (1512-80), and the many-sided Infante Luis (1506-55), 
favorecedor de toda habilidad, himself a poet of no mean order ^ 

' Essais, I. XXV. 

' Nicolai Clenardi Epistolarum libri duo. Antuerpiae, 1561. 

' Several fine sonnets have been ascribed to him (cf. Fenix Renascida, 
iii. 2$2,Horas breves, and, with more reason, iii. 253, A redeasolta correo pensa- 
mento), as was also Gil Vicente's Dom Duardos and a manuscript Tratado 
dos modos, proporfoes e medidas. 



GIL VICENTE 107 

and pupil of Pedro Nunez, eagerly patronized letters ; the house- 
hold of the accomplished Infanta Maria (1521-77) became the 
' home of the Muses ' i; learned Luisa Sigea (fisSo), of French 
origin, but born at Toledo and brought up in Portugal, wrote 
a Latin poem in praise of Syntra ; her sister Angela, Joana Vaz, 
and Publia Hortensia de Castro were likewise noted for their 
learning, and D. Lianor de Noronha (1488-1563), daughter 
of Fernando, Marques de Villareal, did good service to 
Portuguese prose by her encouragement of translations. But 
Portuguese literature lost something by its latinization, and 
it is pleasant to turn back half a century to a time when it was 
humbler and more national. The ' very prosperous ' Manuel I, 
Lord of theOcean,^ Lord of the East,^ had been seven years king, 
Vasco da Gama had returned triumphantly from Calicut (1497-9), 
Cabral had discovered Brazil for Portugal (1500), Afonso de 
Albuquerque (fisis) stood on the threshold of his career of 
conquests and glory, the Portuguese .Empire was advancing 
from North Africa to China,* the gold and spices were beginning 
to arrive in plenty from the East, and hope of honour and riches 
was drawing nobleman and peasant to Lisbon, when Gil 
Vicente {c. 1465-1536?) introduced the drama into his 

dear, dear land, 
Dear for its reputation through the world. 

Dressed as a herdsman on the night of June 7, 1502, he con- 
gratulated the queen on the birth of the Infante, later King 
Joao III (born during the night of June 6), in a Spanish mono- 
logue of 114 lines. This speech gives promise of two qualities 
apparent in his later work : extreme naturalness (the embarrassed 
peasant wonders open-mouthed at the grand palace and his 
thoughts turn at once to his village) and love of Nature (mountain 
and meadow are aflower for joy of the new prince born). But, 

' Duarte Nunez de Leam, DescripfSo, 2" ed. (1785), cap. 80 : Da hdbilidade 
das molheres portuguesas para as letras e artes liber aes. Severim de Faria speaks 
of her sancto desejo de saber. The author of Dos priuilegios &■ praerogatiuas 
q ho genero femenino tern (1557) says (p. 9) : se pode estranhar esta hidade 
na qual as molheres ndo se aplicam aas letras e sciencias como faziam as antigas 
Romanas e Gregas. 

^ Gil Vicente, Obras (1834), ii. 414. ' Ibid. iii. 350. 

* Cf . Joao Rodriguez de Si e Meneses in the Cancioneiro Geral : De <^eita atee 
OS Chijs. 



io8 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

it may reasonably be asked, where is the drama ? It consists 
principally in the vaqueiro, who is restless as one of the wicked 
in a Basque pastorale. He rushes into the queen's chamber, 
has a look at its luxuries, turns to address the queen, declares 
that he is in a hurry and must be going, leaps in gladness, and 
finally introduces some thirty courtiers in herdsman's dress who 
offer gifts of milk, eggs, cheese, and honey. There is little in this 
simple piece — the Visitagam, or Monologo do Vaqueiro — to fore- 
shadow the sovereign genius,^ the Plautus, the Shakespeare ^ of 
Portugal that was Gil Vicente. His life is wrapped in obscurity, 
and the known existence of half a dozen contemporary Gil Vi- 
centes makes research a risky operation. There was a page 
(1475) and an escudeiro (1482) of King Joao II, an official at 
Santarem, a Santarem carpenter (fisoo), there was a Gil Vicente 
in India in 1512,^ and a Gil Vicente goldsmith at Lisbon. We 
know that the poet spoke of himself as near death {visinho da 
morte) in 1531, although apparently in good' health. This would 
seem to place his birth a few years before 1470.* Unfortunately 
the Auto da Festa, in which he says that he is over sixty, is 
undated. As, however, it was written before the Templo de 
Apolo (1526) we may place it probably about 1525. We are 
thus brought back to about the same date {c. 1465). Almost cer- 
tainly he was not of exalted parentage.® Indeed, he would appear 
to have been slighted for his humble birth, and sarcastically spoke 

» M. Men^ndez y Pelayo, Antologia, vol. vii, p. clxiii. 

" A. Herculano, Historia da Inquisigao, 3* ed. (1879), i. 238. Cf. Camillo 
Castello Branco, A Viuva do Enforcado, ad init. No one of course thinks of 
comparing Gil Vicente with Shakespeare, but one may perhaps say that he 
resembles what Shakespeare might have been had he been born in the fifteenth 
century. The shipwreck in the Triunfo do Inverno recalls the opening 
scene of The Tempest, as the mad friar recalls poor Tom, and the magnificent 
fidalgo Falstafi. In the Farsa de Inis Pereira In^s, without being a shrew, 
is tamed by her husband, who says : 

Se eu digo : Esto e novello 
Vos aveis de confirmalo. 

' In 1 5 1 3 Afouso de Albuquerque writes of ' the son of Gil Vicente ' in India. 

* It is customary in Portugal to fix the date of his birth in 1470 owing 
to the statement of the judge in the Floresta de Enganos (1536) that he — the 
judge — was already sixty-six. It is a method which might lead to comical 
results if further pressed in the case of Vicente or other dramatists. Was 
Mello seventy-three when he wrote the Fidalgo Aprendiz ? 

' ' A gentleman of good family ' (Ticknor) ; hijo de ilustres padres (Barrera y 
Leirado); na qualidade nohilissimo (Pedro de Poyares). 



GIL VICENTE 109 

of himself as the son of a pack-saddler and born at Pederneira 
(Estremadura).^ He may have been the son of Luis Vicente or 
of Martim Vicente, ' said to have been a silversmith of Guimaraes ' 
(Minho).^ The frequent mention of the province of Beira is, 
however, noticeable in his plays. If it were only that his peasants 
use words such asnega, nego, which according to the grammarian 
Fernam d'Oliveira were peculiar to Beira (in 1536),^ it might pass 
for a dramatic device, since Oliveira remarks that old-fashioned 
words will not be out of place if we assign them to an old man of 
Beira or a peasant.* Indeed, the grammarian seems to have had 
Gil Vicente especially in view (he mentions him in another con- 
nexion) since three of the six words that he notes — abem, acajuso, 
algorrem — occur in three successive lines of the Barca do Pur- 
gatorio, and another, samicas, is as great a favourite with Vicente 
as at first was soncas,^ derived from Enzina. But it is impossible 
to explain all the references to Beira by the supposition that heirao 
is equivalent to rustic and Beira to Boeotia, for Beira and the 
Serra da Estrella intrude constantly and indeed pervade his work. 
He shows personal knowledge of the country between Manteigas 
and Fundao, and we may suspect that it was in order to connect 
' Portuguese Fame desired of all nations ' with Beira ' our 
province ' rather than with rusticity that he makes her keep 
ducks as a mocinha da Beira. We do not know when Vicente 
came to Lisbon, nor whether, as Jos6 de Cabedo de Vasconcellos, 
another (17th c.) genealogist, would have us believe, he became 

' iii. 275. Pederneira is mentioned again in ii. 390 and iii. 205. 

' The authority is Cristovam Alao de Moraes in his manuscript Pedatura 
Lusitana (1667) (No. 441 in the Public Library of Oporto). This genealogist, 
says Castello Branco, era ds vezes ignorante e outras vezes mat intencionado. 
He does not say that Martim Vicente exercised his alleged profession of silver- 
smith at Guimaraes, or that Gil was bom there. What more probable than for 
Guimaraes, proud of its poetical traditions, to invent a silversmith father 
for the famous poet-goldsmith ? Pedro de Poyares, Tractado em louvor da 
villa de Barcellos (1672), says that Gil Vicente, em tempo de D. Jodo terceiro 
poeta celebre, foi natural de Barcellos e andam algumas cousas suas impressas. 

' Grammatica, ed. 1871, p. 118. 

* Ibid., p. 81 . See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, Gil Vicente e a Linguagem Popular, 
1902. Fee, Traitados Quadragesimais (i6i9),f. 10, mentions the somsonete de 
pronunciafao of the ratinhos. 

' Soncas occurs no less than seven times in the brief Auto Pastoril Castelhano. 
It occurs twice in the first twenty-eight lines of one of Enzina's eclogues 
(Cancionero de iodas las obras (^arag09a, 15 16), f. Ixxviii, and again f. Ixxviii 
verso and Ixxx). 



no THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

the tutor {mestre de rhetorica) of King Manuel, then Duke of 
Beja. Of his life at Lisbon our information is almost as 
meagre. We know, of course, that he accompanied the Court 
to Evora, Coimbra, Thomar, Almeirim, and other towns to 
set up and act in his plays, that besides acting in his plays 
he wrote songs for them and music for the songs. We know 
that he received considerable gifts in money and in kind 
both from King Manuel and from Joao HI, in whose reign 
he complains of being penniless and neglected. Some hold that 
he married his first wife, Branca Bezerra, in 1512, that he owned 
the Quinta do Mosteiro near Torres Vedras (a supposition no 
longer tenable), that the name of his second wife was Melicia 
Rodriguez, but we have no certainty as to this, nor as to the 
number of his children. The accomplished Paulabecame musician 
and lady-in-waiting to the Infanta Maria before the death of her 
father, whom she helped-— runs the legend — in the composition 
of his plays,^ as she helped her brother Luis in editing them in 
1562. From a document concerning another brother, Belchior, 
we know that Gil Vicente [sen pae que Deus haja) died before 
April 16, 1540. There is some reason to believe that he died in 
the year of his last play ( 1536) or early in 1537. From his asser- 
tion that the mere collection of his works was a great burden to 
his old age^ we might judge him to have been very old, but he 
may have been worn out with labour in many fields and his h-ealth 
had not always been good. He suffered from fever and plague, 
which brought him to death's door in 1525,- and he had grown 
stout with advancing age. An incident at Santarem on the 
occasion of the great earthquake of 1531, so vividly described by 
Garcia de Resende, shows him in a very attractive light, for 
by his personal prestige and eloquent words he succeeded in re- 
straining the monks and quieting the half-maddened populace, 
and thus saved the ' new Christians ' from ill-treatment or 
massacre. 

' A. dos Reis, Enthusiasmus Poeticus (Corpus III. Poet. Lus., torn, viii, pp. 
18-19) '■ Quern iuvisse ferunt velut olim Polla maritum. Manuel Tavares, 
Portugal illustrado pelo sexo feminino (1734), calls her a discretissima mulher. 

' Com muita pena de minha velhice. Ruy de Pina calls a man mui velho 
whose father (King Joao I) would have been but ninety-one in that year 
(Cr. de Afonso V, cap. 105). Cf. Jorge Ferreira, Ulysippo, iii. 3 : velho sepode 
chamar pois vai aos cincoenta anos. 



GIL VICENTE iii 

We know a little more about him if we identify him with 
Gil Vicente, the goldsmith of Queen Lianor (1458-1525), sister 
of King Manuel and widow of King Joao II, whose most famous 
work is the beautiful Belem monstrance, wrought of the first 
tribute of gold from the East (from Quiloa or Kilwa).^ The 
probabilities in favour of identity are so convincing that we are 
bound to assume it unless an insuperable obstacle presents itself. 
Our faith in manuscript documents and genealogies is not in- 
creased by the fact that one investigator, the Visconde Sanches 
de Baena (1822-1909), emerges with the triumphant conclusion 
that the two Gil Vicentes were uncle and nephew, while another. 
Dr. Theophilo Braga, -declares that they are cousins. Perhaps 
we may be permitted to believe in neither and to restore Gil 
Vicente to himself. For indeed this was a singular instance of 
cousinly love. The goldsmith wrote verses ; the poet takes 
a remarkable interest in the goldsmith's art.^ The goldsmith 
is appointed inspector (vedor) of all works in gold and silver at 
the convent of Thomar, the Lisbon Hospital of All Saints, and 
Belem. The poet is particularly fond of referring to Thomar,^ 
and in its convent in 1523 staged his Farsa de Inis Pereira (who 
lived at Thomar with her first husband), while at the Hospital of 
All Saints was played the Barca do Purgatorio in 15 18. The gold- 
smith was in the service of the widow of Joao II, Queen Lianor, 
who mentions two of his chalices in her will; the poet at the 
request of the same Queen Lianor wrote verses, probably in 1509, 
in a poetical contest about a gold chain and was encouraged by 
her to write his early plays.* The goldsmith was Mestre da 

' See Barros, Asia, i. vi. 7. Beckford has glowing praise for 'this gold 
custodium of exquisite workmanship ' : ' Nothing could be more beautiful 
as a specimen of elaborate Gothic sculpture than this complicated enamelled 
mass of fljHing buttresses and fretted pinnacles ' (Italy, with Sketches of Spain 
and Portugal, Paris, 1834). 

' Reference to gold, jewels, sapphires, pearls, rubies is frequent in his plays. 
The goldsmith in the Farsa dos Almocreves uses the technical word bastiaes 
which occurs in the Livro Vermelho of Afonso V : E porque alguns Ouriueses 
tern era feita algua prata dourada e de bastiaes. It occurs, however, in the 
Cancioneiro Geral (galantes bastiaes), in Resende's Miscellania (bestiaes), and 
other writers. 

' Cf. i. 127, 130; ii. 391, 488; iii. 151, 379. 

' An unfortunate interpolation by the 1834 editors in the rubric of the 
Auto da Sibila Cassandra was largely responsible for the belief that his 
patroness was not Queen Lianor but King Manuel's mother D. Beatriz. 



112 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Balanga from 1513 to 1517; the poet goes out of his way 
to refer tcf os da Moeda, familiarly but noj; as one of them, in 
1521. He henceforth devoted himself more ardently to the 
literary side of his genius, speaks of himself as Gil Vicente who 
writes autos for the king, and with an occasional sigh'- that 
he can no longer afford to stage his plays as splendidly as of old 
(in King Manuel's reign) produces them with increasingfrequency. 
' Had Gil Vicente been a goldsmith and a goldsmith of such skill,' 
said the late Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo (1856-1912), 'it 
would have been impossible for him to leave no trace of it in his 
dramatic works and for all the contemporary writers who speak 
of him to have kept complete silence as to his artistic talent.'^ 
But his work is essentially that of an artist (Menendez y Pelayo 
himself well calls him an alma de artista) ^ : involuntarily one 
likens his sketches to some rough terra- cotta figure of Tanagra 
or sculpture in early Gothic, and his lyrics are clear-cut gems, 
a thing very rare in Portuguese literature. Intensely Portuguese 
in his lyrism and his satire, he is almost un-Portuguese in the 
extreme plasticity of his genius. Concrete, definite images 
spring from his brain in contrast to the vaguer effusions of most 
Portuguese poets. And if Queen Lianor's goldsmith, like the 
troubadour ourives Elias Cairel, or, to come to the fifteenth century, 
like Diogo Fernandez and Afonso Valente of the Cancioneiro de 
Resende* set himself to write verses, this would call for no com- 
ment. Every one wrote verses. Had a celebrated poet — say the 
Gil Vicente of 1520 — wrought the custodia his contemporaries 
might have recorded the fact, but Gil Vicente was not a famous 

Yet the rubric of the Auto dos Quatro Tempos sayF clearly that a sobredita 
senhora is King Manuel's sister. 

' Mas ja nao auto hofi Como os autos que fazia Quando elle tinha com que 
(Auto Pastoril Portugues, i. 129). 

2 Antologia, vii, p. clxvi. It should be said that Dr. Theophilo Braga, the 
late General Brito Rebello, and the late Dr. F. A. Coelho agree with Men6ndez 
y Pelayo. Dr. Theophilo Braga even declares that he can prove an alibi. 
D. Carolina Michaglis de Vasconcellos opposed identity in 1894, and has 
not definitely expressed herself in its favour since. On the other hand, 
Snr. Braamcamp Freire is a convinced supporter of identifying poet and 
goldsmith. ' Antologia, vii, p. clxxvi. 

' And later Jeronimo CorrSa (ti66o) at Lisbon, author of Daphne e Apollo 
(Lisboa, 1624) and other prosaic verses, Xavier de Novaes (1820-69) ^^ Oporto, 
and others. Perhaps the gold-beater of Seville, Lope de Rueda (1510 ?-6s), 
whose pasos are akin to Vicente's /awas, was fired by his example and success. 



, GIL VICENTE 113 

poet when the custodia was begun in 1503. Stress was therefore 
naturally laid on the plays of Gil Vicente the goldsmith, not on 
the art of Gil Vicente the poet. The historian Barros refers in 
1540 to Gil Vicente comico,^ and since 15 17 he had certainly been 
more comico than ourives. But the comico who was dramatist 
and lyric poet, musician, actor, preacher in prose and verse, 
may also have been a goldsmith. His versatility was that of 
Damiao deGoes a little later or of his own contemporary Garcia de 
Resende, with genius added. The fact that the official document 
in which Gil Vicente lavrador da Rainha Lianor is appointed to 
his post in the Lisbon Casa da Moeda (Feb. 4, 1513 ^) has above 
it a contemporary note Gil V" trouador mestre da balaga should 
in itself be conclusive evidence that the poet was the goldsmith 
of the queen. This modest but intimate position at Court 
accords well with what we know of the poet and with the produc- 
tion of his plays. The offerings at the end of the Visitagam seem 
to have suggested to Queen Lianor the idea of its repetition on 
Christmas morning, but Gil Vicente, considering its matter in- 
appropriate, wrote a new play with parts for six shepherds. This 
Auto Pastoril Castelhano is four times as long as the Visitagam. 
The shepherds pass the time in dance and song, games, riddles, 
and various conversation (the dowry of the bride of one of them 
is catalogued in the manner of Enzina ' and the Archpriest of 
Hita). To them the Angels announce the birth of the Redeemer, 
and they go to sing and dance before aquel garzon. The principal 
part, that of the mystic shepherd Gil Terron, ' inclined to the life 
contemplative ', well read [letrudo) in the Bible, with some 
knowledge of metaphysics and perhaps of the Corte Imperial, 
devoted to Nature and the sierras benditas, was evidently played 
by Gil Vicente himself. A fortnight later, for the Day of Kings, 
he had ready the Auto dos Reis Magos (1503), again at the re- 
quest of Queen Lianor, who had ' been very pleased ' with what 
Vicente himself called a pobre cousa. This brief interval of time 
limited the length of the new play. Its action is as slight. A 
shepherd enters who has lost his way to Bethlehem. He meets 

• Dialogo em lovvor de nossa linguagem, 1785 ed., p. 222. 
" Registers of the Chancellery of King Manuel (vol. xlii, f. 20 v.) in the 
Torre do Tombo, Lisbon. ' Cf. Cancionero, I. Ixxxvi v, 

2362 H 



114 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

another shepherd and then a hermit, whom they ply with irreve- 
rent problems. To them enters a knight of Araby, and finally 
the three kings, singing a vilancete. The Auto da Sibila Cas- 
sandra has been assigned to the same year, but is probably a later 
play (1513 ?). Nearly twice as long as the Auto Pastoril Caste- 
Ihano, it combines the ordinary scenic display — todo apparato — 
of a Christmas representagdo with a presentment of the early 
prophecies now to be fulfilled, and introduces Solomon, Isaiah, 
Abraham, and Moses, who describes the creation of the world. 
The play includes a profane theme, since Cassandra in her mystic 
aversion from marriage realistically portrays the sad life of 
married women in Portugal. Although Cassandra appears as 
a shepherdess and her aunt Peresica as a peasant, they speak 
a purer, more flowing Castilian than the toscos, rusticos pastores 
of the preceding autos, and the play is remarkable for the beauty 
of its lyrics — Dicen que me case yo, Sanosa estd la nina, Muy 
graciosa es la doncella, and A la guerra. For the Corpus Christi 
procession of 1504 was provided, at short notice from Queen 
Lianor, the Auto deS. Martinho. The subject of this piece, merely 
ten dodecasyllabic oitavas followed by a solemn prosa, is that 
of El Greco's marvellous picture — St. Martin dividing his cloak 
with a beggar, whom Vicente treats with characteristic sympathy 
and insight : 

i Criante rocio, que te hice yo ^ 
Que las hiervecitas floreces por Mayo 
Y sobre mis carnes no echas un sayo } 

The Auto dos Quatro Tempos, of uncertain date, acted before the 
Court in the Lisbon palace of Alcagova on Christmas morning 
in or after 1511, opens with a mystic ode on the Nativity and 
a vilancete {A ti dino de adorar) and proceeds rapidly with 
snatches of song in a splendid rivalry between the four seasons. 
The praises of Spring are sung with a delightful freshness, as 
are Winter's rages, while Summer in a straw hat appears sallow 
and fever-stricken. Jupiter comes with countless classical allu- 
sions and David with much Latin, and they all worship together 

' An effective instance of a line shortened by emotion. The long pause 
on tardas in Oo morte que tardas, quien te detien ? is equally impressive, but 
the 1562 ed. has de quien and Vicente may have written Oo morte que tardas, 
di i quien th detien ? 



GIL VICENTE 115 

the new-born King. Very different is the Auto da Alma, written 
for Queen Lianor and acted in King Manuel's Lisbon palace 
of Ribeira on the night of Good Friday, 1518 (Snr. Braam- 
camp Freire's plausible suggestion in place of the commonly 
accepted 1508). It represents the eternal strife between the soul 
and sin. The soul, slowly journeying in the company of its 
guardian angel, is alternately tempted by Satan with the delights 
of the world, with fine dresses and jewels, and exhorted by the 
Angel, till it arrives at the Church, the Innkeeper of Souls, and 
confesses its guilt, imploring protection {Ach neige, du schmer- 
zenreiche !). Then, while Satan in a restless fury of disappoint- 
ment makes a last effort to secure his victim, the ransomed soul 
is fortified with celestial fare served by St. Augustine and other 
doutores. The whole theme, to which the language rises fully 
adequate, is treated with great delicacy and with a mystic 
fervour. 

In 1505 King Manuel and his Court in his Lisbon palace had 
witnessed the first of those farsas in which Gil Vicente has 
sketched for all time Portuguese life in the first third of the 
sixteenth century. It rapidly became popular and went from 
hand to hand as a folha volante, receiving from the people the 
name of Quern tern farelos ? i.e. the first three words of the play. 
The plots of the twelve farsas written from 1505 to 1531 are so 
slight that only one calls for detailed notice, the Farsa de Ines 
Pereira^ (1523), which in its carefully defined characters and 
developed story more closely resembles a modern comedy. It 
tells how the hapless Ines, having rejected a plain suitor for 
a more romantic lover, a poor but deceptive escudeiro presented 
to her by two Jewish marriage agents, learns by bitter experience 
the truth of the old proverb that ' an ass that carries me is better 
than a horse that throws me '. But the types and persons in 
all these farces are etched with so much realism and humour that 
they bite into the memory and rank with the living malicious 
sketches of Lazarillo de Tormes. Who can forget the famished 
escudeiro Aires Rosado with |his book of songs [cancioneiro) and 

' Auto de Inis Pereira in the 1562 ed. So Auto dos Almocreves. It will, 
however, be convenient to call them farsas, since auto is a more general 
term applicable to all the plays. 

H 2 



ii6 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

guitar, continuing to sing beneath the window of his love while 
the curses of her mother fall thick as snowflakes on his head/ 
or the lady of his affections, vain and idle Isabel, or his servant 
{mogo) Aparigo who draws so cruel a picture of his master, or 
that other penniless escudeiro who considers himself ' the very 
palace ' and calls up his mogo Fernando at midnight to light 
the lamp and hold the inkstand while he writes down his latest 
verses ? ^ Equally well sketched is the splendid poverty-plagued 
fidalgo who walks abroad accompanied by six pages, but can- 
not pay his chaplain or his goldsmith ; his ill-used, servile, 
ambitious chaplain ^ ; the witch Genebra Pereira mixing the 
hanged man's ear, the heart of a black cat, and other grim 
ingredients : Alguidar, alguidar, que feito foste ao luar * ; the 
household of the Jewish tailor who delights in songs of battles- 
at-a-distance and is filled with pride when the Regedor salutes 
him in the street^; M. Diafoirus' lineal ancestors Mestres Anrique, 
Felipe, Fernando, and Torres®; the sporting priest'; the unfaith- 
ful wife of the Portuguese who has embarked for India with 
Tristao da Cunha ; the vainglorious, grandiloquent Spaniard who 
takes the opportunity to pay his court to her.^ They are all 
drawn from life with a master hand, even the more insignificant 
figures, the girl keeping ducks, the mogos, the gipsy horse-dealers,® 
the old man amorous,^" the carriers faring leisurely along with 
their mules, the braggart who disables six of his fourteen imaginary 
opponents, the Frenchman and Italian with their stock phrases 
Par ma foi, la belle France, tutti quanti,'"- the wily and impudent 

• Quern tern farelos ? 

" O Juiz da Beira, a continuation suggested by the success of the Farsa 
de Inis Pereira and acted at Almeirim in 1525. _ 

' Farsa dos Almocreves (or do Fidalgo Pobre) acted at Coimbra {1525). 
It is curious to compare the sterner type of chaplain denounced in Don 
Quixote. ' Auto das Fadas (15 11). 

= Auto da Lusitania (1532) acted in honour of the birth of Prince Manuel 
(1531). ° Farsa dos Fisicos (ie,i2). 

' Clerigo da Beira (1529 ?). ' Auto dd India (1509). 

" Farsa das Ciganas (or, in the 1562 edition. Auto de huas ciganas), a very 
slight sketch acted in a seram before the king at Evora (1521). 

1° Velho da Horta (15 13). 

" Auto da Fama (Lisbon). Its date has been given as 1510, but internal 
evidence shows that it is later, probably 1515 or 1516 (although perhaps 
prior to the knowledge of Albuquerque's death in India (December 16, 1515) 
since so splendid a paean in honour of the Portuguese victories would be out 
of place afterwards). 



GIL VICENTE 117 

negro, the poor ratinho ^ Gongalo, who loses his hare and capons 
and his clothes as well, the page of peasant birth ambitious to 
become a cavaleiro fidalgo, the roguish and pretentious palace 
pages. Side by side with these farces Vicente continued to 
write religious autos as well as comedies and tragicomedies. 
The difference between these various pieces is less of kind than 
of the occasion on which they were produced, the obras de de- 
vagdo on Christmas morning or other solemn day,^ the farsas de 
folgar, comedias, &c., at the evening parties — those famous 
seroes of King Manuel's reign to which the courtiers thronged at 
dusk, and which Sa de Miranda remembered with regret.* All 
provide us with reaUstic sketches since the background is filled 
with the common people, the real hero of Gil Vicente's plays as it 
is of Fernam Lopez' chronicles. Thus the Auto da Mofina Mendes 
(Christmas, 1534), besides its heavenly gloria with the Virgin, 
Gabriel, Prudence, Poverty, Humility, and Faith, has a very 
life-like peasant scene in which Mofina Mendes, personifying 
Misfortune, represents a Portuguese version of Pierrette et son pot 
au lait. The Auto Pastoril Portugues (Christmas, 1523) is 
a similar scene of peasant life, relating the cross-currents of 
the shepherds' loves and the finding of an image of the Virgin 
on the hills. The Auto da Feira, acted before King Joao at Lisbon 
in 1527, is a more elaborate Christmas play. Mercury, Time, 
Rome, and the Devil attend a fair, and this furnishes opportunity 
for a vigorous attack upon the Church of Rome, with her indul- 
gences for others and her self-indulgence, who has not the kings 
of the Earth but herself to blame if she is rushing on ruin, ruin 
that will be inevitable unless she mends her ways. But 
to the fair also come the peasants Denis and Amancio, as dis- 
satisfied with their wives as their wives are dissatisfied with them 
(their conversation is most voluble and natural), and market- 
girls, basket on head, come down singing from the hills. Another 

' = labourer from Beira. He figures in comedy as the slow-witted (or 
malicious) clod-hopper, to the delight of an urban audience. 

' In the palace (at Lisbon, Almeirim, Evora) or in convents (Enxobregas, 
Thomar, Odivellas), once (as part of a procession) in a church {Auto de 
S. Martinho). 
^ Os momos, OS seroes de Portugal 

Tarn fallados no mundo, onde sao idos, 
E as gramas temperadas do seu sal ? 



ii8 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Christmas play, the Auto- da FS, was acted in the royal chapel at 
Almeirim in 15 lo, and consists of a simple conversation between 
Faith and two shepherds. The Breve Summario da Historia 
de Deos^ (1527) and the Auto da Cananea (written for the 
Abbess of Odivellas in 1534) are both based on the Bible ; 
the former, which contains the vilancete sung by Abel [Adorae 
montanhas), outlines the story of the Fall, of Job, and of the 
New Testament to the Crucifixion, sometimes in passages of 
great beauty. The latter develops the episode of the woman 
of Canaan (Matt. xv. 21-8). The great trilogy of Barcas, 
which ranks among Vicente's most important works, is of earlier 
date. The first part, Auto da Barca do Inferno, was acted 
before Queen Maria pera consolagao as she lay on her death-bed 
in 15 17, the second. Auto da Barca do Purgatorio, at Christmas of 
the following year in Lisbon, and the Auto da Barca da Gloria 
at Almeirim in 1519. The plot, again, is of the simplest : the 
Devil, combining the parts of Charon and Rhadamanthus, ferry- 
man and judge, invites Death's victims to show cause why they 
should not enter his boat ; and the interest is in the light thus 
thrown upon the earthly behaviour of nobleman, judge, advocate, 
usurer, fool, love-lorn friar, the cheating market-woman, the 
cobbler who throve by deceiving the people, the peasant who 
skimped his tithes, the little shepherdess who had seen God 
' often and often ', of Count, King,^ and Emperor, Bishop, 
Cardinal, and Pope. The first part ends with a noble invoca- 
tion to the knights who had died fighting in Africa, and the 
second begins with the mystic jewelled romance : Remando vam 
remadores. 

The comedies and tragicomedies vary greatly. The Comedia 
de Rubena (1521) is, like A Winter's Tale, quite without unity of 

' This play is written in lines of 10, 11, or 12 syllables with a break 
of a line of 5 or 6 syllables after every four lines. Most of Gil Vicente's 
plays are in octosyllabic redondilhas with or without breaks of a line of 
four syllables, as in the poems of Duarte de Brito and others in the 
Cancioneiro Geral. Lightness, grace, and ease mark this metre in Vicente's 
hands. 

' This splendour-loving king bears an unmistakable resemblance to King 
Manuel, before whom the play was acted, but in no other instance does 
Vicente allow his satire to touch the king or royal family : cumpre attentat 
comci poemos as maos (Cortes de Jupiter). 



GIL VICENTE 119 

time or place (for this primitive humanist, although he might 
mention Plato, did not ' reverence the Stagirite '), but is divided 
into three acts (called scenes) as in a modern play. Cismena, like 
Perdita born in the first scene, is conveyed by fairies to Crete, 
where she is wooed and won by the Prince of Syria. The Comedia 
do Viuvo (1514) is much more compact and has a delicate charm. 
Don Rosvel, a prince in disguise, serves in the house of awidower 
at Burgos for love of his daughters. (He is in love with both, but 
his brother in search of him arrives and marries the second.) 
On the other hand, the Comedia sobre a divisa da cidade de Coimbra, 
acted before King Joao III in his ever-loyal city of Coimbra in 
1527, is a lengthy, far-fetched explanation of the city's arms, 
and the Floresta de Enganos (played before the king at Evora in 
1536) is a succession of scenes of pure farce — the deceit practised 
upon a merchant, the ludicrous predicament to which love 
reduced the grave old judge who had taken his degree in 
Paris — ^with a more serious theme, a Portuguese version of the 
story of Psyche and Eros. Of the ' tragicomedies ' two, Dom 
Duardos (1525?) and Amadis de Gaula (1533), dramatize 
romances of chivalry : Primaleon, that ' dulce S- aplacible 
historia translated from the Greek ',^ and Amadis.^ The work 
is done with skill, for Vicente succeeds here as always in being 
natural, and in this twilight atmosphere of garden flowers and 
romance keeps his realism.^ Both plays contain passages of great 
lyrical beauty, andDom Duardos ends with the romance beginning 
Pelo mes era de Abril. Thus in his latter age he successfully adapted 
himself to pastures new. In his letter dedicating Dom Duardos 
to King Joao III he wrote : ' Since, excellent Prince and most 
powerful King, the comedies, farces and moralities which I wrote 
for {en servicio de) the Queen your Aunt were low figures* in 

1 1598 ed. (colophon). The date of the first edition is 1512. 

^ Montalvo's Amadis clearly. Vicente, who invariably suits his language 
to his subject, would have written in Portuguese had the text before him 
been Portuguese. If Montalvo's Amadis became fashionable in Portugal 
this was characteristic of the Portuguese, who would welcome foreign books 
while they despised and neglected their own. 

' When Flerida meets D. Duardos disguised as a gardener she supposes 
that his ordinary fare is garlic. 

' For the words quanta en caso de amores the Censorship is evidently respon- 
sible. 



120 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

which there was no fitting rhetoric to satisfy the delicate ^irit 
of your Highness, I realized that I must crowd more sail on to my 
poor bark.' For us the words have a tinge of irony, and how- 
ever much some readers may admire the hushed rapture of these 
idyllic scenes we miss the merry author of the farsas, and gladly 
turn to the Romagem de Aggravados (1533) in which Vicente 
proves that his hand had lost none of its cunning. ' This tragi- 
comedy is a satire ' says the rubric, and it introduces us to the 
inimitable Frei Pa^o, the mincing courtier-priest with gloves, 
gilt sword, and velvet cap (one of Sa de Miranda's clerigos per- 
fumados), to the discontented peasant who brings his son to be 
made a priest, the talkative fish-wives, the hypocrite Frei Narciso 
scheming to be made a bishop, and awkward Giralda, the peasant 
Aparicianes' daughter, whom Frei Pa^o instructs so competently 
in Court manners. This long play was written for a special 
occasion, the birth of the Infante Felipe. Gil Vicente for many 
years, as poet laureate, had celebrated great events at Court. 
When the Duke of Braganza was about to leave with the expedi- 
tion against Azamor in 1513 he wrote the eloquent Exhortagam 
da Guerra, which is introduced by a necromancer priest and ends 
with a rousing call to war (soiga) : 

Avante avante, senhores, 
Pois que com grandes favores 
Todo ceo vos favorece ; 
El Rey de Fez esmorece 
E Marrocos d4 clamores. 

When King Manuel's daughter, the princess Beatrice, married 
the Duke of Savoy in 1521 Vicente wrote the Cortes de Jupiter, 
in which the Providence of God bids Jupiter, King of the Ele- 
ments, speed her on her voyage, and the courtiers and inhabitants 
of Lisbon accompany her ship, swimming, to the mouth of the 
Tagus. The Fragoa de Amor (1525) was written on the occasion of 
the betrothal of King Joao and Queen Catherina (who replaced 
Queen Lianor as Vicente's protector and patron). Into the forge, 
to the sound of singing, goes a negro, and then Justice in the form 
of a bent old woman who is forced to disgorge all her bribes and 
reappears upright and fair. A similar play, Nao de Amor (1527), 
in which courtiers caulk a miniature ship on the stage, was played 



GIL VICENTE 121 

before their Majesties in Lisbon two years later. The Templo 
de Apolo (1526) was acted when another daughter of King Manuel 
left Lisbon to become the wife of the Emperor Charles V. The 
author introduces the play and excuses its deficiencies on the 
plea that he has been seriously ill with fever. He then relates 
the dream of fair women— Za5 hermosas que son muertas — that he 
had seen in his sickness. Apollo then enters, and after declaring 
that he would have made the world otherwise mounts the pulpit 
and preaches a mock sermon. The world, Fame, Victory, come 
to his temple and bear witness to the greatness of the Emperor 
Charles V. A Portuguese peasant also comes and has more 
difficulty in obtaining admittance. The author called the play 
an obradoliente, and it was propped up by a passage from the 
earlier Auto da Festa (1525 .''), edited by the Conde de Sabugosa 
from the unique copy in his possession. Its figures are Truth, 
two gipsies, a fool, and seven peasants. Their speech is markedly 
beirao and the old woman closely resembles the velha of the tragi- 
comedy Triunfo do Inverno, written to celebrate the birth of 
Princess Isabel in 1529, as the Auto da Lusitania celebrated that 
of Prince Manuel in 1532 and the Tragicomedia Pastoril da Serra 
da Estrella that of Princess Maria in 1527. The latter is a whole- 
hearted play of the Serra with a cossante, a baile de terreiro and 
chacota, and continual fragments of song : one of the most 
Portuguese of Vicente's plays. The Triunfo do Inverno con- 
tains some most effective scenes and a bewildering wealth of 
lyrics : before one is finished another has begun, and the whole 
long play goes forward at a gallop. The first triumph of Winter 
is on the hills, the Serra da Estrella {serra nevada) ; the second, on 
the sea, affords a telling satire against the pilots on India-bound 
ships. The pilot here begins by stating that the storm will be 
nothing, then he says that he is not to blame for Winter's con- 
duct, finally he falls to imploring the Virgin and St. George and 
St. Nicholas ; and but for his incompetence the ship might have 
been lying safe at Cochin. The second part of the tragicomedy 
is the Triumph of Spring in the Serra de Sintra. Spring enters in 
a lyrical profusion singing 

Del rosal vengo, mi madre, 
Vengo del rosale. 



122 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

breaks off into Afuera, afuera nublados, and resumes his song : 

A rib eras de aquel rio 
Viera estar rosal florido, 
Vengo del rosale. 

Enough has perhaps been said to suggest the variety of these 
plays, the glow of colour that pervades th6m, and to show how 
far their author, although his genius was never fully realized in 
his autos, had travelled from the first glimmerings of the drama 
in Portugal and from his first model, Enzina. Rudiments of 
dramatic art existed in the Middle Ages in the ceremonies pro- 
vided by an essentially dramatic Church and in the mummeries 
and mimicking jograes that delighted the people. Bonamis and 
his companion furnished some kind of extremely primitive 
play {arremedillum) for King Sancho I, and they were probably 
only the most successful of hundreds of wandering mimics and 
players. Mimicry and scenic display^ were the principal in- 
gredients of the momos in which Rui de Sousa excelled ^ and the 
entremeses for which Portugal was famous : they scarcely be- 
longed to literature, although they might include a song and 
prose breve such as the Conde do Vimioso's, printed in the 
Cancioneiro Geral. Religious processions and Christmas, Epi- 
phany, Passion, or Easter scenes * gave further scope for dramatic 
display, as also popular ceremonies such as that in which ' Em- 
perors ' and ' Kings ' — figures similar, no doubt, to those still to 
be seen in Spanish processions (e. g. at Valencia) — were carried 
in' triumph to the churches, accompanied hy jograes who invaded 
the pulpit and preached profane sermons containing ' many 
iniquities and abominations ', even while mass was in progress. 
The popular tendencies darkly suggested in the Constituigoes 
are manifest in Vicente's plays — the Christmas representagoes, 
the preaching of burlesque sermons, parodies of the mass, pro- 
fane litanies, parodies and paraphrases of the Lord's Prayer. 
Like the Clercs de la Bazoche in France, he represents the drama 

' Cf. Zurara, Cronica de D, Joao I, 1899 ed., i. 116 : Alii houve momos 
de tao desvairadas maneiras que a vista delles fazia mui grande prazer. 

" Cancioneiro Geral, 1910 ed., i. 326. 

' The Portuguese in the East in the sixteenth century maintained these 
customs. We read of Christmas autos in India and a representafam dos Reis 
in Ethiopia. Cf. the Good Friday centurios in Barros, 11. i. 5. 



GIL VICENTE 123 

breaking its ecclesiastical fetters. It was, however, from Spain 
that the idea of his autos first came to him, as the direct imitations 
of Juan del Enzina (i469?-i529?) in Vicente's early pieces and the 
explicit statement of Garcia de Resende in his Miscellania prove : 
he speaks of the representagoes of very eloquent style and new 
devices invented in Portugal by Gil Vicente, and adds the 
qualifying clause that credit for the invention of the pastoril 
belongs to Enzina. But the wine of Vicente's genius soon 
burst the old bottles, and when his plays ceased to be confined to 
the pastoril he naturally turned elsewhere for suggestion. He 
himself towards the end of his life called his religious plays 
moralidades, and the real name of the play popularly known as 
the Farsa da Mofina Mendes was Os Mysteries da Virgem} The 
introduction of Lucifer as Maioral do Inferno and Belial as his 
meirinho ^ may have been derived from French mysteres ; the 
conception of his Barcas certainly owed more to the Danse 
macabre (probably through the Spanish fifteenth- century Danza 
de la Muerte) than to Dante. The burlesque testamento of Maria 
Parda * is one of a long list of such wills (of which an example is 
the mule's testamenlj in the Cancioneiro Geral),* but in some of its 
expressions appears to be copied from the Testament de Pathelin. 
His knowledge of French was perhaps more fluent than accurate, 
like his Latin which, albeit copious, did not claim to be ' pure 
Tully '. But there are many references to France in his plays, 
as there are in the Cancioneiro Geral, and, although the enselada 
from France with which the Auto da Fi ends (i. 75) and the 
French song (i. 92) Ay de la noble ville de Paris ^ were no doubt 
some fashionable courtier's latest acquisition, Vicente in literary 

' i. 103. The word was of course not new in the Peninsula. Cf. the 
thirteenth (?)-century El Misterio de los Reyes Magos. 

' Breve Summario da Historia de Deos (i. 309). 

' In the Pranto de Maria Parda ' because she saw so few branches on the 
taverns in the streets of Lisbon and wine so dear and she could not live 
without it '. 

* Do macho rrufo de Luys Freyre estando pera morrer. See also Dr. H. R. 
Lang, C. G. C, pp. 174-8, note on the will of the Archdeacon of Toro ; and 
the extract from a manuscript testamento burlesco in J. Leite de Vasconcellos, 
De Campolide a Melrose (191 5). 

' As neither of them is printed in his plays we cannot say whether they 
were two or one and the same, or whether the French of his song was more 
intelligible than the version preserved in Barbieri's Cancionero Musical 
(No. 429). 



124 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

matters probably shared the curiosity of the Court as to what 
was going on beyond the frontiers of Portugal. The great 
majority of his songs are, however, plainly indigenous. His 
knowledge of Italian certainly enabled him to read Italian plays 
and poems. We know that he was a great reader — he mentions 
' the written works that I have seen, in verse and prose, rich in 
style and matter '. In Spanish he did not confine himself to 
Enzina. He read romances of chivalry, imitated the romances 
with supreme success, mentions Diego de San Pedro's La Carcel 
de Amor, had read the autos of Lucas Fernandez, the comedias 
of Bartolome de Torres Naharro probably, and without doubt 
the Archpriest of Hita's Libro de Buen Amor, possessed by 
King Duarte, and the Celestina. Indeed, for some time past 
barriers between the two literatures had scarcely existed and 
Vicente enriched both. Celestina would have spoken many 
proverbs had she foreseen that he would allow two men [judeos 
casamenteiros) to take the bread out of her mouth, but he copies 
her in his Brigida Vaz, Branca Gil, the formidable Anna Diaz, 
and the heata alcoviteira of the Comedia de Rubena, although he 
may also have had in mind the moller mm vil of King Alfonso X's 
Cantigas de Santa Maria (No. 64), with the spirit of which — their 
fondness for popular types and satire — Vicente had more in 
common than with the Cancioneiro Geral, compiled by his friend 
Resende. With this collection he was naturally familiar, and must 
have heard many of its songs before it was published in 1516. A 
line here and there in Vicente seems to be an echo of the Can- 
cioneiro,'^ although the fact that it mentions some of his types 
(as in the Arrenegos^ of Gregorio Afonso) merely means that he 
drew from the life around him. His satire of doctors and priests, 
although essentially popular and mediaeval — both are present 
in the Cantigas de Santa Maria — was also due to his personal 
observation : that is 'to say, he gave realistic expression to 
a satire of which the motive was literary (since satire directed 
against priests had long been one of the" chief resources of comic 

• For instance, the following lines and phrases of the Cancioneiro Geral : 
Hirmee a tierras estraflas, Oo morte porque tardais, Vos soes mesmo pafo, 
E outras cousas que caio, eco pelos vales. The Portuguese fifteenth-century 
poet by whom he was most influenced was probably Duarte de Brito. 

^ They were published separately in the following century : Lisboa, 1649. 



GIL VICENTE 125 

writers in France, Italy, Spain, and Portugal).^ The type of the 
poor fidalgo or famishing escudeiro on which Vicente dwells so 
fondly — we have the latter as Aires Rosado in Quem tern farelos ? 
and anonymous in the Farsa de InSs Pereira and Juiz da Beira ^ 
— is another instance of literary tradition combined with observa- 
tion at first hand. Of the priest-satire Vicente was the last free 
exponent in Portugal. That of the poor gentleman was even 
older and survived him. It dates from Roman times. The 
amethystinatus of Spanish Martial * reappears in the Cancioneiro 
da Vaticana, in the Archpriest of Hita's Don Furon, in the 
lindos fidalgos que viven lazerados of Alfonso Alvarez de Villasan- 
dino, in the Cancioneiro Geral, and just before Vicente's death is 
wittily described, as the raphanophagus purpuratus,hy Clenardus,* 
and less urbanely in Lazarillo de Tormes. With no Inquisition 
to crush him he continued to starve in literature — for instance, 
in the anonymous later sixteenth- century play Auto do Escudeiro 
Surdo he and his mogo come on the scene in thoroughly Vicentian 
guise : a vossafome de pam . . . meio tostao gasto quinze dias ha ^ — 
as he starves in the real life of the Peninsula to-day.® In a sense 
Gil Vicente no doubt borrowed widely ; he was no sorcerer to 
make bricks without straw, and straw, like poets, is not manu- 
factured : it has to be gathered in. But the homens de bom saber 
who, as we know from the rubric to the Farsa de Inis Pereira, 
doubted his originality must have been very superficial as well 
as envious critics, for the bricks were essentially his own. Indeed, 

' Many writers note the large number of priests. The north of Portugal 
is chea de muitos sacerdotes says Dr. Joao de Barros in his Libra de A ntiguidades. 
Sec, a book full of curious information collected by the author when he was 
a magistrate (ouvidor) at Braga, and written in 1549. [A different work. 
Compendia e Summario de Antiguidades, &c., variously attributed to Ruy 
de Pina and to Mestre Antonio, surgeon to King Joao II, appeared in 1606.] 
Gil Vicente was never in India, otherwise he would certainly have borne 
witness to the devotion and courage of monks and priests in the East and 
on the dangerous voyages to and from India. 

' The anonymity may have been intentional, to emphasize the fact that 
there was no personal allusion to any of the poor escudeiros who thronged 
the capital and Court. 

' Ep. ii. 57. ' Letter from Evora, March 26, 1535. 

^ In the same play reappears Vicente's Spaniard : Castelhana muy fanfarrao. 

« According to the Arte de Furtar, decimas and sonnets were written on 
the subject of a poor fidalgo who was in the habit of sending his mofo to two 
shoemakers for a shoe on trial from each, since they would not trust him with 
a pair. 



126 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

every page of His autos is hall-marked as his, ca non alheo, and he 

could say with King Alfonso X : 

Mais se o m'eu melhoro fago ben 
E non soo por aquesto ladron. 

Besides the Auto da Festa we have 42 plays ^ : izfarsas, 16 obras 
de devagam, 4 comedias, 10 tragicomedias. Some of them were 
staged with much pomp and grande aparato de musica in the 
spacious times of King Manuel, but they lose little in being merely 
read. They contain a few scenes of dramatic insight and power, 
a few touches of real comedy, but above all we value them for 
their types and characters, the insight they afford us into man 
and that particular period of man's history, and for the lyrics 
and lyrical passages, fragments of heaven-born poetry thrown 
out tantalizingly at random as the dramatist passes rapidly, 
carelessly on. We do not possess all Vicente's plays. A farce 
which in a poem to the Conde de Vimioso (.''1525) he says that he 
had in hand, A Caga dos Segredos, was perhaps never finished, or 
perhaps it was produced seven years later as the Auto da Lusi- 
tania (1532). Others were probably lost asfolhas volantes before 
the edition of 1562 could collect them. Three at least, the Auto da 
Aderencia do Pago, Auto da Vida do Pago, and Jubileu de Amor or 
Amores, were suppressed.^ The latter, in Spanish and Portuguese, 
was probably the cause of the loss of the two other plays, for, 
having ventured far away from the natural piety of Portugal, it 
was acted in Brussels on December 21, 1531, in the house of the 
Portuguese Ambassador, D. Pedro de Mascarenhas, and in the 
mind of the Nuncio, Cardinal Aleandro, who was among those 
invited, this ' manifest satire against Rome ' caused such com- 
motion that, as he wrote, he ' seemed to be in mid-Saxony listen- 
ing to Luther^ or in the horrors of the sack of Rome '.* Yet in 

' If theDja/og'o da ifesMyceif aw be counted separately we have forty-fourinall. 

' Index of 1551. See C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Notas Vicentinas, 
i (191Z), p. 31. But here again the Auto da Vida do Pofo might be the 
Uomagem de Aggravados. 

" Cf. Barros, prefatory letter to Ropica Pnefma (May 25, 1531) : falam 
tarn solto como se esHvessem em Alemanha nas rixas de Luthero. 

' Notas Vicentinas, p. 21, where the letter is given in the original Italian 
and in Portuguese. The Legate had lent a cardinal's hat for the occasion, 
little realizing that it was to be worn by one of the actors in such a play 
(a witness to the realism with which Vicente's plays were staged). 



GIL VICENTE 127 

1533 impenitent, the incorrigible Vicente is pillorying the Court 
priest, Frei Pago. The fact is that in Portugal no one could 
suspect the sheep-dog, who had for so long and so mordantly 
kept watch over the Court flock, of turning wolf and encouraging 
the seitas and cismas against which Alvaro de Brito had already 
inveighed. He was himself deeply, mystically religious and 
perhaps' cared the less for creeds and dogmas. His mystic 
philosophy appears as early as 1502. Yet they do him a poor 
service who represent him as a profound theologian, a great 
philosopher, an authoritative philologist. His plays show us 
a man lovable and human, tolerant of opinions, intolerant of 
abuses,^ a man of many gifts, with a passionate devotion to his 
country. We have only to turn to the ringing Exhortagam da 
Guerra or the Auto da Fama. The whole of the latter is written 
in a glow of pride and patriotism at Portugal's vast, increasing 
empire and the victories of Albuquerque : 

Ormuz, Quiloa, Mombaga, 
Sofala, Cochim, Melinde. 

Clearly the words to him are a sweet music. ^ From one point 
of view Gil Vicente's position exactly tallied with Herculano's 
description of the boho. He was a Court jester, expected to render 
the idle courtiers muy ledos. To this purpose he was compelled 
to saddle his plays with passages which for us have lost their 
savour and significance but almost every line of which must have 
elicited a smile or a shout of laughter at the seroes. We may 
instance Clerigo da Beira, which ends with the signs and planets 
under which various courtiers were born, the Tragicomedia da 
divisa da cidade de Coimbra, with the origins of various noble 

' His tolerant spirit, expressed in his letter to the King in 1531, was 
remarkable in an age not very remote from the day when Duarte de Brito 
wrote to Anton de Montoro (c. 1405-80) that he would have been burnt 
had he written in Portugal the blasphemous lines addressed to Queen Isabella 
of Spain : 

Si no pariera Sanctana 

hasta ser nacida vos, 

de vos el hijo de Dios, 

rescibiera carne humana. 
* As indeed they were to Milton: 'Mombasa and Quiloa and Melind '. 
On the other hand, Garcia de Resende in one of the decimas of his Miscellania 
has twenty-six names : Tem Ceita, Tanger, Arzilla, Sec, ordered rather for 
the rhyme than for harmony. 



128 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

families, the malicious catalogue raisonni of courtiers in the 
Cortes de Jupiter, Branca Gil's comical litany in Velho da Horta, 
the sixty-four puzzle verses of the Auto das Fadas. But Vicente 
frequently had a deeper purpose than to enliven a fashionable 
gathering. The abuse of indulgences, the corruption of the clergy,^ 
the subjection of married women, the danger of appointing 
ignorant men to the responsible position of pilot, the mingling of 
the classes — it was not so, he remarks, in Germany or Flanders, 
France or Venice — the increasing tendency to shun honest labour 
in order to occupy a position however humble at Court,^ the 
ignorance and presumption of the peasants, the false display and 
false ambitions, the thousand new lies and deceits, the decay of 
piety, the growth of luxury and corresponding diminution in 
gaiety — -these were matters which he sought not only to portray 
but to correct, with much earnestness in his iocis levibus. But 
to the end of his life he was never able to learn that religion 
and virtue must be melancholy. In the introduction to the 
Triunfo do Inverno (1529) he complains of the loss of the joyous 
dances and songs of Portugal and the disappearance in the last 
twenty years of the gaiteiro and his cheerful piping. He himself 
drew his inspiration from the people, from Nature, and from the 
Scriptures, with which he had no superficial acquaintance. In his 
love of Nature and his wide curiosity he studied children and 
birds, plants and flowers, astronomy and witchcraft — those myriad 
forms of sorcery in Portugal, some of which have fortunately 
survived in the prohibitory decrees of the Church. He included 
in his plays or alluded to many of the traditions, the songs and 
dances of old Portugal — the ancient cossantes, the bailes de 
terreiro, hailos vilaos,^ bailes da Beira, chacotas, folias, alvoradas, 

' He does not attack them without exception. There is much good sense 
in the chrigo of Beira, and true charity in Va&frade of the Comedia do Viuvo. 
^ OS lavradores 

Fazem os filhos pa9aos, 
Cedo nao ha de haver villaos : 

Todos d' EI Rei, todos d' EI Rei {Farsa dos Almocreves) . 
' Cf. the balho vylam ou mourisco which cost Abul his gold chain in the 
Cancioneiro GercU, and Lopo de Almeida's third letter, from Naples : Mandaram 
bailar meu sobrinho com Beatriz Lopez haylo mourisco e despois vilao. 
A century after Vicente the shepherds' dances are but a memory : as danfas 
6 bailios antigamente tao usados entre os pastores (Faria e Sousa, Europa Portu- 
guesa, vol. iii, pt. 4). 



GIL VICENTE 129 

janeiras, lampas de S. Joao} For he stood at the parting of the 
ways. Desirous and capable of playing many parts, tinged un- 
awares by the new spirit of the Renaissance, but at the same time 
keenly national, he linked the Middle Ages with the new learning 
and the old traditions of Portugal with her ever-widening 
dominions, for which he showed the wise enthusiasm of a true 
imperialist. But behind the new glitter and luxury of Lisbon he 
constantly saw the growing misery of the people of Portugal 
for which all the splendour of King Manuel's reign had been but 
a terrible storm ^ ; and his latter sadness was perhaps less personal 
than patriotic. He had done what he could, far more than had 
been required of him. He had been expected to delight a Court 
audience, and had mingled warning and instruction with amuse- 
ment ; and when, having lived and laughed and loved, he went 
his way, he was not only spared by a crowning grace from the 
wrath that was to come but left to his countrymen an heirloom 
more enduring than brass, more precious than all the gold of 
India, with a breath of that true Portugal in its simplicity, its 
mirth and jollity, the disappearance of which he had deplored. 
Portuguese literature was never so national again. A period of 
splendid achievement followed, but alike in subject and language 
it was too often a honeyed sweetness containing in itself the seeds 
of decay, and if for the time it swept away all memory of Gil 
Vicente, for us it only emphasizes his qualities by the contrast. 
In his directness, his close contact with the people,^ his humanity, 
his quick observation, keen satire, love of laughter and malicious 
humour, in his unsurpassed lyrical gift and his natural delight in 
words, to be used not at haphazard but weighed and set cunningly 
as precious stones in the hands of an ourives, this great lyrical 
poet and charmingly incorrect playwright clearly foreshadowed 
dramatists so different as Calderon, Lope de Vega, Shakespeare, 

' Cf. Ulysippo, iii. 6: aquellas mayas que punhao, aquellas lampas, aquellas 
alvoradas, and D. Francisco de Portugal, Prisoens e Soliuras de hua Alma'. 
Ines [of Almada] mofa de cantaro, a gahadinha dos ganhois do lugar, requestada 
da velanao dos barbeiros, a cuja porta nunca faitou Mayo florido em dia de 
Santiago nem ramos verdes com perinhas no de S. Jodo a que os praticos daquella 
noute chamao lampas. 

^ A morte d'El Rei D. Manoel. 

' His occasional coarseness is popular, rustic, and as a rule contrasts favour- 
ably with that of the Cancioneiro Geral, 

2362 X 



130 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

and Moliere. Yet we look in vain for a Vicentian school of great 
dramatists in Portugal. His fame had reached Brussels and 
thence Rome, and Erasmus is credited with having wished to 
learn Portuguese in order to read Vicente's plays. Shakespeare, 
who was twenty-two when the second edition of Vicente's plays 
appeared and who almost certainly read Spanish, may also have 
been tempted. It would have been strange if Erasmus had not 
heard of Vicente through his friend Andre de Resende, who in 
his Latin poem Genethliacon declared that had not the comic poet 
Gil Vicente, actor and author, written in the vulgar tongue he 
would have rivalled Menander and excelled Plautus and Terence. 
In Portugal the number of plays written in the sixteenth century 
was large,^ but none can be placed on a level with those of Vicente. 
One cannot say that he influenced Camoes or Ferreira de Vascon- 
cellos deeply, although they had evidently read him. In Spain 
Cervantes, who read everything, aunque sean los papeles rotos de 
las calles, had read his plays (the Farsa dos Fisicos, Juiz da 
Beira, the Comedia de Rubena among others). Lope de Vega 
likewise, Calderon possibly. Lope de Rueda probably derived 
the idea of his paso Las Aceitunas from the Auto da Mofina 
Mendes. Yet it is almost with amazement, if we forget 
the crowded history of Portugal and Portuguese literature in the 
sixteenth century, the introduction of the Inquisition, and the 
great changes in the language, that we find a Portuguese, Sousa de 
Macedo, a century after Vicente's death, speaking of him as one 
' whose style was celebrated of old ',^ and a Spaniard, Nicolas 
Antonio, declaring that his works were written in prose and know- 
ing nothing of a collected edition.' It was with reasonable mis- 

• For a list containing about a hundred see T. Braga, Eschola de Gil 
Vicente, p. 545, or the Diccionario Universal, vol. i (1882), p. :884, s.v. 
Auto. 

' Flores de Espaiia, cap. 5. 

' Bib. Nova, ii. 158. Elsewhere he speaks of him as poetae comoediarum 
suo tempore celebratissimi, and in the Appendix says : cuius comoedias Lusitani 
admodum celebrant. But after the sixteenth century Vicente was little 
more than a name. Faria e Sousa could say that his plays had been esteemed 
[com] poquisima causa (the accidental omission of the con led to the invention 
poquisima cosa) ; and a learned Coimbra professor, Frei Luis de Sotomaior, 
caught reading as semsaborias de Gil Vicente, que em seus tempos foi mui 
celebrado, felt bound to be apologetic: Aurum coUigo ex stercore (Francisco 
Scares Toscano, Parallelos de Principes (Evora, 1623), f, 159), 



GIL VICENTE 131 

givings that Vicente just before his death wrote : Livro men, que 
esperas tu? \ ' my book, what is in store for you ? ' We know 
that it remained in manuscript for a quarter of a century, that 
a second edition in 1586 was so handled by the Censorship that 
it contains but thirty-five mutilated plays, and that for two and 
a half centuries no new edition was printed. 



I 2 



§2 

Lyric and Bucolic Poetry 

The romantic story of Macias had not been given literary 
form, but it exercised a wide influence over the Portuguese poets 
of the sixteenth century. Together perhaps with Diego de San 
Pedro's Carcel de Amor, the Spanish version of Boccaccio's 
Fiammetta, and especially Rodriguez de la Camara's El siervo 
Libre de Amor (containing the Estoria de las dos amadores Ardanlier 
e Liesa), it must have been in the mind of Bernardim Ribeiro 
(1482-1552) when he wrote that ' gentle tale of love and languish- 
ment ' the book of Saudades, which is always known (like the 
first farce of Gil Vicente) from its first three words as Menind e 
moga. Yet it is not really an imitative work, being, indeed, re- 
markable for its unaffected sincerity, as the expression of a per- 
sonal experience. Its passionate truth continues to delight many 
readers.^ Almost all our information about Ribeiro's life is 
derived from his writings, which are in part evidently auto- 
biographical, and it shrinks or expands according to the degree 
of the critic's wariness or ingenuity. His birthplace is declared 
to have been the quaint Alentej an village of Torrao. A passage 
in the eclogue Jano e Franco says that Jano fled thence at the 
time of the great famine. The unhappy frequency of famines 
makes the date doubtful, but if the year of Ribeiro's birth be 
correctly stated in an official document of May 6, 1642, as 1482, 
we may suppose — since Jano was twenty-one — that he left his 
native Alentejo for Lisbon in 1503. It is possible that he studied 
law and took his degree at the University (at Lisbon) a few years 
later (1507-11 ?),^ and became secretary to King Joao III in 1524. 
As a cavalleiro fidalgo he had his place at Court, as poet he con- 

' Cf. H. Lopes de Mendon9a, Salto Mortal, Act iii : Tanto gostaes d'este 
livro 1 £■ por ser triste ? — jS por ser verdadeiro. 

^ Eclogue 5 (a qual dizem ser do mesmo autor), which is undoubtedly by 
Ribeiro, refers to Coimbra in the lines : £ lembrarme os sinceiraes De Coimbra 
que me mata. 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 133 

tributed to the Cancioneiro Geral (1516). Ahopeless passion drove 
him from the Court, drove him perhaps to Italy, and finally 
deprived him of his reason, so that his last years were spent in the 
Lisbon Hospital de Todos os Santos.-^ Successive generations 
have busied themselves over the object of his passion. The 
romantic tradition that it was the Princess Beatriz, twenty-two 
years his junior, the daughter of King Manuel for whose marriage 
to the Duke of Savoy in 1521 Gil Vicente wrote the Cortes de 
Jupiter, is now definitely discarded. That it was Queen Juana 
la Loca of Castille no one except Varnhagen has ever imagined. 
But literary critics continue to be tempted by the transparent 
anagrams of Ribeiro's novel (adopted evidently in order to make 
the story unintelligible to all except the inner circle of the Court). 
Dr. Theophilo Braga has an ingeniously fabricated theory that 
Aonia was Ribeiro's cousin, Joana Tavares Zagalo. Lamentor 
at least can scarcely have been King Manuel, since he sends 
his daughter to the king's Court. The scenery appears to be 
a combination of that of the Serra de Sintra near Lisbon 
with that of Alentejo. The story opens with an introductory 
chapter in which a young girl [menina e moga), who has taken 
refuge in the serra far from all human society, announces her 
intention of writing down what she had seen and heard in a small 
book [livrinho), not for the happy to read but for the sad, or rather 
for none at all, seeing that of him for whom alone it is intended 
she has had no news since his and her misfortune bore him away 
to far-distant lands. Thus we have the thirteenth-century amiga 
mourning for her lover. At Deus ! e u e ? Presently, as she 
shelters from the noonday calma beneath trees that overhang 
a gently flowing stream, a nightingale pours forth its song, and 
then dying with its song falls with a shower of leaves and is borne 
away songless by the silent stream.^ She is still bewailing its 
fate when another, older but equally sad, lady {dona) appears, 
and the menina becomes an almost silent listener to the end of the 

' As in the case of Gil Vicente, we are vexed with homonjons — a notary, 
an admiral, &c. Dr. Theophilo Braga, skilfully dovetailing hypotheses, 
develops his biography fully. Casi todo lo que de 61 se ha escrito son fdbulas 
sin fundamento alguno, wrote Mentodez y Pelayo in 1905. 

" Fray Luis de Leon may have remembered this passage in De los Nombres 
de Crista, Bk. 3 (1917 ed., t. i, p. 198; Bib. Aut. Esp., t. 37, p. 182). 



134 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

book while the dona unfolds the tale which is its true subject, the 
history of two friends Narbindel and Bastiao. But it begins 
with the love adventure of Lamentor and Belisa. It is only in the 
ninth chapter that the knight Narbindel arrives and falls in love 
with Belisa's sister Aonia, adopting a shepherd's life in order to 
be near her palace. It is in fact a romance of chivalry in pastoral 
garb. But Ribeiro might have introduced the pastoral romance 
without changing the fantastic features. It is in his singular 
combination of passion and realism that his true originality 
consists. His power of giving vivid expression to tranquil 
scenes — the whole of the first part has something of the quiet 
intensity of a background by Correggio, as well as his ' softer 
outline ', and although there is no explicit indication of colour it is 
clearly felt by the reader — and his gentle love of Nature, or rather 
his love of Nature in its gentler aspects, cast over the book a 
strange charm. The softly flowing streams, the trees and birds 
and delicious shade, beautiful dawns, the birds seeking their nests 
at evening, the flowers que a seu prazer se estendem, the mateiros 
going out to cut brushwood, the shepherds asleep round their fire 
atnight, are describedwith great naturalness and truth, often with 
familiar words and colloquial phrases. The reason of the extreme 
intricacy of the plot was not the wish to conceal the author's love 
story in a labyrinthine maze ^ in order to exercise the ingenuity of 
nineteenth- century professors, but to be true to life. In life events 
are not rounded and distinct but merge into and react on one 
another in an endless ravelled skein : Das tristezas nao se pode 
contar nada ordenadamente porque desordenadamente acontecem 
ellas (cap. i). Ribeiro thus anticipates by four centuries the 
theory enunciated in Spain by Azorin that a novel, like life, 
should have no plot,^ and his book has a certain modernity. We 
may refuse him the name of novelist, but many a novelist might 
envy his lifelike portrayal of scenes and sentiments. It has been 
doubted whether he wrote the second part of the story. It 
consists of fifty- eight short chapters, and opens with a new episode, 
the love of Avalor for Arima, daughter of Lamentor (cap. 1-24), 

■• Nossos amores contados por um modo que os nao entenderd ninguem, 
Garrett, Um Auto de Gil Vicente. 
' La Voluntad, Barcelona, 1902. Camillo Castello Branco held similar views. 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 135 

and it is even more bewildering in its confusion than is Part I. 
The scenes are less idyllic, the tone more that of a conventional 
romance of chivalry, yet the realism is maintained. It is on 
no hippogriff that Avalor goes to the rescue of the distressed 
maiden : in fact, he had set out on his adventure in a rowing-boat 
and his hands blistered. If later there are mortal combats with 
wicked knights, with a bear, with giants, there are also scenes, 
as in chapters 9, 12, 23 — of an impassioned saudade,^ of dove 
and nightingale — which could only have been written by the 
author of Part I.^ His own story, still related by the dona, is only 
resumed in chapter 26, or rather 32, since the intervening chapters 
deal with events prior to those with which Part I begins. Bim- 
narder, now again Narbindel — the name Bernardim was also 
spelt Bernaldim — after Aonia's marriage lives with an old hermit 
and his nephew, Godivo, and passes his time in tears and contem- 
plation, as in Part I. But he is discovered by his faithful squire, 
and meets Aonia, and the lovers are killed by the jealous husband 
(cap. 48). . The last chapters are concerned with the happier 
love story of Romabisa and Tasbiao. 

Narbindel, the second of the two knights, the two friends 
de que e a nossa kisioria,^ dies : therefore Bernardim Ribeiro 
cannot have written the second part. But it is rather a nice 
point ; one may imagine that Ribeiro's delight in so tragic 
an episode would compensate him amply for the obvious 
anachronism, and after all it is the dona who tells the story.* 
The inconsistencies of detail need not concern us overmuch. 
That Belisa has a mother in Part I and is ' brought up without 
a mother ' in Part II, that the Castle of Lamentor exists in 
Part II at a time when, according to Part I, it was not yet begun, 
that the name of Aonia's husband is in Part I Fileno, and in 
Part II Orphileno, are just such contradictions as an alien 

■ The word cannot be translated exactly, but corresponds to the Greek 
TTodos, Latin desiderium, Catalan anyoranza, Galician morrina, German 
Sehnsucht, Russian TOCKa (pron. taskd). It is the 'passion for which I can 
find no name ' (Gissing, The Private Papers of Henry Ryecroft). 

" Menendez y Pelayo's strict division between the 'subjective' pt. i and 
pt. 2 as externa y de aventuras is thus somewhat arbitrary. 

» Pt. I, cap. 9 ; pt. 2, cap. 25. 

* In pt. 2, cap. 9, this is forgotten : outras [cousas] que nao sSo escritas neste 
livro, a slip which throws no light on the authorship. 



T36 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

continuer would most studiously have avoided, and we all know 
what happened to Sancho's ass in a far less intricate story. Or 
they may be explained by the fact that Ribeiro had not revised 
his tale before it was printed, or by corrections made in copies of 
the original manuscript.^ Perhaps on the whole we may con- 
clude that Ribeiro, like Cervantes, by an exception wrote a valu- 
able second part, but, unlike Cervantes, was unable to maintain 
it altogether on a level with the first. The mingling of rapt passion 
and colloquialisms is with Ribeiro not the inability of a poet to ex- 
press himself but a deliberate mannerism, and is present in the five 
eclogues with which he introduced pastoral poetry. By his quiet 
resolution to be natural he thus became doubly an innovator, in 
poetry and prose. That he was a true poet is proved by the 
romances in his novel : Pensando vos estou, filha (Pt. I, cap. 21) 
and Pola ribeira de um rio (Pt. H, cap. 11).^ The eclogues may 
not excel those poems, but in their directness, primitive freshness, 
and grace they form a group apart, entirely distinct from their 
numerous eclogue progeny. One eclogue only, the,, celebrated 
Trovas de Crisfal, resembles them. The resemblance is remark- 
able and cannot fail to strike the most careless reader. Before 
Snr. Delfim Guimaraes began his spirited campaign in favour of 
identification, the similarity had been recorded by D. Carolina 
Michaelis de Vasconcellos in the Grundriss ^ : the extraordinary 

' It was characteristic of the hot-house air in which Portuguese literature 
existed that the first publication of a book often consisted in its circulation 
[correr) in manuscript from, courtier to courtier, a special licence being obtained 
for this apart from the licence to print. Those to whom it appealed made 
copies. The earliest known edition of Menina e mofais of 1557-8 : Primeira 
6- seguda parte do liuro chamado as Saudades de BernaJdim Ribeiro com todas 
suas obras. Treladado de seu proprio original. Nouamente impresso. 1557 
(Euora, The date of the colophon is January 30, 1558), An introductory 
note Acs lector es says : For am tantos os traduzidores deste liuro <&■ os pareceres 
em elle tarn diuersos que nam he de marauilhar que na primeira impressam desta 
historia se achassem tantas cousa's em contrario de como foram pello auctor delle 
escriptas . . . foy causa de andar este liuro tarn vicioso . . . conueo tirarse a limpo 
do proprio original, &c., &c.). The edition of 1554, quoted by Brunet, was 
probably the first in spite of the words com summa diligencia emendada 
(i.e. corrections of the manuscript). The phrase de nouo tells more against 
than in favour of an earlier edition (= rather ' new ' than ' anew '). 

^ Ribeiro, so far as we know, wrote no line of Spanish. Boscdn's romance 
Justa fuimiperdicidn and the romance 6 Belerma have been wrongly ascribed 
to him. 

" p. 287 : . . . so gam personlichem Stil, dass sie mit keinem anderen Dichter 
vor Oder nach ihnen, wohl aber untereinander zu verwechseln waren ; and p. 292 : 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 137 

similarity of -these Trovas to the poetry of Ribeiro and to 
nothing else in Portuguese literature. In this poem of some 900 
lines written in octosyllabic decimas, like Ribeiro's eclogues, we 
have that romantic, passionate saudade and sentimental grief, the 
mystic visions, the simplicity, the ingenuous conceits, wistfully 
humorous, the sententious reflections, the elliptical concision, the 
j-^al^ shepherds, the familiar language, the love of Nature which 
are peculiarly Ribeiro's. Tradition assigns the Trovas to Cris- 
TOVAM Falcao [c. 15 12-53 ?)/ ^ho was born at Portalegre, in 
Alentejo, was made a mofo fidalgo in 1527, and is supposed to 
have fallen in love with and secretly married D. Maria Brandao 
(i. e. the Maria of the Trovas), whom her parents confined as 
a punishment in the convent of Lorvao. At the risk of being 
dubbed incorrigibly simplicista one must confess that the simul- 
taneous appearance of these two poets from Alentejo, not fertil 
en poetas, taxes one's belief to the utmost. May not the secret 
marriage deduced from the Trovas have been described by 
Ribeiro in his keen sympathy for his friend's position, so like his 
own ? The contention is not that Cristovam Falcao did not exist — 
there were several — or did not fall in love with Maria Brandao- — 
a do Crisfal — or did not marry her, but that he did not write 
verses in the style familiar to us as that of Ribeiro.^ It is remark- 
able that the very critics who represent Ribeiro in his novela as 
hiding like a cuttle-fish in his own ink change their method when 

Bernardim Ribeiro writes ganz im Stile des Falcao. Cf . F. Bouterwek, History 
of Spanish and Portuguese Literature, Eng. tr. 1823, ii. 39 : 'A long eclogue 
by this writer, which forms an appendix to the works of Ribeyro, so com- 
pletely partakes of the character of the poems which it accompanies that 
were it not for the separate title it might be mistaken for the production of 
Ribeyro himself. It therefore proves that Ribeyro's poetic fancies, his 
romantic mysticism not excepted, were by no means individual.' 

' According to Dr. Theophilo Braga, he was bom in 1515 ; married in 
1529 Maria Brandao (aged eleven) ; was profoundly influenced by Ribeiro's 
Trovas de dous pastores (1536) but did not plagiarize it in the Trovas de Crisfal 
(1536—41), similar passages being due to the situafSo quasi similar (i.e. quasi 
identica) of the two friends ; went to Italy on a diplomatic mission in 1541 ; 
spent the year 1 543 in Rome and returned to Portugal in the winter of 1 543-4 ; 
was factor of the fortress of Arguim from 1545 to 1548 ; and died in 1577. 

^ The whole question at issue is whether the de of Trovas de Crisfal = 
' by ' or ' about ' (cf. O Livro das Trovas d'El Rei = rather ' belonging to ' 
than ' by ' the king), and protests against a illusao de pretender identificar 
em um mesmo poeta apaixonado de Aonia e de Maria {Obras, 1915 ed., 
p. 10) or intuito de converterem Christovam Falcao em um mytho (ibid., p. 42) 
are beside the point. 



138 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

they come to the eclogues and accept every name and allusion 
with the greatest literalness, as though it were a poet's duty to 
wear his heart in his verses. It is idle to adduce the fact that 
Cristovam Falcao wrote ungrammatical letters (so did Keats), 
or to devise far-fetched interpretations (such as Crisma falso) 
for the word Crisfal. What more probable than that Ribeiro 
and Falcao, born in the same province, became friends at Court, 
and that Ribeiro introduced his friend in one of his poems as 
he is supposed to have introduced Sa de Miranda in another, and 
as Miranda introduces Ribeiro {Canta Ribero los males de amor) ? 
If in his favo-urite manner he added a little mystification in the 
word Crisfal, what more characteristic ? The very form of the 
poem, in which first the Autor and then Crisfal speaks {Falla 
Crisfal) suggests this, as does the title : Trovas de um pastor per 
nome Crisfal, compared with the definite Trovas de dous pastores 
. . . Feitas por Bernaldim Ribeiro?- It is not difficult to explain 
the printing of the Trovas together with the works of Ribeiro 
and the hesitancy of the early editions in ascribing them, on 
hearsay, to Cristovam Falcao ; but the word Crisfal caught the 
fancy, and those who learnt that it stood for Cristovam Falcao 
would inevitably confuse the explanation of the anagram with 
the authorship of the poem. One of those who did so was Caspar 
Fructuoso (or Antonio Cordeiro), and the tradition which had 
begun so shakily with a dizem ser gained strength with the years. 
Presumably the editor of the 1559 edition knew what was to be 
known on the subj ect, yet he speaks with a quavering uncertainty : 
it is only much later that the ascription to Cristovam Falcao 
becomes a fixed belief.^ The eighth Decada of Diogo do Couto 
was not published till 1673, i. e. over half a century after the death 
of its author. The explanatory sentence aquelle que fez aquellas 
antigas e nomeadas (or namoradas) trovas de Crisfal^ may well be, 
and probably is, a later interpolation. But although a few 

' That one of the figures is identical in the woodcuts of these two folhas 
volantes is not significant : it appears also in an anonymous edition of the 
Pranto de Maria Parda. 

" In the 1559 ed. the words hua muy nomeada e agradauel Egloga chamada 
Crisfal . . . que dizem ser de Cristouam Falcam, ho que parece alludir ho nome 
da mesma Egloga may legitimately be held to imply merely that some persons, 
misled by the anagram, attributed the poem to Falcao. 

' Decada 8, cap. 34 (1786 ed., p. 322). 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 139 

scholars definitely hold that Ribeiro wrote this poem, grammatici 
certant and, should tradition prove too strong, we have to accept 
a second writer who claims an undying place in Portuguese litera- 
ture owing to the marvellous success with which, divesting his 
muse of any qualities of its own, he identified himself with a poet 
who is the most characteristically Portuguese, but also the most 
individual of impassioned singers : Bernardim Ribeiro. 

A kind of continuation of the story of Crisfal (who is now 
enchanted within the fountain of his own tears) appeared at the 
end of the century in a small collection of poems entitled Sylvia 
de Lisardo (1597). It contains forty-one sonnets (of which one 
only is in Spanish), three eclogues in tercetos and oitavas, and 
various romances (in Spanish) and shorter poems, and has been 
ascribed, without sufficient reason, to the historian Frei Bernardo 
de Brito. These poems must remain anonymous, and they throw 
no light on the Crisfal problem, but in their true poetical feeling 
and power of expression they deserved their popularity ^ in the 
first half of the seventeenth century. 

It is not certain but it is probable that Ribeiro went to Italy, 
and his Italian travels may have coincided with those of his 
life-long friend, the champion of humanism in Portugal, Fran- 
cisco DE SA DE Miranda (f. 1485-1558), the most famous of all 
the Portuguese poets with the exception of Camoes and Gil 
Vicente. As a lyric poet far inferior to either of them, his great 
influence was due partly to his character, partly to his intro- 
duction of the new school of poetry, the versos de medida nova, or 
de arte maior, replacing the national trovas de medida velha (octo- 
syllabic redondilhas) by the Italian hendecasyllabics : Petrarca's 
sonnets and canzoni, Dante's terza rima {tercetos), and the octava 
rima of Poliziano and Ariosto. The exact date of Miranda's 
birth is still uncertain, but if he was the eldest of five sons of 
the Coimbra Canon, Gongalo Mendez de Sa, who were legitimized 
in 1490, he must have been born about the year 1485. Yet one 
would willingly make him younger. His life in Minho certainly 
sounds too active for a man of fifty : perhaps c. 1490 would be 
nearer the mark. He studied at the University at Lisbon and 

' The licetifa of the 1632 edition says, Este livrinho . . . muiias vezes se im- 
primio. 



140 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

early frequented the Court. He soon won distinction as a 
scholar and was a Doctor of Law when he contributed several 
poems to Garcia de Resende's Cancioneiro (1516). His journey- 
to Italy a few years later, in 1521, may have been due merely to 
the natural desire of a scholar to see Rome or there may have been 
other motives, a love affair of his own or his friendship with 
Bernardim Ribeiro. He was distantly related to the great Italian 
family of Colonna (as he was to Garci Lasso) and in Italy perhaps 
met the celebrated Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547), Marchesa di 
Pescara, besides probably most of the other distinguished Italians 
of the time, Lattanzio Tolomei, Sannazzaro, Cardinal Bembo, 
Giovanni Rucellai, Ariosto. During five years he saw the principal 
cities of Italy and Sicily and returned to Portugal in 1526 (or 
earlier, possibly after three years, in 1524) with a deep know- 
ledge of Italian literature and the firm resolve to acclimatize in 
his country the metres in which the Italians had written things so 
divine. If he had seen at Rome the Cancioneiro of thirteenth- 
century Portuguese poets ^ he must have realized that the metres 
were not so foreign as many might think ; if he met Boscan on 
his homeward journey his determination to become innovator or 
restorer ^ would be strengthened. King Joao HI was on the throne, 
and we are told in Miranda's earliest biography (1614), which is 
attributed with some probability to D. Gongalo Coutinho, that 
he became ' one of the most esteemed courtiers of his time '. He 
was an enthusiastic believer in monarchy and in the divinity 
that doth hedge a king, but was less enamoured of the growing 
corruption and luxury at Court : probably he was himself more 
esteemed by the king than by the courtiers, and after the poetry 

1 Cf. 1885 ed., No. 109 : 

Eu digo OS Provengais que inda se sente 

O som das brandas rimas que entoaram. 
Cf. Boscd,n ap. Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia, torn, xiii (Juan Boscdn), p. 165: 
En iiempo de Dante y un poco antes floreoieron los Proenzales, cuyas obras 
por culpa de los tiempos andan en pocas manos. Menfendez y Pelayo also 
(ibid., p. 174) gives a reference by Faria e Sousa to King Dinis : El rey don 
Dionis de Portugal nacid primero que el Dante tres 6 quatro aflos y escrivid 
mucho deste propio gSnero endecasilabo, como consta de los manuscriios. 

2 Cf. 1885 ed., No. 112: 

I Corao se perdieron 
Entre nos el cantar, como el taiier 
Que tanto nombre a los pasados dieron ? 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 141 

of Italy he could scarcely share their taste for the trivial verses 
of the Cancioneiro Geral nor could they see how a compliment 
could be turned more neatly than in the old esparsas andvilancetes. 
During these years he wrote his first play, Os Estranjeiros, the 
eclogue Alexo with oitavas in Portuguese, and the Fabula do Mon- 
dego, perhaps in order to show his superiority over Gil Vicente. 

There was an obvious antagonism between the laughing 
and the weeping reformer (for both protested vigorously in their 
different ways against the growing materialism of the -day), 
between the learned, philosophical and the natural, human poet, 
and Vicente's humour probably appeared to Sa de Miranda as 
unintelligible and undignified as Miranda's hendecasyllabic 
poems may have appeared melancholy-thin and artificial to 
Vicente : et ce n'est point ainsi que park la Nature. But the line 
in the introduction of the Fabula do Mondego in which Miranda 
speaks of the king's condescension, 

Al canto pastoril ya hecho osado, 

probably refers to some previous effort of his own rather than 
to the work of Vicente, and Miranda was in Italy when Gil Vicente 
was taunted by certain homems de bom saber and turned the tables 
on them in the Farsa de Ines Pereira. The Fabula do Mondego 
is a cold, stilted production of 600 lines in Petrarcan stanzas, 
the subject of which was partly derived from Angelo Ambrogini 
(Poliziano). In I532the King gave Miranda a commenda (benefice) 
of the Order of Christ on the banks of the Neiva in Minho, and 
having acquired the neighbouring estate of Tapada {quinta da 
Tapada) he left the Court and retired to it not many months later. 
Miranda's love of Nature was very deep, from his boyhood at 
Coimbra he had preferred the country to life in cities, and probably 
no other incentive was required, although it is thought that he 
may have been too zealous in support of Bernardim Ribeiro and 
that a passage in Alexo (1532 ?) offended the powerful favourite, 
the Conde da Castanheira. Whatever the cause of his with- 
drawal, literature must call it blessed, for his new life in the 
country suited his temperament ; the independence of character 
shown in his fine letter (one of the most famous poems in the 
Portuguese language) addressed to King Joao III developed, 



142 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

and close contact with the country and the peasants gave his 
poetry that indigenous flavour and pecuhar charm which have 
fascinated all readers of the eclogue Basto, that individual stamp 
in which the Court poetry was infallibly lacking. He had already 
written his best work — for this eclogue and the letters show the 
real Miranda, pointed, original, racy of the soil — and written it in 
quintilhas, when in 1536 he married Briolanja, the sister of his 
old friend, now his neighbour at Crasto, Manuel Machado de 
Azevedo. Some miles away, at the straggling little village of 
Cabeceiras de Basto, he had other intimate friends, the Pereiras, 
and the gift, by one of these two brothers, Antonio Nunalvarez 
Pereira, of a manuscript of Garci Lasso de la Vega's poems shortly 
before Miranda's marriage revived his enthusiasm for the alien 
metres. He turned again to the hendecasyllable and wrote the 
eclogues Andris (1535), Celia, and Nemoroso (1537), the latter in 
memory of the tragic death of Garci Lasso in the preceding year. 
He returned to the quintilha later, employing it with flowing ease 
in A Egipciaca Santa Maria (or Santa Maria Egipciaca), which 
was probably written between 1544 and 1554, when he was 
educating his two sons with amor encoberto e moderado (A Egip- 
ciaca, p. 3), and nearer the former than the latter date. Its 
vigour and the promise of more ^ after 721 quintilhas preclude 
the date (1556-8) assigned to it by its first editor, even without 
the statement of the 1614 biographer that Miranda wrote scarcely 
anything after his wife's death in 1555 ; but it may have been 
written even earlier, before 1544. And still through all these 
various poems, despite their undeniable value and incidental 
beauties, it is the man, his life and character, that interest us. 
The wild yet green and peaceful scenery of Minho accorded well 
with his alma soberana, at once active and contemplative, disci- 
plined and independent. At first hunting the wolf and boar 
occupied his leisure — we see him out with his dogs Hunter, 
Swallowfoot, &c., in crimson dawn and breathless noonday — and 
gave him a hundred opportunities for quiet observation of Nature, 
the streams, especially the birds, and the peasants. The poems 
written soon after his arrival still retain the freshness of these 

• Adeus leitor a mais ver, 
Porque ainda haveis de ver mais {A Egipciaca, p. 181). 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 143 

impressions. His evenings were spent with his friends at Cabe- 
ceiras — true nodes cenaeque deum — or in the more formal society 
at Crasto or with music — he played the viola — or his favourite 
authors, Homer in Greek, or Horace, the Bible, the Italians, or 
Garci Lasso and Boscan. Later gardening ^ and the education 
of his sons and entertainment of visitors took the place of his 
favourite wolf-hunting. As his fame and influence spread, Diogo 
Bernardez (whose recollections of Miranda were recorded in the 
1614 life) was not the only disciple who came to see him in his 
retreat, and he corresponded in verse with most of the poets of 
the time, Andrade Caminha, Montemor, Ferreira, D. Manuel 
de Portugal, Bernardez. Cardinal Henrique was a steadfast 
admirer of his work, and the young Prince Joao asked for a copy : 
Ihas mandou pedir. This wide recognition after the first coldness ^ 
was some measure of comfort for the many sorrows of his last 
years, the death of his eldest son Gongalo, killed in his teens 
in Africa (1553), of his wife (1555), of that promising precocious 
Prince Joao (1537-54) to whom he had thrice sent a collection 
of his poems, the departure of his brother, Mem, to become one 
of the most notable Governors of Brazil (1557). In the latter 
year King Joao died, leaving an infant heir to a distracted king- 
dom, and Miranda's death followed a few months later. In 
a sense this philosopher was the most un-Portuguese of poets, for 
he had no facility in verse. He went on hammering his lines, 
altering, erasing, compressing in a divine discontent. He had 
a lofty conception of the poet's art — to express the noblest 
sentiment in the best and fewest words — five versions of Alexo, 
twelve of Basto, attest his untiring zeal and his ' art to blot '. The 
elliptical abruptness of his native quintilhas, by which they have 
something in common with those of Ribeiro, are not their least 
charm, and gives an effective emphasis to his sententious philo- 

' He must often have repeated Nuno Pereira's lines, which may have 
influenced him when he read them in the Cancioneiro Geral : Privar em cas da 
Rainha Deos vollo deixe fazer, E a mi hua vinha E regar hiia almoinha Em que 
tenho mor prazer . . . Lavro, cava quanta posso . . . O gingrar de meu caseiro, &c, 

" His complaintin the second elegy (1885 ed.. No. 147, 1. 17) shows how far 
he was in advance of his age in Portugal : Vm vilancete brando ou seja 
um chiste, Letras ds invenfoes, motes ds damas, Hiia pregunta escura, esparsa 
triste, Tudo bom, quern o nega ? Mas porque, Se alguem descobre mats, se 
Ihe resiste ? 



144 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

sophy. In introducing tlie new measures^ he used the Castilian 
language as being the most natural and suitable until, but only 
until, they should be thoroughly acclimatized. He wrote Cas- 
tilian not fluently — that was not his gift — but correctly, with 
only occasional lusitanismos. His best work, however, was 
written in Portuguese : in the new poetry with which his name 
is for ever associated he is only the forerunner of the work of 
Diogo Bernardez and Camoes,^ the founder of a school to which 
Portuguese literature owes some of its chief glories. In Portu- 
guese he wrote his comedies and, about half a century before 
Samuel Daniel's Cleopatra (1592), a tragedy Cleopatra, of which we 
only possess a few lines. ^ The poem on the life and conversion of 
St. Mary of Egypt * (a favourite theme a few centuries earlier, as 
in the Spanish Vida de Santa Maria Egipciaqua (13th c. .''), the 
fourteenth-century Vida de Maria Egipcia, and the French Viede 
Sainte Marie I'^gyptienne) is stamped with the author's senten- 
tious wisdom and love of discipline. It contains quaint plays on 
words {Ide ao mar que par amar, p. 169), tours deforce such as the 
three quintilhas oi esdruxulos (pp. 179-80), and rises to wonderful 
lyric beauty in the saint's farewell to Earth [Voupara umjardim 
de flores, pp. 166-9). He intended the poem to be ' rare, unique 
and excellent ' and to some extent he achieved his aim. In much 
of his work the diction is rough and halting, but the greatness 
of the man nevertheless extends to his poetry. Perhaps the best 
example of this is the melancholy grandeur of the sonnet, techni- 
cally so imperfect, sol e grande. Force of character made him 
not only a laborious but a successful craftsman. When he died, 
honoured and admired by all the best intellects in the country, 
the position of the new school was assured and he had been able 

' Often he combines several in the same poem. Thus the long (533 lines) 
eclogue on the death of Garci Lasso (Nemoroso) begins in terceios, proceeds 
with rima encadeada (internal rhyme), and ends with Petrarcan stanzas. 

' Cf. the sonnet (1885 ed.,No. 126) Esprito que voaste Vfith Alma minha gentil. 

' The autograph manuscript of this and of other poems, discovered in the 
Lisbon Biblioteca Nacional by Snr. Delfim Guimaraes in 1908, has been 
reproduced in facsimile by D. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos in the 
Boletim of the Lisbon Ac. das Sciencias, vol. v (1912), pp. 187-220. See infra, 
p. 164. 

' Leonel da Costa, the translator of Virgil and Terence, later wrote a poem 
in seven cantos of redondilhas on the same subject : A ConversSo miractdosa 
da f dice egypcia penitente Santa Maria (1627). 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 145 

to hail with joy the support of younger writers: Venid buenos 
zagales ! Foremost in time among these poets of el verso largo was 
D. Manuel de Portugal ^ (1520 ?-i6o6), son of the first Conde 
de Vimioso and of D. Joana de Vilhena, cousin of King Manuel. 
He outlived all his fellow-poets, welcomed the appearance of 
Os Lusiadas,. and in 1580 took the side of the Prior D. Antonio. 
His Obras (1605) consist of seventeen books of poems, mostly 
of a religious character and written in Spanish — books 9 and 
15 contain some Portuguese poems, and among them the fine 
mystic sonnet Apetece minha alma (Bk. ix, f. 199 v.). 

Among those who welcomed and acclimatized the new style 
none was a more talented or truer poet than Diogo Bernardez 
{c. 1530-c. i6oo),2 who confessed that he owed everything to 
Sa de Miranda and Antonio Ferreira.* Born of a distinguished 
family * at Ponte da Barca on the river Lima, he would ride 
over to visit Sa de Miranda or send him letters in verse, and 
he mourned his death in sonnet, letter, and eclogue with un- 
affected grief. He himself continued to sing by the banks of 
his beloved Lima, endeared to him all the more by disillusion 
at Lisbon and captivity in Africa. In a letter to Miranda he 
alludes to an apparently unhappy love affair at Lisbon. Later 
the retirement of his poet brother, Frei Agostinho, into a con- 
vent, the deaths of Miranda and Ferreira, the great plague 
of 1569, and the misfortunes of his country were all deeply 
felt by his affectionate nature. In 1576 he went as secretary 
of Embassy to Madrid, but otherwise he seems to have 
been disappointed in hopes of lucrative employment, and he 

' Faria e Sousa even makes him the first Portuguese poet to write hendeca- 
syllabics, setting aside those of SA de Miranda as unreadable : son incapaces 
de ser leidos I (Varias Rimas, pt. ii, p. 162). 

' He was Mogo da camara in 1566. He was appointed a knight of the 
Order of Christ in 1 582. He married apparently after his return from Africa in 
1581. He was alive in 1596 (although in one of his poems he refers to a pre- 
mature old age) and dead in 1605. On the other hand, he was apparently over 
twenty-five in 1558. It is thought that the right of passing on his official 
posts to his children (sobrevivencia), granted to his father in 1532, may in- 
dicate the date of the birth of the eldest of his eleven children : Diogo Bernardez 
(who did not, like some of his brothers, use his father's second name, Pimenta) . 

' Carta 12 : Confesso dever tudo dquella rara Doutrina tua. 

* The succeeding generation was also distinguished, one of the poet's 
nephews becoming Bishop of Angra, another Governor of Angola, a third 
Professor at Coimbra University. 

2362 K 



146 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

was always ready to exchange the mud of the streets and the 
' bought meals ' of Lisbon, with its penurious, importunate mogos^ 
for the dewy golden dawns, the hills and streams of Minho, entre 
simples e humildes lavradores {Carta 27). In 1578, however, he who 
had lamented that no Maecenas encouraged those eager to sing 
the deeds of Portuguese heroes was chosen to accompany as 
official poet ^ the Portuguese expedition which ended disastrously 
in aquelle funeral e turvo dia — the battle of Alcacer Kebir. It 
was not till 1581 that Bernardez returned from captivity. 
Whether he was ransomed by King Philip, or by the Trinitarians 
or Jesuits, or by himself or his friends, is not known. After his 
return and his marriage he frequently laments his poverty : not, 
he says, that he wishes to be the Pope in Rome, but merely to 
have enough to eat {Carta 31). Yet apparently he had no cause to 
regret the change of dynasty so far as his personal fortunes were 
concerned. Whereas he had merely held the post of servidor de 
toalha at the palace under King Sebastian, he was now (1582) 
appointed a knight of the Order of Christ with a pension of 
20,000 riis and was granted 500 cruzados (' in property and 
goods ') in the same year. In 1593 his yearly pension was 40,000 
reis, of which one-half was to revert to his wife and children. 
Either these moneys remained unpaid or the new cavaleiro 
fidalgo's ideas had changed greatly since he had sung of the joys 
of rustic poverty and the vanity of riches. Bernardez found his 
inspiration in the Portuguese and Spanish poets of the new school 
{cantigas strangeiras, stranas),^ and through them in the great 
Italians. Dante's name does not occur in his letters, written in 
tercetos,^ but Tasso — meu Tasso — Ariosto, Petrarca, and others 
are mentioned.^ In form and sound some of his cangoes are not 
unworthy of Petrarca, but they are more homely and bucolic, 

• Bprnardez' letters in verse contain many such references to everyday life, 
e. g. the Lisbon negress selling fried fish in the Betesga. 

' A confident sonnet by him in this capacity is extant : Pais armarse por 
Christo ndo duvida Sebastiao. 

' O doce esHllo teu tomo por guia and Escrevo, leio e risco he writes to 
Miranda, but his muse was far more spontaneous than Miranda's, and it 
appears from another passage (in Elegia 5) that his alterations were less 
of style than of matter. 

' Carta 32 is an exception, and consists of seventy-two oitavas. 

' He introduces Italian lines (Cartas 23, 27, 30) and wrote a sonnet in 
Italian. 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 147 

have more saudade and less definite images, no concrete pictures 
like that of la stanca vecchierella pellegrina of the fourth Canzone. 
His second source of inspiration was his native Minho and the 
transparent waters and fresca praia of the Lima. He was never 
happier than when wandering lungo I'amate rive, and this gives 
a pleasant reality to his eclogues. His muse, a basques dada 
e a f antes cristalinas, sings not only of the conventional ' roses and 
lilies ' but of honeysuckle, of cherries red in May, grapes heavy 
with dew, golden apples, nuts, acorns, the trout so plentiful that 
they can be caught with the hand, hares, partridges, doves, the 
thrush and the nightingale, and mentions oak, ash, elm, poplar, 
beech, hazel, chestnut, and arbutus. These eclogues, written 
in various metres, sometimes with leixapren or internal rhyme, 
are collected in Lima (1596), which also contains his letters. 
His other works are sonnets, elegies, odes in Rimas V arias, Flares 
do Lima (1596), and a third small volume Varias Rimas ao Bom 
Jesus (1594) which includes elegies and odes to the Virgin written 
during his captivity, a long Historia de Santa Ursula in octaves, 
and other devotional verse of much fervour and his wonted per- 
fection of technique. If, read in the mass, his poems produce 
the impression of a cloying sweetness, it must be remembered 
that never before had Portuguese poetry risen to so harmonious 
a music. Faria e Sousa accused him of plagiarizing Camoes, but 
in the case of a writer whose accepted poems, the dulcissima 
carmina Limae, are of such excellence the accusation cannot be 
seriously entertained. Neither he nor Camoes was a great 
original poet, but in both the command of the new style was 
such that their poems were often confused by collectors. A 
passage in one of Bernardez' letters (5, 1. 6) seems to imply 
that his poetry was not appreciated at Lisbon. It was too 
genuine and clear to suit the clever Court rhymesters. But he 
had his followers, who would send him their poems to be cor- • 
rected, or rather, praised, and later Lope de Vega recognized 
him as his master in the eclogue in preference to Garci Lasso. 

Francisco GalvAo [c. 1563-1635 ?), equerry to the Duke of 
Braganza, was a true poet if he wrote the sonnet A Nasso Senhor 
ascribed to him by his editor, Antonio Lourengo Caminha, in 
Poesias ineditas dos nossos insignes poetas Pedro da Costa Peres- 

K 2 



148 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

trello, coevo do grande Luis de Camoes, e Francisco Galvao (1791) : 
tu de pure amor Deos fonte pura. Innocencio da Silva vigor- 
ously doubts the authenticity of these poems, which are mostly 
of a religious character or concerned with Horace's theme of the 
golden mean, as that of the Obras ineditas de Aires Telles de 
Meneses (1792) published by the same editor, who professed to 
have faithfully copied them from the antigos originaes of the time 
of Joao n. Bernardez' brother Frei Agostinho da Cruz (1540- 
i6ig), born at Ponte da Barca, entered as a novice the Convent 
of Santa Cruz in the Serra de Sintra in 1560, and took the vows 
a year later. In 1605 he obtained permission to live as a hermit 
in the Serra da Arrabida, where he cultivated saudade and the 
muses, although his poems were no longer profane, as when in 
his youth as Agostinho Pimenta he haunted with his brother 
Diogo the banks of the Lima. These early verses he burnt : 
Queimei, como vergonha me pedia, Chorando par haver tao mal 
cantado. The eclogues, elegies, letters, sonnets, and odes that 
survive prove that mal is here a moral, not an aesthetic adverb, 
and that he shared his brother's love of Nature and in no mean 
degree his power of expressing it in soft, harmonious verse. 

That gift was denied to Antonio Ferreira (1528-69), who 
combined enthusiasm for the new style — a lira nova — and for 
classical antiquity with a rooted antipathy against the use of 
a foreign language or foreign subjects. His uneventful life as 
judge, courtier, and poet was cut short by the plague of 1569. 
His poetry is not that of a poet but of the Coimbra law student 
who had become a busy magistrate.^ It is thus at its best 
when it does not attempt to be lyrical, for instance in his 
excellent letters in tercetos. His odes are closely modelled on 
those of Horace (0 meu Horacio). Nor did he claim originality: 
indeed, his plan of introducing certain new forms was a little too 
deliberate for a great poet,^ and his best sonnet is a translation 
from Petrarca. For bucolic poetry neither the grave doctor's 

' Cf. Carta 4 : Foge inda dia ao muito diligente, although whether this is 
due to his work or to the number of his friends is not clear. 

" Com cujo [Miranda's] exemplo meu pai, que entam estaua nos estudos, pre- 
tendeo com a variedade destes seus manifestar como a lingua Portugueza assi 
em copia de palauras como em grauidade de estylo a nenhuma he inferior (Miguel 
Leite Ferreira, Preface to Poemas Lvsitanos, 1598). 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 149 

style nor his inclinations were well suited. Not only is the 
smooth flow of the verse which charms us in Diogo Bernardez 
here absent but the metre often actually halts/ and throughout 
his work we have sincerity, lofty aims, a stiff unbending severity, 
but- not poetical genius. Ferreira was a true patriot, and it was 
his boast and is his enduring fame that he devoted himself to 
exalt the Portuguese language.^ It was most fortunate for 
Portuguese literature that at this time of changing taste a poet of 
Ferreira's great influence should have forsworn foreign intrusions 
in the language with the exception of Latin (in the introduction of 
which; however, his characteristic restraint forbade excess), and 
left both in prose and verse abiding monuments of pure Portu- 
guese. This was the more remarkable in a poet who disdained 
the old popular metres {a antiga trova deixo ao povo) and had no 
thought apparently for popular customs or traditions. His 
Poemas Lusitanos, published posthumously, contain over a hun- 
dred sonnets, besides his odes, eclogues, elegies, epigrams (which 
are but fragments of sonnets), and letters, and he also wrote 
a Historia de Santa Comba in fifty- seven oitavas. 

The work of Pero de Andrade Caminha (1520 P-Sg), an 
industrious writer of verse rather than a poet, is as cold and 
unmusically artificial as Ferreira's in its form, while it lacks 
Ferreira's high thought and ideals and his love for his native 
language. One may imagine that it was through friendship with 
Ferreira — who scolds him for writing in Spanish — that he became 
one of the set of Miranda and Bernardez. Camoes he must 
have known,* and indeed refers to him satirically in his epi- 
grams : he seems to have actively disliked so wayward a genius, 
a man so unfitted to be a Court official. Caminha himself was the 
son of Joao Caminha, Chamberlain of the Duchess Isabel of 

' To take an example not from the eclogues but from one of his sonnets, 
the words 

da guerra 
Nqssa livres viveis em paz e em gloria 
correspond but ill to their peaceful sense. 

" Cf. Carta 2. Bernardez (in an elegy on Ferreira's death addressed to 
Andrade Caminha) records that among all Ferreira's verses not a line was 
written in a foreign tongue : um sd nunca Ihe deu em lingua alhea. 

^ Thirteen times the same subject is treated by Camoes and Caminha, 
sometimes exclusively by them (C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos, Pero de Andrade 
Caminha (1901), p. 55). 



150 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Braganza, and of Philippa de Sousa of Oporto, where (or at 
Lisbon) the poet may have been born. After studying at the 
University, either at Lisbon, or after its transference to Coimbra 
in 1537, he entered the household of the Infante Duarte. In 
1576 the poet retired to the palace of the Braganzas at Villa 
Vi^osa and died there thirteen years later. During the last ten 
years of his life he held a tenfa of two hundred milreis besides 
other sources of income (he was Alcaide Mor of Celorico de 
Basto, as his father had been of Villa Vigosa), so that his lot 
compares handsomely with that of Camoes. He had planned 
an edition of his works in nine books, but only a few occasional 
poems were published during his lifetime. He wrote short 
poems in all the usual kinds, but, although trusted and honoured 
by the princes he served, he entirely lacked Camoes' divine 
furia and had no compensating sympathy or insight or lyrical 
charm. What would not Camoes have made of his chanty, 
cantiga para galamear ! ^ 

In perfect contrast to the laboured verses of Andrade Caminha 
is the spontaneous flow of the lines to the river Lega beginning 
6 rio Lega, by which the Conde de Mattosinhos, Francisco 
DE SA DE Meneses (1515 ?-84), is chiefly remembered. They 
place him at once among the principal poets of the century. 
He succeeded the Conde de Vimioso as Camareiro Mor of 
Prince Joao, held the same post in the first years of King 
Sebastian's reign, and subsequently under King Henrique, who 
created him Count of Mattosinhos in return for his services as 
Governor of Portugal (during the absence of King Sebastian) 
and on other occasions. After the death of the Portuguese 
king he retired to Oporto, and no doubt spent the remaining 
summers at Mattosinhos near the gentle stream which he had 
immortalized. 

The Portuguese poems of Andre FalcSo de Resende 
(15 27 .''-98), born at Evora, nephew of the antiquarian Andr6 
and of the poet Garcia de Resende, were first published at 
Coimbra in an incomplete volume Poesias [1865], and consist 
of the Microcosmographia and some spirited anti- Drake ballads 
and good sonnets (e. g. 6 fragil bem, breve gosto humano) and 
' Obras, ed. Priebsch, p. 361. 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 151 

satires. Balthasar de Estaqo (born in 1570), Canon of Viseu, 
and his brother the antiquarian Gaspar de EsTAgo, Canon of 
Guimaraes and author of Varias Antiguidades de Portugal (1625), 
were both born at Evora. The former's Sonetos, Eglogas e ovtras 
rimas (1604), published, according to the preface, in the author's 
mature age but written in the green, contain some religious 
sonnets of high merit. 

A far more celebrated writer than these minor poets was 
Jorge de Montem6r {c. 1520-61), or hispanice Montemayor, who 
was early driven by poverty from Montem6r Velho (where he 
was born between 1518 and 1528) a few years after Mendez 
Pinto. Fortunately the latter did not relate his travels in 
Chinese, but Montemor, with the exception of a few brief passages ^ 
in his Diana, wrote exclusively in Spanish. In Spain his musical 
talent gave him a livelihood, and as musician and singer of the 
Royal Chapel he remained at the Court till 1552, when he accom- 
panied the Infanta Juana as aposentador on the occasion of her 
marriage with that promising patron of letters, the Infante Joao. 
But even before the prince's death in 1554 Montemor returned 
to Spain. In 1555 he may have gone in the train of Philip II to 
England, and subsequently served as a soldier in Holland and 
Italy till a duel, perhaps in a love afEair, at Turin ended his days 
in 1561.^ Despite his brief and restless life Montem6r, who 
showed in Las obras de George de Montemayor (1554) that he was 
no mean poet, found time to write one of the most famous books 
in literature. The date of its publication — it was dedicated to 
Prince Joao and Princess Juana — is uncertain, but it was probably 
an early work. In spirit, since not in the letter, it belongs to 
Portugal. Its gentle, easy style (Men6ndez y Pelayo calls it tersa, 
suave, melodica, expresiva), the sentimental love and melancholy, 
the introduction of bucolic scenes, the references to Portugal — 
cristalino applied to the Mondego is no conventional epithet, 
as only those who have seen its transparent waters can fully 

' All that he wrote in Portuguese is contained in two pages (389-91) of 
Garcia Peres' Catdlogo (1890). 

" Fray Bartolome Ponce, Primera Parte de la Clara Diana a lo divino 
(1582 ?) : Me dijeron como un muy amigo suyo le habia muerto por ciertos 
zelos 6 amores (quoted by Ticknor, iii. 536, and by T. Braga (omitting 
ciertos), Bernardim Ribeiro (1872), p. 80). 



152 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

realize — mark the Diana as the work of a Portuguese. Its fame 
soon overleapt the borders of the Peninsula. In Spain it had a 
numerous progeny, to which Cervantes refused the grace some- 
what grudgingly given to Montemor's work as ' the first in its 
kind '. In Portugal this, the eldest child of Bernardim Ribeiro's 
Menina e moga, had to wait over half a century before it found 
a worthy successor in the Lusitania Transformada. 

Little certain is known of the life of Fernam Alvarez do 
Oriente [c. 1540-C. 1595 ?). Born at Goa, he served in the 
East, and may have fought in the battle of Alcacer Kebir. His 
resemblance to Moraes in temperament and adventures perhaps 
gave rise to the assertion that he wrote the fifth and sixth parts 
of Palmeirim de Inglaterra. The scene of his Lvsitania Trans- 
formada (1617) is partly in Portugal (the banks of the river 
Nabao and the seven hills of Thomar) and partly in India [no 
nosso Oriente). Like Montemor's Diana, it is divided into prosas 
and poems, and it is modelled on the Arcadia of Jaeopo Sannaz- 
zaro (1458-1530) — the mountains of Arcadia transformed into 
Lusitania^' — which, however, each of its three books equals in 
length. The prose setting, although devoid of thought, is melli- 
fluous and clear, and the poems, which contain reminiscences 
of Camoes, rival in the harmony and transparent flow of the verse 
that ' prince of the poets of our time ', as Alvarez calls him. Some 
critics have even ventured to attribute the work to Camoes, as 
though his genius were so poor that he must needs fall to quoting 
himself in whole lines, as is here the case. But Alvarez had 
certainly caught some measure of Camoes' skill and of il soave 
stilo e 'I dolce canto of Sannazzaro and Petrarca. He is, moreover, 
less vague ^ than many writers of eclogues, and in singing his 
own love story describes what his eyes have seen. It was, how- 
ever, an aberration to favour the verso esdruxulo (Ariosto's 
sdruccioli) (cf. Sannazzaro's Arcadia, Eel. 1, 6, 8, 9, 12), a truly 
Manueline adornment which other Portuguese poets unfortu- 
nately copied as a new artifice.^ 

* Argumento desta obra. 

' e. g. No mato o rosmaninho, a branca esteva. 

No campo o lirio azul que o chao cubria. 
' Que estes se chamem poetas I rightly exclaims Frei Lucas de Santa Catha- 
rina (Seram Politico (170^), p. 146) of those who revel in the use of esdruxulos. 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 153 

As a poet Manuel de Faria e Sousa, who was something more 
than a pedant of pedants, deserves a place among the multitude 
of Portuguese writers of eclogues, since of the twenty long eclogues 
contained in his Fvente de Aganipe y Rimas Varias (7 pts., 1624-7) 
the first twelve are in his native tongue. They show no originality 
but have occasional passages of quiet beauty. Nos. 7 and 8 are 
both entitled ' rustic ' and purpose to represent peasants of 
Minho. They are so overcharged with archaisms and rustic 
words and expressions {samicas and namja of course occur, and 
grolea (glory), marmolea (memory), the form suidade, &c.) that 
they would probably have been Greek to the peasants. As 
a critic Lope de Vega called Faria the prince of commentators, 
on the strength of his learned and copious editions of the 
Lusiads and lyrics of CamSes, for whom he had a genuine 
devotion. Time has lent an interest, if not validity, to his 
literary criticisms. In poetry he was as prolific as in prose : he 
boasted, in the age of Lope de Vega, that he had written more 
blank verse than any other poet and that his printed sonnets 
exceeded those of Lope by 300. 

Eloi de SA Sottomaior (or Souto Maior), the author of 
Jar dim do Ceo (1607) and Riheiras do Mondego (1623), is generally 
perhaps more familiar with the Saints than with the Muses, but 
some of his poems are not ■^ithout merit. The latter work, in 
prose and verse, has no originality, although the author was 
careful to state that he had composed it before the Primavera 
of Francisco Rodriguez Lobo [c. 1580-1622), who in strains 
not less sweetly harmonious than the Lima poems of Bernardez 
sang the little stream of Lis that runs so gaily through his native 
Leiria. He went to study at Coimbra in 1593, took his degree 
there in 1602, returned to Leiria and before 1604 was in the 
service of Theodosio, Duke of Braganza, at Villa Vigosa. He was 
drowned in his prime in the Tagus coming from Santarem to 
Lisbon. He was alive in 1621, but, as Dr. Ricardo Jorge has 
shown in his able biography, died before the end of 1622. The 
fact of his drowning is well established, otherwise the tradition 
might have been attributed to passages in his works in which he 
seems to foretell such a fate. An extraordinarily prolific writer, 
his fame rests chiefly on his three pastoral works of mingled prose 



154 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

and verse: APrimavera (i^oi) and its second and third parts 
Pastor Peregrino (1608) and Desenganado (1614). Rodriguez 
Lobo somewhere speaks disparagingly of books ' long as leagues 
in Alentejo ', but length and monotony are not absent from his 
own pastorals. Look into them where you will, beautiful descrip- 
tions, showing deep love of Nature, will present themselves, and 
delightful verse and harmonious prose, excellent in its component 
parts although allowed to trail in the construction of the sentences. 
But the reader who attempts more than a desultory acquaintance 
is soon overcome by a feeling of satiety, for the Primavera in its 
brandura sem fim and the complete absence of thought is like a 
stream choked by water-lilies : lovely, but tiring to the swimmer. 

Through all these love-lorn shepherd scenes runs a vague 
thread of autobiography. The passion of Bernardim Ribeiro is 
replaced by a suaver melancholy. The poet leaves the Lis for 
Coimbra and then goes to Lisbon and thence to distant lands, 
where he wanders as a pilgrim till he is shipwrecked at the 
mouth of the Lis and returns to his home to find Lisea given to 
another. It is divided into florestas. In the opening florestas the 
quiet streams, the green woods and pastures, are charmingly de- 
scribed ; later the scene is transferred to the campos do Mondego 
and the praias do Tejo. A breath of the sea is welcome in 
Desenganado, but the story soon returns to shepherd life and its 
series of natural but rather insipid incidents. 

Had Rodriguez Lobo written not better but less, his pastoral 
romances would probably be far more widely read. But his 
finest work is of a different kind, a long dialogue, Corte na 
Aldea e Noites de Inverno (1619), between a fidalgo, D. Julio, 
and four friends in the long winter evenings near Lisbon. 
Suggested by Baldassare Castiglione's famous II Cortigiano, which 
had been pop'ularized in Spain by Boscdn's excellent translation 
(1534), this work, for which Graciin prophesied immortality, is 
full of the most varied interest. The prose, excellent as is all that 
of this champion of the Portuguese language, jardineiro da lingua 
portuguesa (which his countrymen, he complained, patch and 
patch like a beggar's cloak), is here more vigorous and compact 
in its construction without losing its harmonious rhythm, attrac- 
tive as the conversations which it records. Besides the beautiful 



LYRIC AND BUCOLIC POETRY 155 

verses lavishly scattered through his prose works, Rodriguez Lobo 
wrote a long epic on Nun' Alvarez in twenty cantos of oitavas : 
Condestabre de Portugal D. Nuno Alvarez Pereira (1610),^ 
a volume of Eglogas (1605), in which he is a recognized master, 
a volume of Romances (1596) written, with two exceptions, in 
Spanish,^ and, perhaps, a Christmas play entitled Auto del 
Nascimiento de Christo y Edicto del Emperador Avgvsto Cesar, 
published in 1676. It is written in redondilhas in Spanish and 
Portuguese.' This auto is followed by an Entremes do Poeta in 
Portuguese. A poet, an obdurate Gongorist [Do Gongora tive 
sempre opinadas preferencias), recites a sonnet to a lady : Celicola 
substancia procreada, which she does not understand, and a ra- 
tinho, also at a loss [he para mim cousa grega), advises him to give 
over his jargon for a more natural language : 

Gerigongas no fallar, 

Que amor nam he contrafeito. 

But Rodriguez Lobo has no need of such attributions to justify 
his great and enduring fame. 

' The whole of Canto XIV is given to a vigorous account of the battle of 
Aljubarrota, already described more vividly in fewer stanzas by Camoes. 
Another poem in oitavas by Rodriguez Lobo, Historia da Arvore Trisle, was 
published in Fenix Renascida, vol. iv. 

" In Spanish also are the fifty-six romances _ which make up the poem 
La Jornada, &c. (1623), written on the coming of Philip III to Portugal 
in 1619. In the eclogues, written chiefly in redondilhas, he sings with spon- 
taneous charm as praticas humildes e os cuidados NSo par arte fingidos e en- 
feitados of the rusticos vaqueiros, as he says in the prefatory sonnet. Many of 
the words are pleasantly indigenous : milho, boroa, salgueiraes, rafeiro, 
charneca, chocalho, abegoes, ovelheiros. 

^ For instance, when the Angel has announced in Spanish las aiegres nuevas, 
the goatherd, ratinho, Mendo, says : A din Rey, a din Rey ay ! Que estou 
amorrinhentado, Acudame algum Cristom ou Sancristom. Laureano, the 
shepherd, speaks Portuguese and Spanish, and Silvia says : Porque que 
sinto quisera Dizelo em bom Portugues. An Auto e CoUoquio do Nascimento de 
Christo (1646) attributed to Francisco Lopes was reprinted in 1676. 



§3 
The Drama 

After Gil Vicente's death the autos continued to flourish in 
number if not in excellence, and evidently answered to a very 
real popular demand. It was in vain that the Jesuits produced 
their Latin plays and that serious poets of high reputation 
sought to wean the affections of the people from the auto to 
the classical drama.^ This opposition of the educated did, 
however, conduce to the swift deterioration of the auto, although 
some of those of a religious character, chiefly the Nativity 
plays, still succeeded in reflecting a part of the charm that 
characterized the Vicentian drama. To Gil Vicente's lifetime 
probably belongs the Ohra famosissima tirada da Sancta Escrip- 
tura chamada da Geragdo humana, onde se representam sentengas 
muy catoUcas & proueitosas pera todo christd : Feita por huu 
famoso autor (1536 .?). Indeed, the verse runs so easily, the 
peasants are so natural, that one might almost suspect him of 
having had a hand in its composition. But the metre (884 884) 
is more monotonous than he would have used throughout. 
The dramatis personae are angels, peasants,^ Adam, Justice, 
Reason, Malice, two devils, a priest, four saints and doctors of 
the Church, a Levite, the Church, the Heavenly Samaritan. 
Adam in a scene closely resembling^ that of the Auto da Alma 
is tempted by Malice. Justice intervenes, and finally the 
Samaritan leads him to the estalagem of Holy Mother Church. 
The Auto de ds [Deus\ padre & justiga & mia [Misericordia] 

' The disapproval of the popular drama is frequent in religious writers. 
In the seventeenth century Antonio Vieira declared that uma das felicidades 
que se contava entre as do tempo presente era acabarem-se as comedias em 
Portugal. Feo earlier, in common with many others, had similarly denounced 
the romances of chivalry pelos quaes Demonio comvosco fala ; livraria do 
diabo (Tratt. Qvad. (1619), ff. 156, 157). 

' One of them, Joao, lavrador, says : Vimos ver se he assi ou nam De hua 
arremedafam Que s'a ca d'arremedar . Ora nos dizei se he assi Que fazem 
ho ayto cd. 



THE DRAMA 157 

belongs to the same period. It is written in octosyllabic verse 
and contains a similar medley of peasants, prophets, and abstract 
virtues. In the first part the angels in Portuguese announce 
to the Virgin the birth of Christ, and in the second part the 
peasants, who speak Spanish, go to offer rustic gifts to el muy 
chiquito donzel. Another early and anonymous play is the Auto 
do Dia do Juizo, included in the Index of 1559, which for its 
subject closely follows Gil Vicente's Auto da Barca do Inferno. 
A peasant, a false and lying notary, a market-woman who had 
offered weekly bread and wax to Santa Catharina but had ' robbed 
the poor people ', a butcher, a miller who had mixed bran in 
his sacks of flour, are introduced in turn and duly consigned 
by Lucifer to Hell. 

If we only knew the quondam Franciscan monk Antonio 
RiBEiRO Chiado (c. 1520 P-gi) and his contemporary and rival, 
the mulatto servant of the Bishop of Evora, by their mutual 
abuse, we could form no very high opinion of their character 
or their wit. In bitter quintilhas Chiado reviles the latter for 
his dark complexion ; Afonso Alvarez answers by up- 
braiding nonno Chiado as the son of a cobbler and a market- 
woman and for the habits which had made the cloister seem so 
dismal a place to Frei Antonio do Espirito Santo. Fortunately 
some of the plays of both of them survive, and we are better 
able to judge of their merits. The mulatto, who was a valued 
member of his master's household and prides himself that 
Chiado has nothing worse to throw in his face than the colour 
of his skin, was certainly Chiado's inferior in wit and talent. 
Both imitate Gil Vicente without having a vestige of his lyrical 
genius or greater skill in devising a plot. Alvarez preferred 
religious subjects. In his Auto de Santo Antonio St. Anthony 
restores to life the drowned son of two peasants, who are 
imitated from Vicente's Auto da Feira} The only other of his 
plays that we have is the Auto de Santa Barbara, but we know 
that he also wrote an Auto de S. Vicente Martyr and an Auto 
de Santiago Apostolo. 

' e. g. Branca Janes says of her husband : 
He hum grao comedor, 
Destruidor da fazenda, &c. 



158 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Chiado's plays and witty sayings, avisos para guardar and 
parvoices, appear to have made him extremely popular in 
Lisbon, Camoes recognized his talent, and Lisbon's most famous 
street still bears his name in common speech. His boisterous 
life at Lisbon after leaving his convent may have given him his 
name Chiado (cf. the chiar of ox-carts), but it existed as a sur- 
name earlier. His Pratica de Oito Figuras (1543.?), Auto das 
Regateiras (1568 or 1569), and Pratica dos Compadres (1572), 
are the work of an accomplished wit who was intimately 
acquainted with the farces of Gil Vicente and, in the last two, 
with the prose plays of Jorge Ferreira. Many of Vicente's types 
are present, but all in a town atmosphere, in which cards take 
the place of the rustic dances and lyric yields to epigram, the 
natural genius of Vicente to a laboured smartness. We have 
the clerigo de vintem, the ratinho from Beira, the vain pagao, tfie 
poor fidalgo or escudeiro, the negro with his pidgin Portuguese, 
the witch, the ill-tempered velha, the trovador chaplain, the 
ambitious priest, the corrupt judge. The scenes are even 
more disconnected and less dramatic, and the ingenious redon- 
dilhas necessarily seem artificial because their author so often 
challenges comparison with the more genuine skill of his master, 
Gil Vicente. Chiado's Auto de Gongalo Chambao was reprinted 
several times in the seventeenth century, but is now unknown. 
Of his Auto da Natural Invengam [c. 1550) a single copy survives, 
in the library of the Conde de Sabugosa, whose edition (1917) is 
of exceptional interest. The play, as reminiscent of Vicente as 
are the other plays of Chiado, describes the acting of an auto 
in a private house in the reign of Joao HI, and bears witness to 
the frequency of such representations at Lisbon and to their 
extraordinary popularity. 

Balthasar Diaz, a blind poet (or jogral) of Madeira, in the 
first half of the sixteenth century wrote plays which have 
retained their popularity. He versified at great length tradi- 
tions of chivalry and of mediaeval saints. We do not possess 
his Trovas written on the death of D. Joao de Castro (1548), 
and many of his plays. Auto da Paixam de Christo, Auto de El 
Rei Salomao, Auto da Feira da Ladra, have become rare or 
unknown. One of the best of them, the Auto de Santo Aleixo, 



THE DRAMA i59 

perhaps owes its survival to its subject, akin to the popular 
theme of a prince in disguise. The rich and noble Aleixo 
wanders in rags to the Holy Land. The Devil, who tempts 
him in the form of a wayfarer, declares that now — the eternal 
querulous ' now ' of the poets — only the rich are honoured and 
learning is neglected. Later the Devil becomes a courtier and 
again tempts St. Aleixo, who is defended by an angel. The 
Auto de Santa Catherina is a long devout play of which the 
persons are St. Catherine, her mother, her page, the Emperor 
Maxentius, a hermit, three doutores, Christ, the Virgin, angels. 
The saint, who receives news of her mother's death with admir- 
able equanimity, suffers martyrdom at the end of the play with 
equal fortitude. Diaz also dramatized the story of the Marques 
de Mantua. Although devoid of dramatic or lyric talent, he is 
sometimes interesting. Women, whose dresses and fashions are 
contrasted in the Auto de Santo Aleixo with the hard toil of the 
men, are represented in the Auto da Malicia das Mulheres as 
treating their husbands ' like negroes '. We do not know 
whether Diaz spoke from experience, his life is very obscure ; 
but he may have spent his last years in Beira if the passage in 
his Conselho para bent casar : 

estou nesta Beira 
tao remoto de trovar (1680 ed., p. 2) 

be not merely a reference to Boeotia, any place far from 
Lisbon. 

Traces of Vicente and the Celestina ^ are apparent in Anrique 
Lopez' Cena Policiana or Estvdante, in which a fidalgo and 
a student^ figure. The poor escudeiro and his fasting mo(o 
are prominent in Jorge Pinto's Auto de Rodrigo e Mendo. 
Spanish romances are quoted with great frequency, and Vicente's 
En el mes era de Abril is parodied by the mogos.^ Indeed, their 
knowledge of literature was become embarrassing since, when 
his master's guest, invited to a dinner which did not exist, 

1 Cf. este leo ja Celestina (Primeira Parte dos Avtos, &c. (1587), 

f. 44). 

' The student's song on f . 44 v. and f . 46, Polifema mi postema Grande tnal 
he querer bem, parodies Lobeira's Leonoreta fin roseta. 

' Ibid., f. 49. 



i6o THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

recites some verses that he has made, Rodrigo has already read 
them in Boscan and heard them sung in the street.^ 

The exact dates of Antonio Prestes, of Torres Novas, are 
unknown, but seven of his plays, after having been acted at 
Lisbon and published in folhas volantes, were first collected by 
Afonso Lopez half a century after Gil Vicente's death in the 
Primeira Parte dos Avtos e Comedias Portuguesas, &c. (1588). The 
Auto da Ave Maria, written between 1563 and 1587, is an alle- 
gorical play in which Reason is vanquished by Sensuality ; Hera- 
clitus mourns over her fall while Democritus laughs. A knight 
in league with the Devil ^ robs in turn an almoner, a ratinho, 
and Fast, but his pious habit of saying an Ave Maria causes 
St. Michael to rescue him from the Devil and reconcile him with 
Reason. Of the profane plays, that with the most definite plot 
is the Auto dos Dous Irmdos, in which an old man, after refusing 
to see his sons who have married without his permission, divides 
all his money between them and is then neglected by both : he 
is sent from one to the other like King Lear. But the story is 
feebly worked out here as in the other plays. Their action is 
mostly that of a puppet show. Sometimes the mogo, who always 
plays a prominent part, seems to be the only link in the plot, as 
Duarte in the Autos dos Cantarinhos. These mogos, who show the 
author's acquaintance with Gil Vicente * and Lazarillo de Tormes* 

' Primeira Parte dos Avtos, f. 57 : 

Ro. Senhor, se me dd licen5a, 

Ja eu aquela trova li. 
Os. Qual trova leste ? Ro. Essa sua, 

Como a disse uua e crua. 
Os. E onde a leste, vilao ? 
Ro. Cuido, senor, que em Boscao, 
E canta-se pela rua. 
" The Devil speaks both Portuguese and Spanish. All the other characters 
in Prestes' plays, with the exception of an enchanted Moor, speak Portuguese. 
On the other hand, there are frequent Spanish words and quotations. The 
word aigorrem occurs twice in these plays, but the attempt to retain the old 
style of peasant conversation is but half-hearted. 

' Duarte in the Auto dos Cantarinhos sleeps on an area (chest) like the 
mofo in O Juiz da Beira. There are other echoes of Vicente, as the words 
quern tern farelos ? (1871 ed., p. 65), the reference to Flerida fi Bom Duardos 
(p. 485), thelineQwe mdcousasaovilaos {p. 420), the peasant who, like Mofina 
Mendes, builds up his future on the strength of an apple of gold, which proves 
to be a coal (pp. 407-8). 

* Auto do Mouro Encantado (p. 347). Unless there was an earlier edition 
of Lazarillo de Tormes, this play must therefore have been written after 1554. 
Prestes' Auto do Procurador was written before 1557. 



THE DRAMA i6i 

are quite unlike either Lazarillo or Aparigo. They are certainly 
hungry, but they combine starvation with laziness, presumption 
and abundant learning. The names of Petrarca and Seneca 
are on their lips ; they read Palmeirim and quote romances 
of chivalry and Spanish romances glibly.^ Indeed, the chief 
interest of these artificial plays is the light thrown on the times : 
the position of women, the bribery of judges and lawyers, the 
aping of foreign manners, the mixed styles of architecture. They 
contain no poetry, little drama, and their wit is seldom natural. 
Like Prestes, Jeronimo Ribeiro, perhaps a brother of Chiado, 
was born apparently at Torres Novas. Only one of his plays 
was published : the Auto do Fisico, written in the last third of 
the sixteenth century. It has some farcical Vicentian scenes, 
the inevitable hits against the doctors and lawyers — the mogo 
dresses up as a doutor to receive a simple fisherman from Alf ama 
— and is generally more popular and natural than Prestes' plays. 

SiMAO Machado {c. i^'/o-c. 1640), who as a Franciscan monk — 
Frei Boaventura — ended his life at Barcelona, was also born 
at Torres Novas. His plays — Comedias portvgvesas (1601?) — 
are two : Comedia de Die and Comedia da Pastora Alfea. They 
are written in Spanish and Portuguese indiscriminately despite 
Gongalo's admonition palrar como Pertigues? The author 
explains that, well aware of his countrymen's love of what is 
foreign, he uses Castilian to save his plays from the neglect often 
bestowed in Portugal upon works written in Portuguese. His 
verse is ordinarily the redondilha, although Nuno da Cunha 
in the first part of Cerco de Dio makes a speech in oitavas. 
He has lyrical facility and his peasant scenes are full of life, 
for instance, the dialogue between the cowherd Gil Cabago and 
Tome the goatherd in Alfea. 

The Gospel story was dramatized by Frei Francisco Vaz 
of Guimaraes in a long Auto da Paixao. The oldest edition 
we have is dated 1559, and it has been often reprinted, with 

' p. 262. For a corresponding knowledge of Amadis de Gaula, &c., among 
English servants see Dr. Henry Thomas, The Pcdmerin Romances, London, 
1916, pp. 38-40. 

' Alfea (ed. 163 1), p. 59. The wonderful spelling is due to the printer 
(e.g. sesse= cease) as well as to the peasants (e.g. monteplica = multiply, 
pialdrade = piety). 

2362 L 



i62 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

thirty rough woodcuts. Some of these are very spirited, as that 
of the cock crowing after St. Peter's denial, or that of Judas 
hanging himself. After a long introductory speech in versos de 
arte maior the play proceeds in redondilhas (over 2,000 lines). 
Religious subjects have always been favourites with the Portu- 
guese, especially those affording scope for lavish scenic display, 
not only those of martyred saints, as the Auto de Santa Genoveva, 
but those based on the New Testament, as the later play Acto 
figurado da degolagao dos Innocentes (1784) in seven scenes.'- 

Two plays, the Auto da Donzella da Torre and Auto de Dom 
Andri, are attributed to Gil Vicente's grandson, Gil Vicente 
DE Almeida. The latter, written before 1559, in which a peasant 
brings his unlettered son {nem nunca falei Gramatica) to Court, 
and a ratinho, on becoming a page, promises himself to learn 
to sing and play on the guitar within a month, has a Vicentian 
character. 

To the beginning of the seventeenth century also belongs the 
Pratica de Tres Pastores (1626), a Christmas play by Frei 
Antonio da Estrella, who may perhaps be identified with 
Frei Antonio de Lisboa, author of the lost Auto dos Dous Ladroes 
(1603). The three shepherds, Rodrigo, Loirengo, and Sylvestre, 
are awakened by an angel singing cousas de prefo. They agree 
that the song echoing over the hills is no earth-born music but 
algum Charuhim ou Anjo ou Charafim, and presently they go 
to Bethlehem to offer their rustic gifts. The author has caught 
the charm and spontaneity of the earlier Christmas autos. 
Another seventeenth-century auto of the same kind is the 
Colloquio do Nascimento do Menino Jesus by the Lisbon 
bookseller, Francisco Lopez. The scene and conversation of 
the three shepherds, Gil, Silvestre, and Paschoal, with their 
assorda ou migas de alho in the cold night — mas como queima 
rocio, says Gil — are very naturally drawn. An echo of the 
satirical side of Gil Vicente's genius is to be found in the Auto 
das Padeiras chamado da Fome (1638), ^ in which the various frauds 

' Composto por A.D.S.R. There is anearliet Acto Sacramental da Jornada 
do Menino Deus para Egypto (1746). 

^ It contains a dispute between Maize and Rye, after the very popular 
fashion of the contention between Winter and Spring in Vicente's Auto dos 
Quatro Tempos, and the poetical contrasts common in the Middle Ages and 



THE DRAMA 163 

of the bakeresses, sardine-sellers, market-women, pastry-cooks, 
and 'tavern-keepers of Lisbon are shown up by the devils Palur- 
dam and Calcamar, as in the Barca do Purgatorio. There is 
nothing of Vicente in the Auto novo da Barca da Morte (1732) 
by a Lisbon author who wrote under the name of Diogo da Costa 
(Innocencio da Silva, ii. 153, believed that his real name was 
Andre da Luz). It consists of a single scene crowded with 
classical allusions. Death has deprived Midas of his gold, 
Alexander of his victories, Aristotle of his learning. The actors 
here are a rich miser, a poor man, a youth, an old man, and 
Death, whose boat Time steers. The title of the Auto novo 
e curioso da Forneira de Aljubarrota (1815), also attributed to 
Diogo da Costa, is misleading, since it is a prose narrative 
of the experiences of that valorosa matrona, who, dressed as 
an almocreve, comes to Lisbon with her two bestinhas laden with 
wine. 

Of the twenty-five plays contained in the Musa entretenida - 
de varios entremeses (1658) edited by Manuel Coelho Rebello, 
No. 17 [Castigos de vn Castelhano) is in Spanish and Portuguese, 
six are in Portuguese,^ all the rest in Spanish. Popular plays 
continued to be written long after the introduction of the 
classical drama and in spite of the antagonism of the priests. 
They were often composed in a variety of metres, as the Ado 
de S" Genoveva, Princesa de Barbante (1735) by Balthasar 
Luis da Fonseca, if its verse can be called metre, ^ or the Comedia 
famosa intitulada A Melhor Dita de Amor (1745) by Rodrigo 
Antonio de Almeida,' which opens with a sonnet and proceeds 
in redondilhas, hendecasyllables, and prose. 

in the East, and still in vogue among the improvisatori of Basque villages, 
between wine and water, boots and sandals, &c. 

' i.e. No. 3 : De kvm almotacel borracho ; No. 5 : Dos conselhos de hvm htrado 
(a j-aWmAo figures in this, as a ratino figures in No. 17) ; No. 6 : Donegro mats 
bem mandado (the escudeiro's mofo is here a negro who speaks in broken 
Portuguese, e.g. Zesu) ; No. 11 : Dous cegos enganados ; No. 13: Das padeiras 
de Lisboa (besides the bakeresses there is a meleiro (honey-seller), an alheiro 
with his bra(os of leeks, an azeiteiro, &c.), and No. 25. The titles of these 
plays sufficiently show their homely character. 

" Of its author we only know that he was Ulysbonense. The play had 
many editions : 1747, 1758, 1789, 1853. 

' A priest of the same name wrote political and religious pamphlets in the 
middle of the nineteenth century. 

L2 



i64 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

In the Christmas plays and peasant scenes some of Gil Vicente's 
poetry had lingered ; the plays of more fashionable authors 
caught no gleam of his lyrism, but sketched types and satirized 
manners successfully, none more so than Mello's Auto do Fidalgo 
Aprendiz, written, it must be remembered, before Le Bourgeois 
Gentilhomme (1670). Both kinds, consciously or unconsciously, 
were derived from Vicente's genius as manifested in his plays 
for the Court and of the people. 

During Gil Vicente's lifetime, perhaps, Sa de Miranda had written 
the two plays, Os Estrangeiros [c. 1528) and Os Vilhalpandos 
(1538 ?),^ with which he introduced classical comedy into Portugal 
(nearly a quarter of a century before its introduction into France 
and England). Os Estrangeiros was a novelty^ in more ways 
than one, for it was written in prose. Both plays were, as the 
author admitted, imitated from Plautus and Terence and also 
from Ariosto, whose comedies were composed in the first third of 
the century. Os Estrangeiros was, he further observed in a brief 
introductory letter to the Cardinal Henrique, rustic and clumsy.* 
Its only claim to be called rustic, in character as apart from 
treatment, consists in a few allusions to popular customs. We 
would have had it more indigenous. The scene is Palermo, 
the plot, a la Plautus, consists of the difficulties and differences 
between father and son, and there is the aio, the vainglorious 
soldier Briobris, nas armas um Roldao, and the trudo who plays 
the part of gracioso. The action advances in long soliloquies 
to the final reconciliation between father and son. The character 
of Os Vilhalpandos, which Mello called ' a mirror of courtly 
wit ', is similar, with the difference that Fame instead of Comedy 
speaks the prologue and the action between son, father, and 
courtesan is placed in Rome. Both the plays were acted before 
Cardinal Henrique and printed by his command. As if to mark 
his initiative in every field, Miranda also composed a classical 
tragedy entitled Cleopatra [c. 1550), the title of which is of 
interest as preceding the plays of Shakespeare and Samuel 

' The affronta de Dio is mentioned. It may have been written in the same 
year as Ferreira de Vasconcellos' Eufrosina. 

^ In a letter sent with Os Vilhalpandos to the Infante Duarte he says 
that ninguem que eu saiha had so written in Portuguese. 

' A comedia gual he lal va, aldead e mal atauiada. 



THE DRAMA 165 

Daniel (1562-1619). The twelve octosyllabic lines [abcabcdefdef ) 
that survive (from a chorus ?) give no idea of its character, but 
it probably followed closely the Sofonisba (1515) of Gian Giorgio 
Trissino (1478-1550). A Spanish version of Sophocles' Electra 
by Hernan Perez de Oliva appeared in 1528, and in 1536 Anrique 
Ayres Victoria had translated this into Portuguese octosyllabic 
verse : A Vinganga de Agamemnon. The date of the first 
edition is unknown ; the second appeared in 1555. Nor do we 
know when Cleopatra was written/ although it must have been 
prior to Antonio Ferreira's classical tragedy acted at Coimbra, 
Inis de Castro [c. 1557), which has hitherto been considered 
the first of its kind in Portugal. Written when the author was 
about thirty, that is, about the time of Miranda's death, it copied 
the form of Greek tragedies and, the better to acclimatize this, 
a thoroughly national subject was chosen — the death of Ines^ 
whereas Miranda had gone to Rome and Egypt. As might be 
expected from Ferreira's other work the conception was executed 
with the careful skill of a conscientious craftsman. The drama 
has unity, the style is purest Portuguese, the chorus sometimes 
soars into poetry, as in the celebrated passage Quando amor 
naceo. That the same high language is spoken throughout, 
that, as has often been observed, scenes of dramatic opportunity 
— a meeting between D. Pedro and his father or In6s — are 
omitted, merely shows that Ferreira had no dramatic instinct. 
Perhaps the only dramatic passage — and even so it is of more 
psychological than dramatic interest — is that in Act III : InSs. 
' Ah, woe is me ! what ill, what fearful ill dost thou announce } ' 
CA(7rM5. ' Itisthy death.' Inis. 'Is my lord dead?' Nevertheless, 
the play was a remarkable achievement, carried out without 
faltering and with a sustained loftiness worthy of its subject. 
No one any longer believes that Ferreira copied from the Nise 
lastimosa by Geronimo Bermudez, published under the pseudo- 
nym Antonio da Silva eight years after Ferreira's death. This is 
a slightly expanded Spanish translation, closely following the 
j-SSy edition ^ of Inis de Castro, which differs considerably from 

» A passage in AuUgrafia (1555 ?) describes the dramatic death of Antony 
as a new thing : parece-me que o estou vendo (f. 129). 

^ Tragedia mvy sentida e elegante de Dona Inis de Castro , . , Agora 



i66 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

that of 1598. The Nise laureada which accompanied it is 
perfectly insignificant. Like Miranda, Ferreira wrote, besides 
one tragedy, two comedies, Bristo and Cioso. There are 
indications that he had in mind Ferreira de Vasconcellos' 
Eufrosina as well as Miranda's comedies. Bristo soliloquizing 
is the counterpart of Philtra, and in his dedication of Bristo 
to Prince Joao he acknowledges his debt to previous plays.^ 
In this comedy, written during some vacation days at Coimbra 
University, the action is very primitive, but the braggart 
Annibal and the charlatan Montalvao account for some farcical 
scenes. His later play, Cioso (the jealous husband is also 
handled by Gil Vicente and Prestes), belongs to a higher plane, 
i. e. to comedy rather than farce, although Bristo is not entirely 
devoid of character- drawing. Bristo was ' made public ' 
{publicada) before 1554, but neither play was published till 
1622. Both are remarkable for the correctness and concise 
vigour of their prose. 

The three plays of Camoes, written perhaps between the 
years 1544 and 1549 during his first stay at Lisbon, belong 
entirely neither to the classical drama nor to the more ancient 
autos, but combine elements of both. They are written in 
redondilhas, mostly quintilhas. The third. El Rei Seleuco (1549 .'' ), 
is slighter even than a Vicentian farce. It has a curious prologue 
scene {Vorspiel auf dem Theater) in prose. The versification is 
easy, but its chief interest is the important part it may have 
played in its author's life. The earliest in date, Filodemo, 
although it lacks Vicente's savour of the soil, has a graceful 
charm and faintly recalls the Comedia do Viuvo. Filodemo, 
orphan son of a Danish princess and a Portuguese fidalgo, is in 
love with Dionysa, daughter of his father's brother, whose son 
Venadoro is in love with Filodemo's sister Florimena. Their 
relationship is unknown, but the discovery of their true birth 
smoothes the path of love and ends the play. Os Amphitrioes, 

nouamente acrescentada (31 ff. unnumbered) . The one who published first was 
the most likely to be the thief. Saudade is translated soledad. 

' Nesta Universidade . . . onde pouco antes se viram outras que a todas as dos 
antigas ou levam ou nao dam ventagem. Bristo was written por sd seu desen- 
fadamento em certos dias de ferias e ainda esses furtados ao estudo. It is 
a comedia mixta, a mor parte delta motoria. 



THE DRAMA 167 

in Portuguese and Spanish,^ is based on the Amphitruo of Plautus. 
The predicaments resulting from the appearance of Jupiter as 
Amphitriao's double and Mercury as the double of Sosia are 
deftly and humorously worked out in delightfully spontaneous 
verse. 

For those so fastidious as to be satisfied neither by the popular 
autos nor the staid classical plays, yet another kind was provided 
in the shape of Celestina comedies in prose. Of the life of their 
author we know scarcely more than that he was very well 
known in his day. Judging by literary merit only, one might 
assign the verses written by Jorge de Vasconcellos in the Can- 
cioneiro Geral to Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcellos {c. 1515- 
dZ^), since the poems, alike in the new and the old style, inter- 
spersed in his works do not prove him to have possessed high 
poetical talent. It is as a dramatist and still more as a writer 
of Portuguese prose that the distinguished courtier of King 
Joao Ill's reign ^ deserves a higher place in Portuguese literature 
than his ungrateful countrymen have habitually accorded him. 
But the dates forbid the identification of the dramatist with the 
earlier poet, who was also a notable courtier since he is specially 
mentioned in Vicente's Cortes de Jupiter (ii. 404). One of the 
few definite facts known to us concerning Jorge Ferreira is that 
affirmed in the preface of his Eufrosina : that this play was the 
firstfruit of his genius, written in his youth. ^ The exact date of 
Eufrosina is unknown, but it was written after the University 
had been finally established at Coimbra in 1537 — the date of 
the letter from India (December 20, 1526 *) is clearly a misprint 
since mention is made of the siege of Diu (1538). Ferreira de 
Vasconcellos evidently studied law at the University. If he was 
born, not at Coimbra but at Lisbon, he may hav-e begun his 
.studies in the capital. At the time of Prince Duarte's death 
(1540) he was in his service, as mogo da camara, and he 

' In El Rei Seteuco the doctor and in Filodemo the shepherd and 6060 speak 
Spanish. 

2 Hometn fidcdgo m*° cortezao &■ discreito (Rangel Macedo, manuscript Nobi- 
liario, in Lisbon Bib. Nac.) ; aquelle galante e elegante cortesSo Portugues 
(licenga of 161 8 ed. of Ulysippo). 

'As primicias do meu rustico engenho, que he a Comedia Eufrosina, e foi 
ho primeiro fruito que delle colhi, inda bem tenrro. 

* Eufrosina, ii. 5. 



i68 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

continued as a Court official, first, perhaps, in the service of the 
heir to the throne, Prince Joao, who died on January 2, 1554, 
and then in that of King Sebastiao. In 1563 he was succeeded 
as Secretary [escrivao do Tesouro) by Luis Vicente, probably son 
of the poet Gil. The document^ which nominates his successor 
by no means implies his death, since, as Menendez y Pelayo ^ 
observed, his name is unaccompanied by the formula qiie Deus 
perdoe or aja. But it is strange, if he did not die till 1585, the 
date given by Barbosa Machado, that nothing more is heard 
of him after 1563 (we are told that his son died at the battle 
of Alcacer Kebir), and that his son-in-law called Aulegrafia, 
written before the death of Prince Luis (1555), his swan-song.* 
Apart from manuscript treatises which were never published, Jorge 
Ferreira is the author of four works in prose, the three plays, 
Eufrosina, Ulysippo, Aulegrafia, and the Memorial da Segunda 
Tavola Redonda. The latter is an involved romance of chivalry * 
which describes the adventures of the Knight of the Crystal 
Arms, emulator of the Knights of the Round Table and Amadis 
of Gaul. Each chapter commences with a brief sententious 
reflection, from which the reader is plunged into mortal combats 
of knights, centaurs, giants, and dragons. It begins by giving an 
account of King Arthur, his disappearance, and the prosperous 
reign of Sagramor. It ends with a vivid description of the tourna- 
ment (August 5, 1552) at Enxobregas (= Xabregas) in which the 
ill-fated Prince Joao was the principal figure. Barbosa Machado 
included among Ferreira de Vasconcellos' works Triunfos de 
Sagramor em que se tratao os feitos dos Cavalleiros da Segunda 
Tavola Redonda (Coimbra, 1554). A passage in the Memorial^ 
may have led to the belief that this was a second part of the 

' Discovered by General Brito Rebello in the Torre do Tombo and printed 
in his Gil Vicente (1902), p. 114. 

' OHgenes de la Novela, vol. iii, p. ccxxx. 

^ Sousa de Macedo, in Eva e Ave (1676 ed., p. 131), says that he lived in the 
reign of King Joao and in the beginning of that of King Sebastian, which 
confirms the date 1563 as that of his death. 

' Some of its heroes have geographical names, as King Tenarife of the 
Canary Islands and the Spanish Moor Juzquibel, who now survives in the name 
of the mountain that falls to the sea above Fuenterrabla. The author shows 
considerable knowledge of the Basque country, and we may perhaps infer that 
he was at the French Court and studied the Basque provinces on the way. 

' 1867 ed., p. 21 : como se vee ao diante no triutnpho del rey Sagramor. 



THE DRAMA 169 

Memorial, of which the first known edition is that of Coimbra, 
1567, but from the preface^ it appears that the Memorial is the 
Triunfos. The title Triunfos de Sagramor may have been given to 
an earher edition,^ or it may have been the title of the second 
half of the work. The author himself declares that his story 
had been ' presented ' to Prince Joao.* The editor of Ulysippo 
in 1618 says that the Memorial had been printed at least twice 
during the author's lifetime.* Yet it is difficult not to suspect 
that the date 1554 was a confusion with the year of the death 
of the prince to whom the work was dedicated. The same 
uncertainty, as we have seen, prevails as to the date of the 
first edition of the author's masterpiece Eufrosina. (He pub- 
lished his plays anonymously, partly perhaps for the same 
reason that made him insist that his characters represented no 
definite persons but types.) The earliest edition that we have 
is that of Evora, 1561, that of Coimbra, 1560, having disappeared, 
if it ever existed.^ The words on the title-page, de nouo reuista 
& em partes acrecentada, need not imply more than that,' as we 
know, the manuscript had circulated among his friends : por 
muitas maos deuassa e falsa. As a novelty, invengam noua 
nesta terra, Eufrosina with its proverbs and its ingenious thoughts 
and phrases was appreciated in Portugal, whose inhabitants 
were justifiably proud now to possess a Celestina of their own, 
a Celestina with less action and rhetoric but more thought and 
sentiment.^ Quevedo was loud in its praises. Lope de Vega 

' Nesta trasladafSo do triumpho del Rey Sagramor, ibid., p. viii. 

^ A vague tradition placed the 1554 edition in the Lisbon Torre do Tombo, 
but inquiries in 19 16 proved that nothing is known of it there. 

^ Ao esclarecido Principe ja apresentada, ibid., p. vii. 

' A primeira parte da Tahola redonda que pera a terceira impressao emendou 
Autor em sua vida (Aduertencia ao leitor). 

' Nicolds Antonio, whose information as to Portuguese books was often 
far from accurate, says that there were several editions before that of 1616, 
probably an erroneous deduction from the 1561 title-page. The late Menendez 
y Pelayo, who also made many slips in dealing with Portuguese literature, 
declared that the 1560 edition was in the British Museum, which, however, 
only possesses a (mutilated) copy of the edition of Evora, 1561 (lacking the 
colophon with the date). Of the 1561 edition several copies exist, that of the 
Torre do Tombo, that in the library of the late Snr. Francisco Van Zeller at 
Lisbon, and that of the British Museum. 

" Joao de Barros, Dialogo em lovvor da nossa lingvagem (1540), wrote that 
the Portuguese language parece nam consintir em si hua tal obra como 
Celestina (1785 ed., p. 222). 



170 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

perhaps quoted it/ its influence on the style of Mello and other 
Portuguese writers is clear. It was a legitimate success and 
its modern neglect is all the more deplorable because in this play 
the Portuguese language, the richness, concision, and grace of 
which are exalted in the preface, appears in its purest, raciest 
form. The author's vocabulary is immense, his sentences 
admirably vigorous and clear. After heading the E's in the 
Index of 1581 {Evphrosina simply, without author) it was 
reprinted by the poet Rodriguez Lobo in 1616, in a slightly 
modified form, shorn, that is, of some of the coarser passages 
and of all reference to the Scriptures.^ The style is not the 
only merit of Eufrosina. Despite the lack of proportion in some 
of the scenes, in which Jorge Ferreira proves himself to have 
been, like Richardson, ' a sorry pruner ' (four scenes out of the 
thirty-nine constitute a quarter of the play), there is a certain 
unity in this story of the love of the poor courtier Zelotipo de 
Abreu for Eufrosina, proud and beautiful daughter of the rich 
fidalgo D. Carlos, Senhor das Povoas, in the little ancient 
university town above the green waters and willows of Mondego. 
The numerous other persons are strictly subordinate, and both 
scenes and characters are skilfully drawn. The artificial con- 
struction, the convention by which emotion finds vent in a string 
of classical allusions, scarcely mar the exceedingly natural 
presentment of many of the scenes. Charming, for instance, is 
that in which Eufrosina and her companion and friend Silvia 
de Sousa, Zelotipo's cousin, watch from the terrace of their 
house the river's gentle flow and along its bank the citizens and 
students taking the air in the cool of the evening. The play 
contains as many characters as a modern novel. There is 
Cariofilo, a gay good-hearted Don Juan; his friend, the more 
serious Zelotipo, type of the Portuguese lover, the galante con- 
templativo ; D. Carlos, quick to anger but easily appeased ; the 

' La Filomena, 1621 ed., p. 188. The quotation, if direct, was from the 
1561 edition, notthatof 1616, in which part of the sentence quoted is omitted, 
as in the Spanish translation first published ten years later, in 1631. 

' They were considered out of place in a comedy. The Catalogue of 1581 
condemns todos os mais tratados onde se aplicam, vsurpam &■ torcem as autori- 
dades &■ sentenfas da sancta escriptura a sentidos profanos, grafas, escarnios, 
fabulas, vaidades, lisonjarias, detracQoes, superstifBcs , encantafoes &■ semelhantes 
cousas. The rules were carried out most mechanically. 



THE DRAMA 171 

pedantic, unscrupulous Dr. Carrasco, whose conversation with 
D. Carlos gives scope for a vigorous attack on the legal pro- 
fession ; Silvia, who sacrifices her love and gives up to Eufrosina 
her cousin's verses that she had so carefully kept; the mogcs 
Andrade and Cotrim, greedy, timid, and talkative ; the gentleman 
of Coimbra, Philotimo, a wise and kindly man of the world. 
Other phases of Coimbra life are shown in the mogas de Ho 
and de cantaro, who fetch water or wash clothes in the Mondego 
and metaphorically toss in a blanket Galindo, the rich D. 
Tristao's agent from Lisbon ; in the love-lorn student with his 
Latin, the morose and jealous workman Duarte, proud of his 
position as official, the resolute goldsmith and his languid 
daughter Polinia, the old servant Andresa and the merry 
servant girl Vitoria, and, most prominent of all, Philtra 
the alcoviteira, deploring the wickedness and degeneracy of 
the world and full of wise saws— the play contains many 
hundreds. Eufrosina herself is first described by the lover — 
brow of Diana, lips of Venus, limbs of Pallas, clear green eyes ^ 
of Juno, quietly mirthful; then by his servant Andrade — the 
fairest thing that ever he thought to see, fan in hand, the 
sleeves of her dress like a ship at full sail ^ — so that we have 
an effective impression of her beauty. Besides Coimbra life we 
obtain glimpses of that of the Court at Lisbon and Almeirim in 
a letter from the courtier Crisandor, of India in a very real and 
interesting letter from Silvia's brother, even of Cotrim's native 
village. That the unity was not sacrificed to these many by-scenes 
says much for the author's skill. This praise cannot be given 
to his second play written some ten years after the first, Ulysippo 
(1547 ?), for here the reader loses his way among the many 
courses of true love. There are twenty-one dramatis personae, 
but the principal interest is in the sketch of Constanga d'Ornellas, 
the hypocritical beata,^ or, rather, that is the most original 

'■ Green eyes are beloved by Portuguese writers for their rarity or from an 
early mistaken rendering of the French vair (e. g. Sylvia in the sixteenth, 
Joaninha in the nineteenth century). The glosadores inclined to them on 
account of the second person of the infinitive ' to see ' : verdes. 

^ In Arraez, Dialogos (1604), f. 311 v. fashionable women parecem . . . 
velas de nao inchadas. 

' In the first edition she had been called a beata. In that of 161 8 she 
became merely a widow woman, dona viuva, but the editor defeated the 



172 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

part, since in the play as a whole there is a certain monotony- 
after Eufrosina, and many of the proverbs are the same.^ 
Excellent as the earlier play in its terse and idiomatic prose,^ 
full of interest in the insight it gives into the customs and life 
of the people, its chief fault is the intricacy, or absence, of plot 
which makes it difi&cult reading, and of course it would naturally 
please less on its first appearance as being no longer a new thing. 
The author, who knew how the Portuguese prized novidades, 
appears to have been conscious of this, since his third play, 
Aulegrafia, written perhaps in 1555,^ and first published in 1619, 
was developed on somewhat different lines. It is concerned, 
as its name implies, exclusively with the Court, and the people 
and popular proverbs are in abeyance. In its fifty scenes we 
are introduced to typical Court ladies, noble fidalgos, poor 
gentlemen and their servants, one of whom considers it mats 
fidalgo nam saber ler. The play is by its author tprmed ' a long 
treatise on Court manners ',* and as such it is admirable and full 
of interest, however negligible it may be as drama. Its style, 
moreover, even excels in atticism Ferreira's other works. The 
most remarkable character is that of the young [menina e moga) 
and very wily aunt of Filomela. She is twice described in detail 
(f. 46 and f. 153 v.), and we perceive that Philtra of the people, 
the middle-class Constanga d'Ornellas, and the aristocratic 
Aulegrafia are really three persons and one spirit. In Ulysippo 
one of the lesser personages was the Spanish Sevilhana (mentioned 
also in Eufrosina), and here a boastful Spanish adventurer is 
introduced in the person of Agrimonte de Guzman, who disdains 
to speak Portuguese. The scene of both the later plays is 
Lisbon. The author drew from his experience here, as previously 

censor's intentions by noting the change in the preface and declaring that 
but for this she remained exactly the same as before. 

• Here the doctors, not the lawyers, are conjurados contra mundo. 

' Cf. the brief but eloquent praises of wine and of love. 

^ One might be inclined to place it later were not the Infante Luis (tNovem- 
ber 27, 1555) still alive. 

' Um largo discurso da cortesania vulgar, f. 178 v. Cf. f. 5 : pretende 
mostraruos ao olho rascunho da vida cortesaa. On f . 5 v. it is called esta selada ' 
Portuguesa. The courtiers spend all the time they can spare from the pursuit 
of love in discussing the rival merits of the romance velho and new-fangled 
sonnet, of Boscdn and Garci Lasso, of Spanish and Portuguese, a line of 
a Latin poet, &c. 



THE DRAMA 173 

at Coimbra, and often describes to the life the persons that he 
had met. Scarcely any other writer gives us so intimate an idea 
of the times — of this the latter heyday of Portugal's greatness — 
or of the gallant, lovesick, dreaming Portuguese, who considers 
love as much a monopoly of his country as the ivory and spices 
of India.^ 

" O amor i portugues {Aulegrafia, i. 38 v.). 



§4 
Luis de Camoes 

The plays of Luis de Camoes (1524? -8o) are in a sense typical 
of his genius, for they show him combining two great currents of 
poetry, the old indigenous and the classic new. A generation had 
sprung up accustomed to wide horizons and heroic deeds, and 
poets and historians regretted that there was no Homer or Virgil 
to describe them adequately. Camoes was not a Homer nor 
a Virgil, but he was a more universal poet than Portugal had yet 
produced, and by reason of his marvellous power of expression 
he triumphantly completed the revolution which Sa de Miranda 
had tentatively begun. In a sense he was not a great original poet, 
but in his style he was excelled by no Latin poet of the Renais- 
sance. The eager researches of modern scholars have succeeded 
in piercing the obscurity that enveloped his life, although many 
gaps and doubtful points remain. Four or five generations had 
gone by since his ancestor Vasco Perez had passed out of the 
pages of history,^ and some of the intervening members of the 
family had also won distinction, but Camoes' father, Simao Vaz de 
Camoes, was a poor captain of good position {cavaleiro fidalgo) 
who was shipwrecked near Goa and died there soon after the poet 
was born in 1524. Through his grandmother, Guiomar Vaz da 
Gama, he was distantly related to the celebrated Gamas of Algarve. 
His mother, Anna de Sa e Macedo, belonged to a well-known 
family of Santarem.^ Whether he was born at Lisbon or Coimbra 

' Seu quarto avb foi um Gallego nohre (Diogo Camacho, Jornada ds Cortes 
do Parnaso). 

^ Dr. Wilhelm Storck, the author of the most elaborate life of Camoes in 
existence, considered that the words quando vim da materna septdtura in one 
of Camoes' poems could only mean that his mother (Anna de Macedo) died 
at his birth, and that he was survived by Anna de S4, his stepmother. It may 
have been so, but there is not a scrap of evidence in favour of the theory 
nor were the words materna sepultura anything more than a conventional 
phrase. Cf. Antonio Feo, Trattados Quadragesimais (1609), pt. i, f. 2 : Como 
Nazianzeno diz . . . e tumulo prosiliens ad tumulum iterum coniendo, em nacendo 
saimos de hua sepultura que foi as entranhas da mai e morrendo entramos 
noutra. So Pinto, Imagem, pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 342 v. : tornar nu ao ventre 



LUIS DE CAMOES 175 

is still uncertain. His great-grandfather had settled at Coimbra. 
That Camoes studied there scarcely admits of doubt. He 
alludes to it in his poems, and nowhere else in Portugal could he 
have received his thorough classical education. In the year 
1542 or. 1543 he went to Lisbon. The exact dates of events in 
his life during the next ten years are difficult to determine, 
but the events themselves are clear enough. His birth and talents 
assured him a ready welcome in the capital. Whether he became 
tutor to D. Antonio de Noronha, son of the Conde de Linhares (the 
Portuguese ambassador whom Moraes accompanied to Paris), or 
not, he soon had many friends and was probably received at 
Court. Referring later to this time he is said to have spoken of 
himself as cheo de muitos favor es, and in this popularity he wrote 
a large number of his exquisite redondilhas and also sonnets, 
odes, eclogues, and the three autos. But Camoes had fallen 
passionately in love with a lady-in-waiting of the queen, Catherina 
de Athaide.^ Tradition has it that he first saw her in church on 
a Good Friday (1544?). We may surmise that Natercia's parents 
objected to the suit of the penniless cavaleiro fidalgo, and that 
Camoes pressed his suit on them with more vehemence than 
discretion. He was banished from Court, and spent six months 
in the Ribatejo (Santarem) and two years in military service in 
North Africa (Ceuta). He admits that he had been in the wrong, 
but not seriously so, and hints that envy had played its part in his 
downfall. It is probable that his play El Rei Seleuco had given 
a handle to the enemies that his growing reputation as a poet 
had made. It must be confessed that its subject was tactless, 
for in the play the king gives up his bride to his son, which 
could easily be interpreted as a reflection on the conduct of the 
late King Manuel, who had married his son's bride. The two 
years in Africa passed slowly. In a letter {Esta vae com a candea 
na mao) he describes sadness eating away his heart as a moth 
a garment, and it was with his thoughts in Lisbon that he took 
part from time to time in skirmishes against the Moors, in one • 

de sua mdi, o qual 6 a sepuUura da terra, and Bemardes, Nov. Flor. i. 122 : 
A terra i nossa mae, de cujo tenebroso ventre que i a sepuUura, &c. 

• She may have been a distant relation of the poet's : the name was a com- 
mon one, but Camoes was connected with the Gamas, and the wife and grand- 
daughterof the first Conde de Vidigueirawere both named Catherina de Athaide. 



176 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

of which he lost his right eye. Hard blows, scanty provisions, 
and no chance of enriching oneself as in India were the features 
of military service in North Africa, and when Camoes returned 
to Lisbon his prospects contrasted sharply with those which 
had been his when he first came from the University a few 
years before. He was now nearly thirty,^ disfigured by the loss 
of an eye and embittered by the turn his fortunes had taken. 
He no longer looked on life from the inside, gazing contentedly 
at the show from the windows of privilege, but was himself in 
the arena. For the school of Sa de Miranda he had probably 
never felt much sympathy, considering it too severe and artificial. 
He wished to live and enjoy, and although the patronage of 
literary Prince Joao may have encouraged him to hope for 
better times, he meanwhile set himself to sample life as best 
he might, associating with rowdy companions {valentoes), who 
brought out the Cariofilo side of his character at the expense 
of the contemplative Zelotipo. Whether he had intended to 
embark for India in 1550, or this be a pure invention on the 
part of Faria e Sousa, it is certain that he was still in Lisbon on 
June 16, 1552. On that day the Corpus Christi procession 
passed through the principal streets. In the crowded Rocio 
Camoes was drawn into a quarrel with a Court official, Gon9alo 
Borges, and wounded him with a sword-cut on the head. For 
nearly nine months Camoes lay in prison, and then, Borges 
having recovered and bearing no malice, he was pardoned ^ 
(March 7, 1553) and released, but only on the understanding 
that he would leave Portugal to serve the king in India. Before 
the end of the month he had embarked in the ship 5. Bento. 
Hitherto he had hoped against hope for an improvement in his 
lot ; now he went, he says, as one who leaves this world for the 
next, and with the words Ingrata patria, non possidetis ossa mea,^ 

' According to Dr. Storck he was banished in 1549, and in the same year, 
after the sentence of banishment had been commuted to service in Africa, left 
Portugal, returning to Lisbon in the autumn of 155 1. Others believe that 
he was in Lisbon again in 1550 and that his two -years in Africa must be 
placed between 1546 and 1549. 

' The important document containing his pardon is printed in Juromenha's 
edition of his works, i. 166-7. 

' This quotation is assigned to various other persons, as to Kuno da Cunha 
when arranging that he should be buried at sea. 



LUIS DE CAMOES 177 

turned his back on the calumnies and intrigues of Lisbon. In 
one of his finest elegies^ he described the voyage, a storm off 
the Cape of Good Hope, and the arrival at Goa in September 
1553- The voyage was full of interest to him, and he made good 
use of it, becoming what Humboldt called him — a great painter 
of the sea ^ — but so far as comfort was concerned he fared probably 
much as would a modern emigrant. His disillusion at Goa is 
poignantly described in a letter ^ written soon after his arrival. 
He found it ' the stepmother of all honest men ', money the only 
god and passport, and he sends a note of warning to aventureiros 
in Portugal eager to make their fortune in India. We know 
from the bitter pages of Couto and Correa how difficult it was 
for a private soldier to thrive there, and the position of a reinol 
newly arrived from Portugal was precarious. Camoes joined 
a few weeks later (November 1553) in a punitive expedition 
along the coast of Malabar against the King of Chembe, and in 
1554 probably accompanied D. Fernando de Meneses in a 
second expedition to Monte Felix or Guardafui (Ras ef Fil), the 
Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. After his three years' service 
(1553-6) he continued to live at Goa. He had found time to 
write poetry, and sent home a sonnet and an eclogue on the 
death of his friend D. Antonio de Noronha. His play Filodemo 
was acted, probably in the winter of 1555, before the popular 
Governor Francisco Barreto, who provided him with the post 
of Provedor Mdr dos Defuntos e Ausentes (i.e. trustee for the 
property of dead or absent Portuguese) at Macao. Whether 
his satiric verses had anything to do with the appointment we 
do not know — some have maintained that the Portuguese of 
Goa appreciated his poetical powers best at. a distance — but it 
is more probable that his appointment was a favour, since every 
post in India was eagerly coveted, and it was a kinder action to 
give him a comparatively humble one at once than the reversion 
to a more lucrative office, filled thrice or even ten times over 
by the deplorable system of ' successions '.* He set sail iij the 

' poeta Simonides fallando. 

» Cf. Lus. i. 19, 43 ; ii. 20, 67 ; v. 19-22 ; vi. 70-9. ' Desejei tanto. 

' Couto, in the Dialogo do Soldado Pratico, remarks that if a man is given 
a post at the age of twenty he only receives it at the age of sixty (p. 99). 
The soldier, who wishes ter logo em ires annos vinte mil cruzados, suggests, 

2362 M 



178 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

spring of 1556, and after touching at Malacca, arrived at the 

Molucca Islands, the most lawless region in India. Camoes 

himself, according to Storck, was wounded about this time, but 

in a fight at sea, not in one of the chronic broils at Ternate or 

Tidore. In 1557 or 1558 he reached Macao, but two years later 

he was relieved of his post owing to a quarrel with the settlers, 

whose part was taken by the captain of the silver and silk ship 

passing from Goa to China. On his authority Camoes was sent 

to Goa, protesting against injusto mandoj which was a common 

fate of officials in India. He was shipwrecked off the coast of 

Tongking, lost all his possessions, and arrived penniless and 

perhaps in debt at Goa in 1560 or 1561. To these four or five 

chequered years are ascribed the wonderful quintilhas, the most 

beautiful in the language, Soholos rios que vam, which may owe 

something to Vicente's admirable paraphrase of Psalm 1, the 

cangao Com forga desusada, the oitavas Como nos vossos, and the 

completion of the first six books of the Lusiads. Soon after his 

return he was probably imprisoned for debt, but was released, 

probably at the instance of the Viceroy, D. Francisco Coutinho, 

Conde de Redondo, to whom Camoes addressed his first printed 

poem, the ode in Orta's Coloquios (1563). Camoes' thoughts 

must have now more than ever turned homeward. Fortune had 

danced tantalizingly before him, holding out hopes which broke 

as glass in his hands whenever he attempted to seize them.^ 

Of his life between 1564 and 1567 we know nothing. He did 

not occupy the post of factor of Chaul, the reversion to which 

indeed he may perhaps only have received after his return to 

Portugal. He was eager to get home. In 1567 he accompanied 

Pedro Barreto to Mozambique, glad to get even so far on the return 

voyage. There poverty and illness delayed him till 1569, when 

through the generosity and in the company of some friends, 

among whom was the historian Couto, he was able to embark 

for Portugal. They reached Lisbon in April, 1570.^ Sixteen 

among other posts for himself, that of Provedor dos Defuntos 1 porque com 
qucdquer desles ficarei mux bem remediado. To which the Desembargador 
objects : he necessario que quern houver de servir esses cargos sejaletrado evisto 
em umbos os Direitos. 

• Vinde cd. It is advisable to give the first words of his poems without 
the number until there is a definitive edition of his works. 

^ It is uncertain whether CamSes' sliip was the Santa Clara or the Fe. 



LUIS DE CAMOES 179 

years had passed. The popular, impulsive, talented youth 
returned middle-aged, poverty-stricken, and unknown. Antonio 
de Noronha and many others of his friends were dead. Catherina 
de Athaide had died in 1556 (although she may have continued to 
receive Camoes' rapt devotion as the dead Beatrice that of Dante), 
Prince Joao, hope and patron of poets, two years earlier. The 
plague, to which nearly half the city's population had succumbed, 
had only recently abated, and Camoes may have witnessed the 
thanksgiving procession in Lisbon on April 20, 1570. Modern 
critics have even denied him the only consolation which probably 
remained to him in the patria esquiva a quern se mat apro- 
veitau^, but there seems no reason to reject the tradition that 
his mother was alive ; in fact she survived him and continued 
to receive the pension of 15,000 rhs^ granted him from 1572 till 
his death on Friday, June 10, 1580. It was a sum barely sufficient 
to support life, and it was not always regularly paid, so that he 
is reported to have been in the habit of saying that he would 
prefer to his pension a whip for the responsible officials [almoxa- 
rifes). Tradition, to the indignation of reasonable historians, 
loves to represent a faithful Javanese slave, who had accom- 
panied Camoes to Europe, begging for his master in the streets 
of Lisbon. Camoes did not go with King Sebastian to Africa^ 
He may have been already ill when the expedition set out in 
June 1578 — the plague soon began again to ravage Lisbon, and 
long years of suffering and disappointment must have sapped 
his strength. Two years later his life of heroic endurance, in 
patience of the juizos incognitos de Deos,^ ended. He was 
perhaps buried in a common grave with other victims of the 
plague.* Long absence had served to strengthen his love for 
his patria ditosa amada, and the news from Africa left him no 
heart to battle against disease, content, as he wrote to the 

■ Barros, Decada, iii. ix. i. 

^ It is about the sum (apart from any grant of pimento) which a common 
soldier on active service might earn in India (see Barros, i. viii. 3 : 1,200 
X 12 = 14,400) ; environ huit cents livres de notre monnoie d'aujourd'hui 
(Voltaire). It would scarcely correspond to more than £so of to-day. 

■ Lus. v. 45. 

' Prophetically he had echoed (Lus. x. 23) the complaint of the historians 
of India : Morrer nos hospitaes em pobres leiios Os que ao Rei e d lei servem 
de muro. 

M 2 



i8o THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Captain-General of Lamego, to die with his country, with 
which his name has ever since been intimately linked. Couto 
and Mariz agree that he brought Os Lusiadas with him virtually 
complete on his return to Portugal. It was published through 
the influence of the poet D. Manuel de Portugal in 1572. Camoes 
has often been called the prince of heroic poets, but it is note- 
worthy that Faria e Sousa in 1685 says that ' all have hitherto, 
especially in Spain, considered him greater as a lyric than as 
an heroic poet '.^ Os Lusiadas rather than an epic is a great 
lyrical hymn in praise of Portugal, with splendid episodes such 
as the descriptions of the death of Ines, the battle of Aljubarrota, 
the storm, Adaraastor, the Island of Venus. Apart from the 
style, its originality consists in the skill with which in a poem 
but half the length of Tasso's Gerusalemme Liberata and a fifth 
of Ariosto's Orlando Furioso the poet works in the entire history 
of his country. It is this which gives unity to his ten cantos of 
oitavas, this and the wonderfully transparent flow of the verse, 
which carries the reader over many weaknesses and inequalities 
of detail. It is a nobler poem than the crowded garden of 
flowers in a high wind that is the Orlando Furioso, and at once 
more human and intense than the Gerusalemme Liberata. Camoes, 
with a wonderful memory and intimate knowledge of the legends 
of Greece and Rome, read everything, and we find him gathering 
his material from all sides ^ like a bird in spring, from a Latin 
treatise of the antiquarian Resende, from the historians Duarte 
Galvao, Pina, Lopez, Barros, or Castanheda, or literally translat- 

■ Todos hasta oy, y principaimente en Costilla, tuvieron siempre a mi Maestre 
por mayor en estes Poemas que en el Heroyco (V arias Rimas, Prologo, 2 vols., 
1685, 1689). Cf. the praise of his versos pequenos in Severim de Faria, Vida, 
p. 121. 

^ See the important work by Dr. Rodrigues : As Pontes dos Lusiadas (1904- 
1913). Cf. Camoes' Vdo os annos decendo (x. 9) and Leal Conselheiro (cap. i, 
p. 18), where the words are used in the same connexion. With Virgil he was 
obviously acquainted at first hand, with Homer perhaps in the translation 
of the Florentine scholar Lorenzo Valla (1405-57). In As Pontes dos Lusiadas 
is also discussed the origin of the word Lusiads, as by D. CaroUna Michaelis 
de Vasconcellos in O Instituto, vol. lii (1905), pp. 241-50 : Lucius Andreas 
Resendius Inventor da palavra Lusiadas. It was one of the Latin words 
acclimatized by Camoes. It occurs in a Latin poem by Andre de Resende, 
Vicentius Levita et Martyr (1545), and in his Encomium Erasmi written, but 
not published, in 1531 ; in a Latin poem by Jorge Coelho, perhaps written 
in 1526 but touched up before its publication in 1536; and is twice used by 
Manuel da Costa (in and about 1537). 



LUIS DE CAMOES i8i 

ing lines of Virgil, as in his shorter poems he imitated Petrarca, 
Garci Lasso, and Boscan. Tasso used the mot juste when in 
a sonnet addressed to Camoes he called him dotto e buon Luigi}- 
If, as seems probable, he had early wished to sing the deeds of 
the Portuguese, the first volumes of Castanheda and Barros 
must have been an incentive as powerful as the destiny which 
made him personally acquainted with the scenes of Gama's 
voyage and of the Portuguese victories in the East. It seems 
probable that cantos iii and iv, containing the early history of 
Portugal, were already written, and that around them he wove 
the epic grandeur revealed in the histories of the discovery of 
India. The poem opens with an invocation to the nymphs of the 
Tagus and to King Sebastian, and then, in a wonderful stanza 
of the sea {Jd no largo oceano navegavam, in 19), Gama's ships 
are shown in mid-voyage. The gods of Olympus take sides, 
and Venus protects the daring adventurers in seas never crossed 
before, while Mars stirs up the natives of Mozambique and of 
Mombaga to treachery (i-ii). In contrast to the natives farther 
south, the King of Melinde receives them with loyal friendship, 
and Gama rewards him by relating the history of Portugal 
(iii-iv). He then continues his voyage, and after weathering 
a terrible storm brewed by Bacchus, arrives at Calicut (v-vi). 
After a visit to the Samori (the King of Calicut), the Catual (the 
Governor) accompanies Gama on board, and Paulo da Gama 
explains to him the warlike deeds of the Portuguese embroidered 
on the silken banners of the ships (vii-viii). On the return 
voyage they are entertained by Tethys and her nymphs in the 
island of Venus, supposed to be one of the Azores (ix-x), and the 
poem ends with asecond invocation to KingSebastian (x. 145-56). 
Thus the time of the poem occupies a little over two years 
(July 1497-September 1499). Into this the previous four 
centuries had been ingeniously worked, but in order to include 
the sixteenth century fresh devices were adopted, by which 

' The word is undoubtedly dotto in the facsimile of the text given in Antonio 
de Portugal de Faria, Torquato Tasso a Luiz de Camoes (Leorne, 1898) although 
there, as always, it has been transcribed as colto. Diogo Bernardez calls 
Tasso culto, perhaps mistaking the reference in Garci Lasso, whose culto Taso 
is not Torquato but Bernardo. Lope de Vega called Camoes divino and 
reserved docto for Corte Real. 



i82 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Jupiter (canto ii), Adamastor (v), and Tethys (x) foretell the 
future. Almost every land and city connected with Portuguese 
history finds a place in the poem. Small wonder that it was well 
received by the Portuguese, combining as it did intense patriotism 
with hundreds of exotic names. The extraordinary number of 
12,000 copies is said to have been printed within a quarter of 
a century of Camoes' death,^ and by 1624 the sale had increased 
to 20,000 and his fame had spread throughout the world. It 
would have been still stranger if the murmuradores maldizentes 
had been silent. As early as 1641 we find a critic, Joao Soares 
de Brito (1611-64), defending Camoes against the charges of 
plagiarizing Virgil and of improbabilities of time and place.^ 
Not every one apparently was of the opinion of the Conde de 
Idanha, who considered that the only fault of the Lusiads was 
that it was too long to learn by heart and too short to be able 
to go on reading it for ever. Montesquieu found in it something 
of ' the fascination of the Odyssey and the magnificence of the 
Aeneid ', and Voltaire, while objecting to its merveilleux absurde, 
adds : ' Mais la po6sie du style et I'imagination dans I'expres- 
sion I'ont soutenu, de meme que les beautes de I'execution ont 
plac6 Paul Veronese parmi les grands peintres.' 

In 1820 appeared Jose Agostinho de Macedo's Censura dos 
Lusiadas, in which he noted with some asperity Camoes' erros 
eras sis simos. Prosaic lines, hyperbole, the use of the super- 
natural, lack of proportion,* absence of unity, and historical im- 
probabilities are the main heads of his indictment, and he quotes 
Racine as to Camoes' ' icy style '. He also has much petty 
detailed criticism, for he finds in Camoes a notavel falta de 
grammatica. And Macedo was certainly right. Most of the 
faults he attributes to Camoes do exist in the Lusiads. Macedo 
himself could write more correctly. When he says that the line 
Somos hum dos da ilha, Ihe tornou (i. 53) is unpoetical {nao tern 
tintura de poesia), we agree ; it is sheer prose. We can add other 
instances : the line as que elle para si na cruz tomou (i. 7) is as 

' His works axe. ja muitas vezes impressas in 1594. In 1631 Alvaro Ferreiia 
de Vera speaks of twelve Portuguese editions (Breves Lovvores, f. 87). 

^ Apologia em qve defende, &c. (1641). 

^ The instance he gives is the long story of Magrifo e as Doze de Inglaterra 
(vi), which he admits is in itself very fine. 



LUIS DE CAMOES 183 

unmusical as the rhyming of Heliogabalo, Sardanapalo {iii. 92), 
or impossibil, terribil (iv. 54). Only Macedo forgot that genius 
is justified of its children, and that these details are all merged in 
the incomparable style, imaginative power, and lofty theme of the 
poem. If a man is unable to feel the heat of the sun for its spots, 
we will vainly try to warm or enlighten him, but it is not pedantic 
grammarians such as Macedo ^ who could obscure the fame of 
Camoes. That could only be done by those whom Macedo calls 
OS idolatras camoneanos. Lope de Vega ^ effusively professed to 
place the Lusiads above the Aeneid and the Iliad, and Camoes' 
fellow-countrymen have eagerly followed suit. He has also 
suffered much at the hands of translators. Since the Lusiads is 
clearly not the equal of the Iliad or the Odyssey, it may be worth 
while to consider by what reasons Camoes really is one of the 
world's greatest poets. There is celestial music in much that he 
wrote, in incidents of the Lusiads such as the death of Ines de 
Castro,* in his eclogues and cangoes and elegies, in many of the 
sonnets, and in the redondilhas, most of all perhaps in the seventy- 
three heavenly quintilhas beginning Sobolos rios que vam. But 
other Portuguese poets have been musical ; Diogo Bernardez in 
this respect vies with Camoes : Camoes excels them all in the 
vigour and transparent clearness that accompany his music. But 
his principal excellence is that, still without losing the music of 
his versos deleitosos, he can think in verse * — the thought in some 
of his elegies and oitavas is remarkable — and describe with 
scientific precision, as in the account of the tromba {Lus. v. 

' One of the best instances of his pedantry is his comment on the 
lines E tu, nobre Lisboa, que no mundo Facilmente das outras es princesa. The 
ordinary reader is content to understand ' cities ' after outras. But no, says 
Macedo, you can only understand Lisbons. Princess of all the other Lisbons ! 
^ Laurel de Apolo : Postrando Eneidas y venciendo Iliadas. 
' Even here some of the lines are a literal translation of Virgil, but if we 
compare 

Para o ceo crystallino alevantando 
Com lagrimas os olhos piadosos, 
Os olhos, porque as maos, &c., 
with the passage 

Ad coelum tendens, &c., 
it is not at all clear that the picture of the older poet is more beautiful than 
that of il lusiade Maro. 

* He is thus an exception to Macedo's axiom in the Motim Literario that 
Portuguese poets (most of whom, it must be admitted, are, like Byron, 
children in thought) either have versos sent cousas or cousas sem versos. 



i84 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

19-22). Like Milton, he could transform an atlas into a fair 
harmony of names. His influence on the Portuguese language 
has been very great. Whether it was wholly for good may be 
open to doubt — a doubt mentioned by one of his earliest bio- 
graphers, Severim de Faria, in 1624. The Lusiads, he says, 
' greatly enriched the Portuguese language by ingeniously 
introducing many new words and expressions which then came 
into common use, although some severe critics have censured 
him for this, considering the use of latinized forms a defect in 
his poem '.^ An inch farther than he went in this direction, or 
in that of furia grande e sonorosa, and estilo grandiloquo, would 
have been an inch too far, and subsequent writers did not always 
observe his restraint, the sobriety due to his classical education. 
But his poem certainly helped to fix the language, and he 
cannot be blamed for the excesses of his followers, or for a change 
, which had begun before his time.^ 

Couto records the theft of the Parnaso in which Camoes was 
collecting his lyrics with a view to publishing them. He must 
have written many more lyrics than we possess, but even so the 
number existing is not small. Successive editors have added to 
them from time to time, and often clumsily. Faria e Sousa, 
a century after Camoes' death, declared that he had added 200, 
and, while upbraiding Diogo Bernardez for his rohos, was himself 
the thief. Camoes might have been somewhat surprised to find 
in the first edition of his lyrics (1595) two poems which had 
been in print in the Cancioneiro de Resende eight years before 
he was born. This 1595 edition contained but 65 sonnets, but 
their number grew to 108 (1598), 140 (1616), 229 (1668), 296 
(1685), 352 (i860), 354 (1873). D. Carolina Michaelis de Vas- 
concellos has already contributed much towards a critical 
edition, and it is to be hoped that before long it may be possible 

' Discvrsos politicos varios (1624), f. 117 : &• comesta obra ficou enriquecida 
grandemente a lingua Portuguesa ; porque Ihe deu muiios termos nouos &- 
palauras bem achadas que depois ficdrao perfeitamente introducidas. Posto 
que nesta parte nao deixdrao aigus escrupulosos de condenar, julgandolhe por 
defeito as palauras alatinadas que vsou no sen poema. 

^ CI Fr. Manuel do Sepulchro, Reflexdo Espiriiual (1669) : Ndo ha duvida 
que maior mudanfa fez a lingua Portuguesa nos primeiros vinte annas do 
reinado de D. Manuel que em cento e cincoenta annos dahi para ca. Barros, 
however, in his Dialogo emlovvor (1540), says latinization had not yet begun : 
se nos usdramos. 



LUIS DE CAMOES 185 

to read the genuine lyrics of Camoes in a complete edition by 
themselves.^ That would certainly cause him to be more widely 
read abroad. It is perhaps inevitable that a comparison should 
arise between Camoes and Petrarca (although it must be re- 
membered that they are separated by two centuries), yet he 
would be an extremely bold or extremely ignorant critic who 
should place the one of them above the other. In genius they 
were equal, but a different atmosphere acted on their genius, 
the artistic atmosphere of Italy and the natural atmosphere of 
Portugal. Petrarca was the more scholarly writer, so that if he 
perhaps never attains to the rapturous heights occasionally 
reached by Camoes, he also keeps himself from the blemishes 
which sometimes disfigure Camoes' work. Camoes' life was far 
more varied, many-coloured as an Alentejan manta,^ and this 
is reflected in his poems. Intensely human, he is swayed by 
many moods, while Petrarca is merged in the narrower flame of 
his love. Petrarca excels him in the sonnet, for although many 
of those by Camoes are beautiful, and nearly all contain some 
beautiful passage, he was not really at his ease in this scanty 
plot of ground. His genius required a larger canvas for its 
expression. The following lines from his long and magnificent 
cangao Vinde cd are worth quoting because they triumphantly 
display many of the noblest characteristics of his poetry : 

No mais, cangao, no mais, que irei fallando, 

Sem sentir, mil annos ; e se acaso 

Te culparem de larga e de pesada, 

Nao pode ser, Ihe dize, limitada 

A agoa do mar em tao pequeno vaso. 

Nem eu delicadezas vou cantando 

Co' gosto do louvor, mas explicando 

Puras verdades ja por mi passadas : 

Oxala foram fabulas sonhadas ! 

Here we see the force and precision, the amazing ease and 
rapidity, the crystalline transparency, the sad saudade, and above 
all the deep sincerity that mark so much of his work. 'Both 

' The authorship of the fine sonnets Horas breves do meu contentamento 
(attributed to Camoes, Bernardez, the Infante Luis, &c.) and Formosa Tejo 
meu, quam differente (attributed to Camoes, Rodriguez Lobo, &c.) is still 
under dispute. 

' Filodemo, v. 3. 



i86 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Petrarca and Camoes are representative of their country, tlie 
latter not only in his poems, in which almost every Portuguese 
hero is included, but in his character and his life. In his wit and 
melancholy, his love of Nature, his passionate devotion, his 
persistency and endurance, his independence and sensitive pride, 
in his lyrical gift and power of expression, in his courage and 
ardent patriotism, he is the personification and ideal of the 
Portuguese nation. 

Many of Camoes' friends were also lyric poets, but their 
poems have mostly vanished. One of them, Luis Franco Correa, 
compiled a cancioneiro of contemporary poems which still exists 
in manuscript. A few later poets, chiefly pastoral, have already 
been mentioned, but after Camoes' death the star of lyric poetry 
waned and set, and the only compensation was a brilliant 
noonday in the realm of prose. Camoes was a learned poet, but 
he also plunged both hands in the songs and traditions of the 
people. The later poets withdrew themselves more and more 
from this perennial spring of poetical images and expression, till 
at last in the ripeness of time Almeida Garrett turned to it 
again for inspiration, even Bocage, devoted admirer of Camoes 
though he was, having neglected this side of his genius, as was 
inevitable in the eighteenth century. 

Epic poetry scarcely fared better than the lyric, despite 
a hundred honest efforts to eclipse the Lusiads. A favourite 
legend of Portuguese and other folk-lore tells how the step- 
daughter comes from the fairies' dwelling speaking flowers for 
words or with a star on her forehead, but her envious half-sister, 
who then visits the fairies, returns uttering mud and toads or 
with an ass's head. If the epic poems of those who emulated the 
fame of Camoes are something better than mud they never- 
theless fail for the most part lamentably in that inspiration 
which Portuguese history might have been expected to give. 

Alguns (misera gente) inutilmente 
Compoem grandes Iliadas, 

wrote Diniz da Cruz {0 Hyssope, canto i). The epic-fever had 
not abated even in the beginning of the nineteenth century. 
The Madeira poet Francisco de Paula Medina e Vasconcellos 



LUIS DE CAMOES 187 

[c. 1770-1824) alone wrote two : Zargueida (1806), Georgeida 
(1819) ; and Jose Agostinho de Macedo in his Motim Literario 
imagines himself at the mercy of a poet with an epic in sixty 
cantos entitled Napoleada, and himself became the mock-hero 
of one in nine : Agosiinheida (Londres, 1817), written by his 
unfortunate opponent Nuno Alvares Pereira Pato Moniz (1781- 
1827). The strange poet of Setubal, Thomaz Antonio de 
Santos e Silva (1751-1816), published a Braziliada. in twelve 
cantos in 1815. Of the earlier epics Camillo Castello Branco 
wrote sarcastically : ' They contain impenetrable mysteries of 
dullness and inspire a sacred awe, but they are the conventional 
glory of our literary history, untouched and intangible.'^ 

Of the two long epic poems of Jeronimo Corte Real [c. 1530- 
1590 ?) : Svcesso do Segvndo Cerco de Div (1574) and Naufragio, 
e Lastimoso Svcesso da Perdigam de Manoel de Sousa de Sepulveda, 
&c. (1594), we may perhaps say that they are excellent prose. 
He dwells more than once upon the inconstancy of fortune, and 
this may be something more than a platitude. Of his life little 
is known. He is by some beheved to have been born in the 
Azores in 1533. A document in the possession of the Visconde 
de Esperanga shows that he died before May 12, 1590. He may 
have been a musician as well as a poet and a painter. It is 
probable, but not certain, that he accompanied King Sebastian 
to Alcacer Kebir and was taken prisoner. Faria e Sousa says 
that he was too old to go. After varied service by land and sea 
he wrote these poems when living in retirement on his estate 
near Evora, and his own experiences stood him in good stead 
for his descriptions, which are often not without life and vigour, 
as the account of the battle in canto 18 of the Segundo Cerca 
de Diu, or of the storm in canto 7 of the Naufragio. The former 
poem records the famous defence of Diu by D. Joao de Mas- 
carenhas and its relief by D. Joao de Castro (1546), in whose 
mouth is placed a long and tedious speech. The last two cantos 
(21, 22) are tacked on to the main theme and occupy more 
than a quarter of the whole. They tell from paintings the deeds 
of past captains and prophesy future events and the ' golden 
reign ' of King Sebastian. The prophetic vision, although it 

'■ Os Ratos da Inquisifao, Preface, p. 97. 



i88 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

included a generation beyond the nominal date of the poem 
(1546), did not extend to the battle of Alcacer Kebir (1578)- 
The hendecasyllables of the blank verse have an exceedingly 
monotonous fall and the lines merge prosaically into one another.^ 
The use of adjectives is excessive, and generally there is an 
inclination to multiply words without adding to the force of 
the picture.^ The same plethora of epithets, elaborate similes, 
and slow awkward development of the story mark the seventeen 
cantos — some 10,000 lines of blank verse, with some tercets and 
oitavas — which constitute the Naufragio. In cantos 13 and 14 a 
learned man tells from sculptures the history of the Portuguese 
kings, from Afonso I to Sebastian. The remaining cantos have a 
more lively interest, ending with the death of D. Lianor in canto 
17, but the poet could not resist the temptation to round off 
with an anticlimax, in which Phoebus, Proteus, and Pan make 
lamentation. His short Auto dos Quatro Novissimos do Homem 
(1768) in blank verse is written with some intensity, but the 
style is the same.^ His Austriada, composed to commemorate 
Don John of Austria's felicissima victoria * of Lepanto, consists 
of fifteen cantos in Spanish blank verse. 

Luis Pereira Brandao, born at Oporto about 1540, was 
present at Alcacer Kebir, and after his release from captivity 
is said to have worn mourning for the rest of his life. That later 
generations might also suffer, his epic Elegiada (1588) — in spite of 
his professed temor de serprolixo — was published in eighteen cantos. 
Beginning with the early years of King Sebastian, it recounts 
the king's dreams and ambitions, his first expedition to Africa, 
and the later disastrous adventure. Not even the story of 
D. Lianor de Sousa (canto 6) nor the excessively detailed descrip- 
tion of the battle of Alcacer Kebir (canto 17) rouses the poet 
from his implacable dullness. The defects of his style have 

' e.g. D. Alvaro de Castro e D. Francisco De Meneses, or hum grave Prudente 
capitam. 

' e. g. valor, esforgo e valentia ; mar sereno e calmo ; abundosa e larga vea ; 
a dura defensa rigurosa ; afoutando e batendo. The line often consists of three 
adjectives and a noun. 

^ Between Corte Real's cruel molesto duro mortal frio and Dante's eterna 
maladetta fredda e greve (Inf. vi) is all the difference between a heap of loose 
stones and a shrine. The conception of the Auto, especially the thiird novis- 
simo, que he Inferno, was no doubt derived from Dante. 

' These are the first words of the original title of the poem (15/8). 



LUIS DE CAMOES 189 

perhaps been exaggerated, but it is certainly inferior to that of 
Andrade, with whom he shares the inability to distinguish 
a poem from a history. The introduction of contemporary 
events in India (cantos 6, 10, 14), however legitimate in a history, 
is singularly out of place in an epic. 

If the author of the history of King Joao Ill's reign, Fran- 
cisco DE Andrade (c. 1535-1614), brother of the great Frei 
Thom6 de Jesus, regarded his epic Primeiro Cerco . . . de Diu 
(1589) merely as a supplementary chapter of that history, we 
can only regret that he did not write it in prose. It is a straight- 
forward account, in excellent Portuguese, of the first siege of 
Diu (1538), but oitava follows prosaic oitavd with a relentless 
wooden tread, maintaining the same level of mediocrity through- 
out and rendering it unreadable as poetry. The author begins 
by imploring divine favour that his song may be adequate to 
his subject (i. 1-3). It is only when he has passed his two- 
thousandth stanza that he expresses some diffidence as to 
whether his ' fragile bark ' was well equipped for so long a 
voyage, but he consoles himself, if not his reader, with the 
sincere conviction that his rude verse cannot detract from the 
greatness of the deeds which he describes (xx. 1-6). 



§5 
The Historians 

It was a proud saying of a Portuguese seiscentista that the 
Portuguese discoveries silenced all other histories.^ Certainly this 
was so in the case of the history of Portugal, which was neglected 
while writer after writer recorded the history of the Portuguese in 
India. Nor need we quarrel with a vogue which has preserved 
for us so many striking pictures in which East and West clash 
without meeting, new countries are continually opening to our 
view, and heroism and adventure go hand in hand. Sometimes 
the pages of these historians seem all aglow with precious stones, 
emeralds from Peru, turquoises from Persia, rubies, cat's-eyes, 
chrysolites, amethysts, beryls, and sapphires from Ceylon, or 
scented with the opium of Cairo, the saffron of Cannanore, the 
camphorr of Borneo-, sandalwood from Timor, pepper from Mala- 
bar, cloves from the Moluccas. Blood and sea-spray mingle 
with the silks from China and ivory from Sofala, and among the 
crowd of rapacious governors and unscrupulous adventurers 
move a few figures of a simple austerity and devotion to duty, 
Albuquerque, Galvao, Castro, St. Francis Xavier. 

Little is known of Alvaro Velho except that he was one of 
the immortals (unless he was the degredado (convict) from whose 
caderno Couto derived his account of the discovery) who accom- 
panied Vasco da Gama on his first voyage. To him is attributed 
the simple, clear narrative contained in the log or Roteiro da 
Viagem de Vasco da Gama em I4gy, filled with a primitive wonder, 
which pointed the way to the historians of India. Indeed, it pro- 
vided material for the first book of a writer who may perhaps be 
called the first ^ historian of the discoveries ' enterprised by the 

» Antonio Vieira, Historia do Futuro (171 8), p. 24: esia historia era 
sihnci'o de todas as histonas. 

" O primeiro Poriugues que na nossa Hngoa as [fafanhas] resuscitei. Joao 
de Barros, in his preface, makes a similar claim : foi primeiro. 



THE HISTORIANS 191 

Poirtingales '. Fernam Lopez de Castanheda {c. 1500-59) 
was born at Santarem, and in 1528 accompanied his father, 
appointed Judge at Goa, to India. For the next ten years he 
diligently and not without many risks and discomforts consulted 
documents and inscriptions in various parts of the country with 
a view to writing a history of the discovery and conquest of India, 
making himself personally acquainted with the ground and with 
many of those who had played a part in the half -century (1498- 
1548) under review. After his return to Portugal he continued 
his life-work with the same devotion for twenty years, during 
which poverty constrained him to accept the post of bedel at 
Coimbra University. When he died, worn out by his continuas 
vigilias, his history was complete, but only seven books had 
been published : Historia do Descobrimento e Conqvista da India 
(1551-4). He had at least the satisfaction to know that a part 
had already been translated into French and Italian. The eighth 
book, bringing the history down to 1538, was pubhshed by his 
children in 1561, but books nine and ten never appeared. This 
history of forty years, which has less regard to style than to sin- 
cerity and the truth of the facts, is written in great detail. It is 
a scrupulous and trustworthy record of high interest describing 
not only the deeds of the Portuguese, ' of much greater price than 
gold or silver ', ' more valiant than those of Greek or Roman ', 
but the many lands in which they occurred. The narrative can 
rise to great pathos, as in the account of Afonso de Albuquerque's 
death (iii. 154), and is often extremely vivid. ^ The interest 
necessarily diminishes after 1515, and the seventh book is largely 
concerned with dismal contentions between Portuguese officials. 
But the great events and persons, the capture of Goa or Diu, 
the characters of Gama or Albuquerque, Duarte Pacheco Pereira 
or Antonio Galvao, stand out the more clearly from the deliberate 
absence of rhetoric. 

LouRENgo DE Caceres, in his Doutrina addressed to the 
Infante Luis in twenty short chapters on the parts of a good 
prince, showed that he could write excellent prose. His death in 
153 1 prevented him from undertaking a more ambitious work, 

• Cf. vi. 37, 38 ; vii. 77, 78 ; or vi. 100, where the ships bristling with the 
enemy's arrows are likened to porcupines. 



192 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

which was accordingly entrusted to his nephew JoAo de Barros 
(1496 ?-i57o).^ But much earlier and a generation before Lopez 
de Castanheda's work began to appear, the most famous of the 
Portuguese historians had resolved to chronicle the discovery 
of India. Born probably at Viseu, the son of Lopo de Barros, he 
came of ancient Minhoto stock and was brought up in the palace 
of King Manuel. When the Infante Joao received a separate 
establishment Barros became his page {mogo da guardaroupa). 
It was in this capacity, por cima das areas da vossa guardaroupa, 
that with the active encouragement of the prince he wrote his 
first work, Cronica do Emperador Clarimundo (1520). It is a 
long romance of chivalry crowded with actors and events, 
and contains affecting, even passionate episodes. But the most 
remarkable feature of this work, written in eight months when 
the author was little over twenty, is its inexhaustible flow of clear, 
smooth, vigorous prose, entirely free from awkwardness or hesita- 
tion. One may also note that he regarded it merely as a parergon, 
a preparation for his history, afim de apurar estilo, that despite 
its length he assures his readers that he omits all details in order 
to avoid prolixity, that much of its geography is real — all his 
works prove the truth of Couto's assertion that he was doutissimo 
na geografia — and that each chapter ends with a brief moral. 
King Manuel, to whom he read some chapters, encouraged 
him to persevere in his intention to write the history of India, 
but the king's death in 1521 delayed the project. In the 
following year Barros, who meanwhile had married Maria, 
daughter of Diogo de Almeida of Leiria, is said to have gone 
out as Captain of the Fortress of S. Jorge da Mina (although 
probably he never left Portugal) and later became Treasurer 
of the Casa da India (1525-8), and its Factor in 1532, a post 
which he retained for thirty-five years. Although he lost a 
large sum of money in an unfortunate venture in Brazil, this 
was partly made good by the king's munificence, and when in 
1568, the year after his resignation, he retired to his quinta near 
Pombal sihi ut viveret he went as a.fidalgo of the king's household 

' 1496, the generally accepted year of his birth, is the calculation of Severim 
de Faria, followed by Barbosa Machado, Nicolds Antonio, &c. As he retired 
at the end of 1567 it is difficult not to suspect (from his love of method and 
the decimal system) that he was born in 1497 — the year of Vasco da Gama's 
expedition. 



THE HISTORIANS 193 

and with a pension over twenty-five times as large as that of 
Camoes.^ In old age he is described as of a fine presence, although 
thin and not tall, with pale complexion, keen eyes, aquiline nose, 
long white beard, grave, pleasant, and fluent in conversation. 
Before beginning his history he wrote several brief treatises of 
great interest and importance, Ropica Pnefma (1532), a dialogue 
written at his country house in 1531 in which Time, Under- 
standing, Will, and Reason discuss their spiritual wares [merca- 
doria espiritual), and incidentally the new heresies ; three short 
works on the Portuguese language, a Dialogo da Vigiosa Vergonha 
(1540), and a Dialogo sohre preceptos moraes (1540) in which he 
reduced Aristotle's Ethics to a game for the benefit o^two of his 
ten children and of the Infanta Maria. He also wrote two excel- 
lent Panegyricos (of the Infanta Maria and King Joao III) which 
were first published by Severim de Faria in his Noticias de Portugal 
in 1655. As a historian he chose Livy for his pattern both in 
style and system. The first Decada of his Asia appeared in 1552, 
the second in 1553, and the third ten years later (1563). Their 
success was immediate, especially abroad — in Portugal, like 
other historians of recent events, he was accused of partiality 
and unfairness ^ — copies soon became extremely rare, the first two 
Decads were translated into Italian before the third appeared, 
and Pope Pius IV is said to have placed Barros' portrait (or bust) 
next to the statue of Ptolemy.* Barros had prepared himself 
very thoroughly for his task. His work as Factor seems to have 
been exacting — he says that it was only by giving up holidays 
and half the night and all the time spent by other men in sleeping 
the sesta, or walking about the city, or going into the country, 
playing, shooting, fishing, dining, that he was able to attend to 
his literary labours. Yet he read everything, pored over maps 
and chronicles and documents from the East, and even bought 

• 400,000 rHs. He also obtained the privilege of trading with India free 
from all taxes so as to clear a profit of 1,600,000 rMs. Innocencio da Silva 
adds ' yearly ' to this sum, mentioned by Severim de Faria. In any case 
Barros' complaints of his poverty seem misplaced. 

' Faria e Sousa {Varias Rimas, pt. 2 (1689), p. 165), says that neither 
Lopez de Castanheda nor Barros was widely read, one of the reasons being 
the length of their histories. 

' According to Pero de Magalhaes de Gandavo {Dialogo em defensam dtf 
lingua portvgvesa) Barros 'is in Venice preferred to Ptolemy ', 

2362 N 



194 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

a Chinese slave to translate for him. With this enthusiasm, his 
unfailing sense of order and proportion, and his clear and copious 
style he necessarily produced a work of permanent value. His 
manner is lofty, even pompous, worthy of the great events 
described. If his history is less vivid and interesting than Casta- 
nheda's, that is because he wrote not as an eyewitness ^ or actor 
in them but as Court historian. He was a true Augustan, and the 
great edifice that this Portuguese Livy planned and partly built 
was of eighteenth-century architecture. He was fond of com- 
paring his work to a building in which each stone has its appointed 
place. The material to his hand must be moulded to suit the 
symmetry of the whole — Albuquerque had never in his life used 
so many relative sentences as are attributed to him by Barros 
(ii. V. 9) — and with a pedantic love of definitions and systematic 
subdivisions we find him measuring out the proportions of 
his stately structure, while picturesque details are deliberately 
omitted.^ The merits of his style have been exaggerated. It is 
never confused or slovenly, but is for use rather than beauty ; 
its ingredients are pure and energetic but the construction is in- 
artistic and monotonous.^ It is rather in the forcible, crisp 
sentences of his shorter treatises than in the Asia that Barros 
displays his mastery of style. His great narrative of epic deeds 
is interrupted by interesting special chapters or digressions on 
trade, geography. Eastern cities and customs, locusts, chess, the 
Mohammedan religion, sword-fish, palm-trees, and monsoons. It 
was planned in four Decadas and forty books, to embrace 120 
years to 1539, but the fourth was not written and the third 

' His account of the fleet leaving Lisbon (i. v. i) is that of an eyewitness. 

' Mais trabalhamos no substancial da historia que no ampliar as miudezas 
que enfadam e nao deleitam(i. vii. 8). Cf. i. v. 10(1778 ed., p. 465) ; iii. ix. 9 
(p. 426); III. X. 5 (p. 489). Yet the vivid light thrown by the details recorded 
in other writers, such as the ' bushel of sapphires' sent to Albuquerque by 
one of the native kings, or the open boat drifting with a few Portuguese 
long dead and a heap of silver beside them, is of undeniable value. Goes 
inserts details, but is too late a writer to do so without apology, like CorrSa 
and Lopez de Castanheda : pode parecer a algua pessoa [e. g. his friend Barros] 
que em historia grave nam eram necessarias estas miudezas (Cron. do Pr. D. Joam, 
cap. cii). 

' e.g. the following mortar of conjunctions between the stones on p. 335 of 
Decada 11 (1777 ed.) opened at hazard : nas quaes . . . que . . . que . . . qual . . . 
que . . . como . . . que . . . que . . . o qual . . . cujos . . . que . . . que . . . que . . . 
posto que . . . como . . . porque . . . que. 



THE HISTORIANS 195 

ends with the death of D. Henrique de Meneses (1526). Probably 
he did not find the dispute as to the Governorship of India 
a very congenial subject, especially as the feud was resumed in 
Portugal Material and notes were however ready, and these 
were worked up into a lengthy fourth Decada by Joao Baptista 
Lavanha (ti625) in 1615, which covers the same ground as, but is 
quite distinct from, the fourth Decad of Couto. The Asia was 
only a block of a vaster whole. Europa, Africa, and Santa Cruz 
were to treat respectively of Portugal from the Roman Conquest 
and Portuguese history in North Africa and Brazil, while Geo- 
graphy and Commerce were to be the subjects of separate works, 
the first of which (in Latin) was partly written. 

Inseparably connected with the name of Barros is that of 
DioGO DO Couto (1542-1616), who continued his Asia, writing 
Decadas 4-12. He was born at Lisbon, and at the age of ten 
entered the service (guardaroupa) of the Infante Luis, who sent 
him to study at the College of the Jesuits and then with his son, 
D. Antonio, under Frei Bartholomeu dos Martyres, afterwards 
Archbishop of Braga, at S. Domingos, Bemfica. When thirteen 
he was present at the death of his talented patron Prince Luis, 
and remained in the palace as page to the king till the king's 
death two years later.^ Couto then went to seek his fortune in 
India, andthere as soldier, trader, official (in 1571 hewas in charge 
of the stores at Goa),^ and historian he spent the best part of the 
following half -century, his last visit to Portugal being in 1569-71. 
At the bidding of Philip II (I of Portugal), who appointed him 
Cronista Mor of India, he undertook the completion of Barros' 
Asia. Probably he needed little inducement — his was the pen of 
a ready writer, and the composition of his history was, he tells 
us, a pleasure to him in spite of frequent discouragement. He 
had received a classical education ; as a boy in the palace he had 
listened to stories of India ' and had been no doubt deeply im- 

■ E sendo eu mogo servindo a El Rey D. Joao na guardaroupa (Dec. iv. iii. 8). 
In Dec. VII. viii. i he speaks of having served Joao III for two years as mo^o 
da camara (1555-7). Ii* ^^^ same passage he embarks for India in 1559 aged 
fifteen. In Dec. vii. ix. 12 (1783 ed. p. 396) he is eighteen (April 1560). 

* According to the Governor, Francisco Barreto, he was more at home 
with arms than with prices (Dec. ix. 20, 17S6 ed., p. 160). Another passage 
in the Decadas proves him to have been an excellent horseman. 

» Cf. Dec. IV. iii. 8 (1778 ed. p. 234). 

N2 



196 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

pressed by the vivid account of the Sepulveda shipwreck.^ In 
India he won general respect. At Goa he married the sister of 
Frei Adeodato da Trindade (i-565-i6o5), who in Lisbon saw some 
of his Decadas through the press ; he became Keeper of the Indian 
Archives (Torre do Tombo) and more than once made a speech on 
behalf of the City Councillors, as at the inauguration of the por- 
trait of Vasco da Gama in the Town Hall in the centenary year 
of the discovery of India, before Gama's grandson, then Viceroy, 
and a gathering of noblemen and captains. Couto knew every 
one — we find him conversing with Viceroy, Archbishop, natives, 
Moorish prisoners, rich merchants from Cambay or the Am- 
bassador of the Grand Mogul. This personal acquaintance with 
the scenes, events, and persons gives a lively dramatic air to 
his work. The sententious generalities of the majestic Barros 
are replaced by bitter protests and practical suggestions. He is 
a critic of abuses rather than of persons.^ He writes from the 
point of view of the common soldier, as one who had seen both 
sides of the tapestry of which Barros smoothly ignored the 
snarls and thread- ends. He displays a hatred of semjustigas, 
treachery, and ' the insatiable greed of men ', with a fine zest in 
descriptions of battles, but he has not Barros' skill in proportion 
and the grand style.^ He can, however, write excellent prose, 
and he gives more of graphic detail * and individual sayings and 
anecdotes than his predecessor. Nor is he by any means an 

• He himself describes with great detail and pathos the wrecks of the ships 
N. Senhora da Barca (vii. viii. i), Garfa (vii. viii. 12), S. Paulo (vii. ix. 16), 
Santiago (x. vii. i), as well as that of Sepulveda {Dec. vi. ix. 21, 22). In his 
account of the loss of the S. Thomi (which was printed in the Historia Tragico- 
Maritima, in the Vida de D. Paulo de Lima, and no doubt in the lost eleventh 
Decada), the separation of D. Joana de Mendoga from her child is one of the 
most tantalizing and touching incidents ever penned. 

^ NSo particularizo ninguem [Dec. xii. i. 7). 

^ What he lacks in gravidade (cf. Deo. x. x. 14) — he is quite ready to admit 
that he writes toscamente (vii. iii. 3), singelamente, sem ornamento de palavras 
(vi. ii. 3), simplesmente, sem ornamento nem ariiflcio de palavras (v. v. 6) — he 
makes good by directness as an eyewitness, de mais perio (iv. i. 7 ; cf. iv. x. 
4 ad init.). When he had not himself been present he preferred the accounts of 
those who had, as Sousa Coutinho's description of the siege of Diu (Com- 
mentarios) em estilo excellente e grave, e foi melhor de todos, porque escreveo 
como testemunha de vista, v. iii. 2) or Miguel de Castanhoso's copioso tratado 
(v. viii. 7). Among the traces of his close touch with reality are the popular 
romances, cantigas, adagios, which Barros would have deemed beneath the 
dignity of history. 

• As the fleets grew, long catalogues of the captains' names were perhaps 



THE HISTORIANS 197 

ignorant chronicler. A poet^ and the friend of poets, he read 
Dante and Petrarca and Ariosto, was old-fashioned enough to 
admire Juan de Mena, consulted the works of ancient and modern 
historians, travellers, and geographers, and was deeply interested 
in the customs and religions of the East. The inequality of his 
Decadas is in part explained by their history, which constitutes 
a curious chapter in the fata of manuscripts. He first wrote 
Decada x, which is the longest and most resembles those of 
Barros : this was only sent to Portugal in 1600 and was not 
immediately published, apparently because the period, 1580-8, 
was too recent. It remained in manuscript till 1788. Meanwhile 
Couto, working with extraordinary speed, sent home the fourth 
and fifth Decadas in 1597, the sixth in 1599, and the seventh in 
1601. Noting the fact that the last two books (9 and 10) of 
Castanheda's history had been suppressed by royal order as being 
excessively fond of truth {porque fallava nelles verdades), he 
remarks that, should this happen to a volume of his, another 
would be forthcoming to take its place. Friends and enemies, 
indeed the very elements, took up the challenge, but fortunately 
Couto's spirit and independence continued to the year of his death. 
The fourth Decada was at once printed, but the text of the fifth 
was tampered with and its publication delayed, the sixth was 
destroyed by fire when ready for publication and recast by Frei 
Adeodato, the seventh was captured at sea by the English and 
re-written in 1603 by Couto and sent home in the same year, the 
eighth and ninth, finished in 1614, were stolen from him in manu- 
script during a severe illness. This was a crushing blow, but he 
partially reconstructed them a modo de epilogo and, writing in old 
age from memory, dwelt, to our gain, on personal recollections : 
his literary bent appears — his friend Camoes, Cristovam Falcao, 

inevitable. Tliey are certainly out of place in a biography, but Couto's 
Vida de D. Paulo de Lima Pereira (1765) is really a collection of those passages 
from the Decadas which bear on the life of Couto's old friend, a fidalgo muito 
pera tudo. As far as chapter 32 it is told in words similar to or identical with 
those of Decada x. Chapter 32 corresponds with the beginning of the lost 
Decada xi. 

' His biographer, Manuel Severim de Faria, says that he left (in manu- 
script) ' a large volume of elegies, eclogues, songs, sonnets and glosses ' 
(Barbosa Machado calls them Poesias V arias), and that he wrote a commentary 
on the first five books of the Lusiads. Carminibus guoque pangendis non 
infeliciter vacavit, says N. Antonio. 



igS THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

and Garcia de Resende are mentioned. Finally Decada 
xi (1588-97), which, writing to King Philip HI in January 
1616, he says ' survived this shipwreck ', has disappeared and 
Decada xii is incomplete, although the first five, books bring the 
history to the end of the century (1599). His successor in the 
Goa Archives, Antonio Bocarro, took up the history at the year 
1612, in a work which was published in 1876 : Decada 13" da 
Historia da India. The manuscript of his Dialogo do Soldado Pratico 
na India (written before the fourth Decada) was also stolen. 
The indomitable Couto re-wrote it and both versions have sur- 
vived. They were not published till 1790, the title given to the 
earlier version being Dialogo do soldado pratico portugues. With its 
verdades chans, this dialogue between an old soldier of India, an 
ex-Governor, and a judge forms a most valuable and interesting 
indictment of the decadence of Portuguese rule in India, where 
the thief and rogue escaped scot-free, while the occasional honest 
man was liable to suffer for their sins, and the sleek soldier in 
velvet with gold ribbons on his hat had taken the place of the 
bearded conquistadores {Dialogo, pp. 91-2). 

Gaspar Correa [c. 1495-C. 1565) claims, like Fernam Lopez de 
Castanheda and Barros, to have been the first historian of the 
Portuguese in the East.^ He went to India sixteen years before 
Lopez de Castanheda and no doubt soon began ^ to take notes 
and collect material, but he was still working at his history in 
1561 and 1563, and his Lendas da India were not published till 
the nineteenth century, In the year 1506 Correa entered the 
king's service as mogo da camara,^ and six years later went to 
India, where he became one of the six or seven secretaries of 
Afonso de Albuquerque.* They were young men carefully 
chosen by the Governor from among those who had been brought 

' Lendas, iii. 7 : nom ouve alguem que tomasse por gloria escrever e cronizar 
descobrimento da India. In an earlier passage (i. 3) he refers to narratives 
of travellers such as that of Duarte Barbosa. 

^ He says (Lendas, ii. 5) ; quando comecei esta ocupafSo de escrever as cousas 
da India erao ellas tdo gostosas, per suas bondades, que dava muito contentamento 
ouvilas recontar. 

" Lenda, iii. 438. 

* Fui hum dos seus escrivdes que com elle andei tres annos (ii. 46). Elsewhere 
(i. 2) he says that he went to India mofo de pouca idade sixteen years after 
the discovery of India. 1512 was fourteen years after the actual discovery 
(1498), but might be counted the sixteenth year from 1497. 



THE HISTORIANS 19^ 

up in the palace and to whom he felt he could entrust his secrets.^ 
Theirs was no humdrum or sedentary post, for they had to 
accompany the Governor on foot or on horseback, in peace and 
war, ever ready with ink and paper. Thus Correa had occasion 
vividly to describe Aden in 1513, and helped with his own hands 
to build the fortress of Ormuz in 1515. After Albuquerque's 
death Correa seems to have continued to fight and write. In 
1536 he was appointed to the factory of Sofala,^ and in the 
following year the mogo da camara has become a cavaleiro and is 
employed at the customs house at Cochin.* He cannot have 
remained much longer at Cochin than at Sofala, since he signed 
his name in the book of moradias at Lisbon in 1529, and in 1530-1, 
in a ship provided by himself {em um men catur), went with the 
Governor of India's fleet to the attack of Diu. Later he was 
commissioned by the Viceroy, D. Joao de Castro, to furnish 
lifesize drawings * of all the Governors of India, so that he must 
then have been living at Goa. The ever-growing abuses in India 
and the scanty reward given to his fifty years of service and 
honourable wounds ^ embittered his last years, and if his spoken 
comments were as incisive as the indictment of the Governors 
and Captains contained in the Lendas^ he must have made 
enemies in high positions : it seems, at least, that his murder 
one night at Malacca went unpunished, as if to prove the truth 
of his frequent complaint that no one ever was punished in 
India. At the time of his death he may still have been at 
work, as in 1561 and 1563, on the revision of his Lendas or 
Coronica dos Feytos da India,'' originally completed in 1551.® 

^ Homens da criafSo d'El Rei, says Correa with some pride, de que cunfiasse 
sens segredos (ii. 46). 

' Lima Felner, Noticia preliminar (Lendas, i, p. xi). 

' Ibid. ; but Correa says (Lendas, ii. 891) that he held this post at Cochin 
(aJmoxarife do almazem da Ribeira) in 1525. 

* Por ter entendimento em debuxar. The portrziits, drawn by Correa and 
painted by ' a native painter ' so cleverly that you could recognize the 
originals (iv. 597), as well as Coirrea's very curious drawings of Aden and other 
cities, are reproduced in the 1858-66 edition of the Lendas. 

' Passa de cincoenta annos [i.e. 1512-63] que ando no rodizio d'este seivifo, 
aleijado de feridas com que irei d cava sem satisfafao. 

« Cf. ii. 608, 752 ; ill. 437 ; iv. 338, 537-8, 567-8, 665, 669, 730-1. 

' He so styles his work in the preface of Lenda iv. 

" He is writing, he says, in 1561 (Lendas, i. 265) ; 1561 again (i. 995 : nao 
cessando este trabalho aU este anno) ; 1563 (iii. 438) ; i55o{iv.25); 1551 (iv.732). 



200 ^ THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

The first three books relate the events from 1497 to 1538 ; the 
last carries the history down to 1550. The account of the 
discovery is based on the narrative of one, and the recollec- 
tions of others, of Vasco da Gama's companions, and the subse- 
quent events are drawn largely from Correa's own experience. 
He spared no trouble to obtain first-hand information, from aged 
officials, Moors, natives, captives, a Christian galley-slave, or 
a woman from Malabar, distrusting mere hearsay. He lays 
frequent stress on his personal evidence.^ Without necessarily 
establishing the trustworthiness of his work on every point, this 
method had the advantage of rendering it singularly vivid, and it 
contains many a brilliantly coloured picture of the East. In 
many respects he is the most remarkable of the historians of 
India. It was not for nothing that he had written down some 
of Albuquerque's letters to King Manuel.^ If Albuquerque's 
words are still striking when read after four centuries, we may 
imagine their effect on the boy still in his teens to whom 
he dictated them. Tinha grande oratoria, says Correa, and 
many years afterwards some of the phrases remained in his 
memory.^ He no doubt learnt from Albuquerque his direct, 
vigorous style, his love of concrete details, his regard for 
truth. His account of the sack of Malacca — the rifled chests 
of gold coins and brocades of Mecca and cloth of gold, the 
narrow dusty streets in shadow in the midday calma — must, 
one thinks, be that of an eyewitness ; yet Correa was not in 
India at the time. The explanation is that it was largely the 
account of Albuquerque.* 

Correa writes in even greater detail than Lopez de Castanheda. 
There is no trace of literary leanings in his work; he is sparing 
of descriptions as interrupting the story. ^ Whole pages have 
scarcely an adjective, and this gives his narrative clearness and 

' The value of that evidence varies. For instance, lie assures us (iii. 689) 
that he saw with his own eyes a native 300 years old and his son of 200 ; yet 
there is something suspicious in the roundness of the figures. 

" Escrevia com elle as cartas per a El Rei (ii. 172). 

' Albuquerque in one of his letters (No. 95) says that in Portugal a man is 
hanged for steahng Alentejan manias. Corrga repeats this phrase twice 
(Lendas, ii. 752 ; i\. 731). 

' Cf. ii. 247 : Eu ouvi dizer a Afonso d' Albuquerque. 

^ Neste meu trabalho nao tomei sentido senao escrever os feitos dos Porluguesei 
e nada das terras (iii. 66). Cf. i. 651, 815 ; ii. 222. 



THE HISTORIANS 2oi 

rapidity, yet he is careless of style. It has been called redundant 
and verbose, but that is true mainly of the prefaces, which show 
that Correa in a library might have developed into a rhetorical 
Zurara of boas oratorjas. It is, however, no longer the fashion to 
sneer at this ' simple and half barbarous chronicler ', this ' soldier 
adventurer in whose artless words appears his lack of culture'.^ 
His Lendas are infinitely preferable to the sleek periods of 
Barros and often as reliable, being legendary in little beyond 
their title, as understood by the ignorant (for the word lenda 
meant not legend but record or log). They have a harsh flavour 
of religious fervour and of lust for gold ^ and an intense atmo- 
sphere of the East — sangre e incenso, cravo e escravaria, St. 
James fighting for the Christians, St. Thomas transformed into 
a peacock, all in a region of horror and enchantment. Correa 
was aware that it was dangerous to write history in India 
(iii. 9) — periculosae plenum opus aleae — but although he had 
no intention of immediately publishing it ^ he evidently expected 
some recognition of his work. The appearance of Lopez de 
Castanheda's Historia and Barros' Decadas must have been a 
blow almost as cruel as the daggers of his assassins a few years 
later. 

The events of India from 1506-15, chronicled by Castanheda 
and Barros,- necessarily centred round the great figure of Afonso 
de Albuquerque, and they were recorded afresh by his illegitimate 
son Bras de Albuquerque (1500-80), whom the dying Gover- 
nor recommended to the king in his last letter. King Manuel 
in belated gratitude bestowed his favour on this son and bade 
him assume the name of Afonso in memory of his father. His 
Commentarios de Afonso de Alboquerque (1557) were revised by 
the author in a second edition (1576) four years before his death. 
They are written in unassuming but straightforward style and 
furnish a very clear and moderate account based on letters 

' Latino Coelho, Fernao de Magcdhdes in Archivo Pittoresco, vi (1863), p. 170 
et seq. 

^ Corrda himself seems to have been rather unsuccessful than scrupulous 
in amassing money. He tells without a hint of embarrassment (ii. 432) how 
he took the white and gold scarf (rumal) of the murdered Resnordim (or 
Rais Ahmad) and sold it for 20 xarafins (about ly), and (iii. 281) helped to dis- 
pose of stolen goods in 1528 at Cochin. 

" Protestando d'em meus dias esta lenda nom mostrar a nenhum (i. 3). 



202 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

written by Albuquerque to King Manuel.^ The author seems 
to have realized that Albuquerque's words and deeds speak 
sufficiently for themselves, but the reflection produced is some- 
what pale. 

The gallant and chivalrous apostle of the Moluccas, Antonio 
Galvam {c. i490?-i557), 'as rich in valour and knowledge as 
poor in fortune ',^ printed nothing in his lifetime but his manu- 
scripts were handed over after his death to Damiao de Goes as 
Cronista Mor.^ We have only a brief treatise by him published 
posthumously. Copious in matter rather than in length, for it has 
but eighty small folios in spite of its lengthy title, this Tratado 
(1563), or, if we adopt the briefer title from the colophon, this 
Lyvro dos Descobrimentos das Antilhas & India, is remarkable for 
the curious observation shown and its vivid, concise style of a man 
of action. Written in the form of annals, it begins with the 
Flood, and on f . 12 we are still in the age of Merlin ; but the most 
valuable part consists in the writer's direct experience— he tells 
of buffaloes, cows and hens ' of flesh black as this ink ', of mock- 
ing parrots, fires made of earth ' as in Flanders ', Goes, who had 
certainly handled the manuscript, may have added this com- 
parison ; he evidently interpolated the account of his own travels 
(ff. 58V.-59V.). The life of Galvam gives a further interest to this 
rare book, for, a man of noble and disinterested character, himself 
a prince by election, he has always been regarded as a stock 
instance of the ingratitude of princes. Born in the East, the son 
of Albuquerque's old friend, the historian Duarte Galvam, he won 
fame by his courage and martial qualities, both as soldier and 
skilful mariner. After subduing the Molucca Islands he, as their 
Governor (Captain), spent his energies and income in missionary 
zeal and in developing agriculture. On the expiry of his term 
as Governor (1536-40) he refused the position of Raja of Ternate, 

' Que colligi dos proprios originaes. The work is a history of events in India, 
not a biography of Albuquerque, the first forty years of whose life are repre- 
sented only by half a dozen sentences (1774 ed., iv. 255). 

' A quelle too pouco venturoso como sciente &■ valeroso Antonio Galvao (Joao 
Pinto Ribeyro, Preferencia das Letras as Armas, 1645). In his youth in 
India he won the regard of that keen judge of men, Afonso de Albuquerque, 
who could see in him nothing to find fault with except his excessive generosity. 

' Tratado. Prologo [3 ff.]. Em este tractado con noue ou dez liuros das 
cousas de Maluco &■ da India que me Cardeal mandou dar a Damiam de Goes. 



THE HISTORIANS 203 

which the gratetul natives besought him to accept. He arrived 
penniless in Portugal and penniless died seventeen years later in 
the Lisbon hospital. 

Besides the general histories many briefer records of separate 
regions or events were written, and these are often of great value 
as the accounts of men who had seen and taken part in what they 
describe. 

Lopo DE SousA CouTiNHO (.?i5i5-77), father of Frei Luis de 
Sousa and one of the captains in the heroic siege of Diu (1538) — 
he is said to have died by accidentally running himself through 
with his sword when dismounting from his horse — wrote a strik- 
ing account of the siege, especially of its last incidents, in his 
Livro Primeiro do Cerco de Diu (1556). The siege of Mazagam 
(1562) was similarly described in clear, vigorous prose by Agos- 
TiNHO Gavy de MENDONgA ". HistoHa do famoso cerco qve 
Xarife pos a fortaleza de Mazagam (1607). Jorge de Lemos, of 
Goa, wrote a careful Historia dos Cercos . . . de Malaca (1585), 
and Antonio Castilho, the distinguished son of the celebrated 
architect Joao, published a Commentario do Cerco de Goa e Chaul 
no anno MDLXX (1572). Events in the Moluccas were briefly 
recorded in an Informagam das cousas de Maluco (1569) by 
Gabriel de Rabello, who went out as factor of Tidore in 1566. 

The anonymous gentleman of Elvas who wrote the Relagam 
verdadeira (1557) of Soto's discovery of Florida was akeen observer 
and related what he saw in direct language. His publisher, 
Andre de Burgos, in a short preface washes his hands of the style 
as insufficiently polished [limado). 

The deeds of D. Cristovam da Gam a, his conquest of a hundred 
leagues of territory in Ethiopia, his defeat, torture, and beheadal, 
are recounted with the vivid details of an eyewitness by Miguel 
de Castanhoso, of Santarem, who accompanied him on his 
fatal expedition. This Historia (1564) was published by Joao da 
Barreira, who dedicated it to D. Cristovam's nephew, D. Francisco 
de Portugal. 

Manuel de Abreu Mousinho wrote in Spanish a brief account 
of the conquest of Pegu by Salvador Ribeiro de Sousa, of which 
a Portuguese version appeared in the 1711 edition of Mendez 
Pinto's travels : Breve discurso em que se content a conquista do 



204 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

reyno de Pegu, nearly a century after the original edition, Breve 
Discvrso en qve se cventa, &c. (1617). The Jornada do Mara- 
nhao feita par Jeronymo de Albuquerque em 1614 is ascribed to 
DioGO DE Campos Moreno, who took part in that conquista. 
It was published in the Collecgao de Noticias para a Historia e 
Geographia das Nagoes Ultramarinas.^ The second volume of 
this collection contains several re-translations of Navegagoes 
(by Thome Lopez and anonymous Portuguese pilots) surviving 
in Italian in Ramusio. It would require a separate volume to 
give an account of all the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century 
narratives of newly conquered countries written in Portuguese 
and often immediately translated into many European languages, 
e. g. the Novo Descobrimento do Grao Cathayo (1626) by the Jesuit 
Antonio de Andrade {c. 1580-1634), or the Relagam of the 
Jesuit Alvaro Semmedo (1585 ?-i658) written in Portuguese but 
published in the Spanish translation of Faria e Sousa : Imperio 
de la China (1642). However unliterary, they are often so vividly 
written as to be literature in the best sense. 

Pedro de Magalhaes de Gandavo, of Braga, whose Regras 
(1574) ran into three editions before the end of the century, de- 
scribed Brazil and its discovery in two short works : Historia da 
prouincia Sacta Cruz (1576) and Tratado da terra do Brazil first 
published in 1826 in the Collecgao de Noticias. This collection 
also prints works of the following century, such as the Fatalidade 
historica da Ilha de Ceilao ^ by Captain Joao Ribeiro, who had 
served the king as a soldier for eighteen years in the preciosa 
ilha de Ceilao. His manuscript, written in 1685, was translated 
and published in French (1701) 135 years before it was printed in 
Portuguese. Gandavo's Historia (48 if.), his first work {premicias), 
was introduced by tercetos and a sonnet of Luis de Camoes, who 
speaks of his claro estilo, and engenho curioso. The author himself 
in a prefatory letter says that he writes as an eyewitness, content 
with a ' plain and easy style ' without seeking epithetos exquisites. 

The Jesuit Balthasar Tellez ^ (1595-1675) won considerable 
fame as an historian and prose-writer in his Cronica da Com- 

' Vol. i. No. 4. 2 Vol. V, No. I (1836). 

' The name would seem to have been really Tillison, i.e. son of John Tilly, 
who married a granddaughter of Moraes, the author of Palmeirim. 



THE HISTORIANS 205 

panhia de ie^ws (2 pts., 1645, 1647) in which he forswears what he 
calls the artifices and liberties of ordinary seiscentista prose. He 
also edited the work of the Jesuit missionary Manuel de Almeida 
(1580-1646), recasting it in an abbreviated form : Historia 
Geral da Ethiopia a Alta ov Presie loam (1660), for which Tellez' 
friend, Mello, provided a prefatory letter. Almeida, born at 
Viseu, had gone to India in 1601 and in 1622 was sent to Ethiopia, 
where he became the head of the mission. He died at Goa after 
a life of much hard work and various adventure. In writing his 
history of Ethiopia he made use of the Historia da Ethiopia of 
an earlier (1603-19) head of the mission, Pedro Paez (1564-1622), 
who had started for Ethiopia in 1595 but was captured by the 
Turks and only ransomed in 1602. Although a Spaniard by birth 
(born at Olmeda), Paez wrote in Portuguese. A third Jesuit 
missionary, Manuel Barradas, born in 1572 at Monforte, who 
went to India in 1612, was also a prisoner of the Turks for over 
a year at Aden. In 1624 he went to Ethiope, terre maldite, and 
remained there some ten years. Of his three treatises the 
most important is that entitled Do Reyno de TygrS e sens mandos 
em Ethiopia. The modern editor of these works, P. Camillo 
Beccari, considers that their authors' simple style caused their 
treatises to be regarded rather as the material of history than in 
themselves history,^ but their value for us is in this very sim- 
plicity and in the detailed observation which bring the country 
and its inhabitants clearly before us. Scarcely less important, as 
material for history and as human documents, are the Cartas 
from Jesuits in China and Japan, especially the collection of 
82 letters (Coimbra, 1570), and that of 206 letters (Evora, 
1598). The Jesuit Fernam Cardim at about the same time 
rendered a like service to Brazil in his Narrativa epistolar, 
edited in 1847 by F. A. de Varnhagen. A more important work 
on Brazil was that of Gabriel Soarez de Sousa {c. 1540-92) — 

■ He speaks of their lingua alquanto negletta e lo stile molto semplice, 
naturcUe e piano, la qual cosa deveva apparire un' anomalia a confronto delta 
lingua purgata con cui si scriveva allora in Portogallo (Contenuto della storia 
del Patriarca Alfonso Mendez, p. 115). This work was written in Latin in 
1651 by Afonso Mendez (i 579-1656), born at Moura, who became Patriarch 
of Ethiopia in 1623. This splendid edition (Rerum Aethiopicarum Scriptores) 
also contains three volumes of Relationes et Epistolae Variorum (Romae, 
1910-12). 



2o6 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

the Tratado descriptivo do Brasil em 1387, which its' modern 
editor, F. A. de Varnhagen, described in a moment of enthu- 
siasm as ' the most admirable of all the works of the Portu- 
guese quinhentistas '. Two other works of interest, half history, 
half travels, are the Jornada do Arcebispo de Goa Dom Frey 
Aleixo de Meneses (1606) by Antonio de Gouvea, Bishop of 
Cyrene {c. 1565-1628), in three parts, describing the archbishop's 
life and visits in his diocese ; and the Discvrso da lornada de 
D. Gongalo Covtinho a villa de Mazagam e sev governo nella (1629). 
The writer — the admirer of Camoes and alleged author of the 1614 
life of Sa de Miranda — who, as he says, had grown white in the 
council-chamber, lived on till 1634. He here relates with much 
directness his voyage and four years' Governorship (1623-7). 

The Saudades da Terra (1873) of Caspar Fructuoso (1522-91), 
who was born at S. Miguel in the Azores, was written in 1590 and 
waited three centuries in manuscript for an editor. Both its 
title and the ' preamble ', in which Truth says that she will write 
of nothing but sadness, are misleading, since the book is an 
account — in good, straightforward style after the manner of 
Castanheda and other historians— of the discovery and subse- 
quent conditions of various islands, especially of Madeira and the 
lives of its Governors. Antonio Cordeiro (1641-1722), Jesuit, 
of Angra, wrote at the age of seventy-six an uncritical but 
interesting work entitled Historia Insulana das Ilhas a Portugal 
sujeitas no Oceano Occidental (1717), based partly on Fructuoso's 
manuscript. 

It was only as it were by an afterthought that the historians 
turned to consider the history of Portugal as apart from separate 
chronicles of the kings or episodes of Eastern conquest. The 
historical scheme of Joao de Barros was too vast to be executed 
by one man and the European part was never written. Andr6 
de Resende likewise failed to carry out his project of a history 
of Portugal. Pedro de Mariz {c. 1550-1615), son of the Coimbra 
printer, Antonio, in the last four of his Dialogos de Varia Historia 
(1594) between a Portuguese and an Italian, embraces the whole 
history of Portugal, but these dialogues, although industriously 
written in good plain style, were eclipsed by the appearance 
three years later of the first part of the Monarchia Lusitana 



THE HISTORIANS 207 

(1597). Its author, a young Cistercian monk of Alcobaga, Frei 
Bernardo de Brito (1569-1617), in the world Balthasar de 
Brito de Andrade, at once became known as one of the best 
writers of "his time, and he is still reckoned among the masters 
of Portuguese prose. His style, clear, restrained, copious, proved 
that the mantle of Barros had fallen upon worthy shoulders. 
But, despite his rich vein of humanity, as a historian he is far 
inferior to Barros and even more uncritical than Mariz. The 
value of evidence seems to have weighed with him little when it 
was a question of exalting his language, literature, religion, or 
country, and he used and incorporated documents entirely 
worthless. Whether he deliberately manufactured spurious 
documents to serve his purposes cannot be known, but he seems 
at least to have quoted authorities which had never existed.^ 

In a word he failed to make good use of the incomparable 
material which the library of Alcobaga afforded. His was a mis- 
directed erudition, and we would willingly exchange the know- 
ledge of where Adam lies buried, or on what day the world began, 
or how Gorgoris, King of Lusitania, who died 1227 years after 
the Flood, invented honey, for accurate details of more recent 
Portuguese history. Yet he had the diligence and enthusiasm 
of the true historian and made use, sometimes a skilful use,^ of 
coins and inscriptions. His brief Geographia antiga da Lusytania 
also appeared in 1597, and in the same year the Cistercian Order 
appointed him its chronicler. Thus he interrupted his main 
work — the second part of the Monarchia Lusitana was only 
published in 1609 — in order to write the Primeira Parte da 
Cronica de Cister (1602).* This, in many ways his best work, 
runs to nearly a thousand pages, and treats of the saints of the 
Order and especially of the life of the charming St. Bernard, 

^ Nicolds Antonio dwells more than once on the invisibility of Brito's 
authorities (Bib. Vet. i. 65, 453; ii. 374): Nos de invisis hactenus censere 
abstinemus. Antonio Brandao, Brito's successor, he says, nullum horum 
vidit Ubrorum quos Brittus olim Mstoriae suae Atlantes iactaverat ; nihil 
autem horum Ubrorum (quod mirum si ibi asservabantur) vidit. Soares (Thea- 
trum) remarks epigrammatically : fama est eloquentiam minus desiderari quam 
fidem. 

2 From a comparison of inscriptions he notes the similarity between the 
Etruscan and ' our ancient" ' (Iberian ?) letters. The Iberians may have 
originally gone East from Tuscany. 

3 His Elogios dos Reis de Portugal appeared in 1603. 



2o8 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

with contemporary events in Portugal.^ It was to be followed 
by two other parts, but Brito's early death at his native Almeida 
on his way back to Alcobaga from Spain, a year after he had 
been appointed Cronista Mor (1616), left his work unfinished. 
He is remembered as a fine stylist, a poet who wrote history 
rather than as a great historian. Mariana, the Latin original of 
whose Historia de Espana (1592) he knew and quoted, is by com- 
parison almost a scientific writer — at least he is not, like Brito, 
pseudo-scientific. 

The two parts of the Monarchia Lusitana written by Brito 
ended with the beginning of the Portuguese monarchy. Parts 
3 and 4, by Frei Antonio Brandao (1584-1637), to whose 
sincerity and skill Herculano paid tribute, appeared in 1632 
and carried it down to the year 1279. Brandao had spent nearly 
ten years collecting and sifting documentary evidence for his 
work and is a far better historian than Brito, although in style 
lie is not his equal. His nephew Frei Francisco Brandao 
(1601-80), vir modestus, diligens et eruditus, succeeded Frei 
Antonio as Cronista Mor and wrote Parts 5 and 6 (1650), 
describing the reign of King Dinis. The style was less well 
maintained in Part 7 (1633) by Frei Raphael de Jesus (1614- 
93). Part 8 (1727), the last to be published, was added by Frei 
Manuel dos Santos (1672-1740) over a century after the publi- 
cation of the first Part, but only brought the history to the battle 
of Aljubarrota (1385). Santos' Part 7 as well as Parts g and 10 
remained in manuscript. His prose is worthy of a work which 
is a monument of the language, not of the history of Portugal. 
Perhaps the truest epitaph of this history as a whole — after 
allowance has been made for Brito's style and the excellent work 
of Antonio Brandao — is a severe sentence from the preface of 
the author of Part 7 : ' There are histories whose tomes are 
tombs.' 

It could hardly, perhaps, be expected that the historians of the 

reigns of King Manuel and King Joao III should pass over 

events in the East as already fully related, and in Damiao de 

' ff. 248 V.-249 V. give a very curious description of Ireland : tarn remota 
de nossa conversafSo e metida debaixo do Polo Arctico. Brito had not inherited 
Barros' knowledge of geography and confuses Ireland with Iceland, but is 
far richer in fables, as these pages delightfully prove. 



THE HISTORIANS 209 

Goes' Cronica do Felicissimo Rey Dom Emanvel and Francisco 

de Andrade's Cronica de Dom JoS,o III (1613), although they 

lose much by compression, they still occupy a disproportionate 

space. Andrade wrote most correct prose, even in his 

poems, and the style of his history is excellent, but neither 

of these works gives any adequate account of the internal history 

of Portugal, any more than does that of Frei Luis de Sousa on 

Joao Ill's reign, in which there should have been more scope for 

originality. The same prominence is given to India in the history 

of Jeronimo Osorio (1506-80), Bishop of Silves, De Rehvs 

Emmanvelis Regis Lvsitaniae (1571), written in Latin in order 

to spread the knowledge of these events per omnes reipublicae 

Christianae regiones.'^ Osorio, whose father, like Lopez de Casta- 

nheda's, had been a judge [ouvidor) in India, was born at Lisbon, 

but studied abroad, at Salamanca, Paris, and Bologna. After 

occupying the Chair of Scripture at Coimbra for a brief 

space, he went to Lisbon and became secretary to the Infante 

Luis. In 1560 he was made Archdeacon of Evora and four years 

later Bishop of Silves. (The see was removed to Faro three years 

before his death and his title is sometimes given as Bishop of 

Algarve.) A few remarkable letters in Portuguese, in one of which 

(1567) he attempted to convert Queen Elizabeth, show that he 

was skilled in the use of his native tongue ; his countrymen 

delighted to call him the Portuguese Cicero. According to 

Sousa de Macedo ' many people came from England, Germany 

and other parts with the sole object of seeing him '.^ In England 

certainly his book was highly prized, and both Dryden and Pope 

praised Gibbs' translation, although Francis Bacon noted the 

diffuseness of Osorio's style : luxurians et diluta, certainly not 

a just verdict on the style as a whole ; we have but to think of the 

concise sketches of Albuquerque {De Rebus, p. 380) and King 

Manuel (p. 478). Osorio acknowledged his ample debt to the 

chronicle of Goes, which he describes as written ' with incredible 

felicity '. Frei Bernardo da Cruz, who accompanied King 

Sebastian to Africa in 1578 as chaplain, in his Cronica de El Rei 

D. Sebastiao wrote the history of his life and reign and happily 

' To Spanish readers they were presented later by Faria e Sousa in his Asia. 
* Flores de Espafia (1631), f. 248. Arias Montano refers to him as a close 
friend (Doc. inid. t. xli. p. 386). 

2362 O 



210 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

describes him as ' a young king without experience or fear '. The 
Cronica do Car deal Rei D. Henrique (1840) completed the 
history of the house of Avis. It chronicles in fifty-four diminutive 
chapters the eighteen months' reign of the pouco mimoso e severo 
Cardinal King Henry, It was written in 1586,^ and, although 
anonymous, is ascribed with some probability to the Jesuit Padre 
Alvaro Lobo (1551-1608). 

The Jornada de Africa (1607) by Jeronimo de MENDogA, of 
Oporto, is divided into three parts, describing the expedition 
and the battle of Alcacer Kebir, the ransoms and escapes of the 
captives, and the death of Christian martyrs in Africa. Its 
object was to refute certain statements in Conestaggio's recent 
work DelV unione del regno §,i Portogallo alia corona di Castiglia, 
but Mendoga had fought at Alcacer Kebir and had been taken 
prisoner ; he thus writes as an eyewitness, and his excellent style 
and power of description give more than a controversial value 
and interest to his book and make it matter for regret that this 
short history was apparently his only work. 

Miguel de Moura (1538-1600), secretary to five kings and 
one of the three Governors of Portugal in 1593, set an example 
too rarely followed by those who have played an important 
part in Portuguese history by composing a brief autobiography : 
Vida de Miguel de Moura. It was written on the eve of St, Peter's 
Day, 1594, except a few pages which were added in the year 
before the author's death. Incidentally it has the distinction of 
containing one of the longest sentences ever written (114 lines — 
1840 ed., pp. 126-9). 

The painstaking and talented Duarte Nunez de Leam 
(c. 1530-1608), born at Evora, son of the Professor of Medicine 
Joao Nunez, besides genealogical and legal works, Leis extrava- 
gantes (1560, 1569), wrote two valuable treatises on the Portu- 
guese language and an interesting Descripgdo do Reino de Portugal 
(1610), which he finished in 1599. He also found time to spare from 
his duties as a magistrate to recast the chronicles of the Kings of 
Portugal. The Cronicas dos Reis, de Portugal (1600) contain 
those from Count Henry to King Fernando, and the Cronicas 
del Rey Dom loam de gloriosa memoria those of Kings 
* See Cronica, p. 46. 



THE HISTORIANS 211 

Joao I, Duarte, and Afonso V. Shorn of the individuality 
of the early chroniclers, they yet retain much of interest, and 
Nunez de Leam would be accorded a higher place as historian 
were it not for our knowledge of the inestimable value of the 
originals which he edited and ' improved '. Two generations 
earlier Cristovam Rodriguez Azinheiro (or Acenheiro), born in 
1474 (he tells us that he was sixty-one in May 1535), had treated 
the early chronicles in the same way, but only succeeded in re- 
taining all that was jejune without preserving their picturesque- 
ness in his Cronicas dos Senhores Reis de Portugal^- 

More interesting personally than as historian, the humanist 
Damiao de Goes (1502-74^) was one of the most accomplished 
men of his time,* and, thanks partly to his trial before the 
Inquisition, partly to the not unpleasant egotism with which he 
chronicled autobiographical details, not only in his Genealogia* 
but in many of his other works, we know more of his life than we 
know of most contemporary writers. Traveller and diplomatist, 
scholar, singer, musician, he was a man of many friends during 
his lifetime, and the tragic circumstances of his last years have 
won him fresh sympathizers after his death. Born at Alenquer 
and brought up at the Court of King Manuel, he became page to 
the king in 1518, and five years later was appointed secretary 
at the Portuguese Factory at Antwerp. In 1529 he was sent on 
a diplomatic mission to Poland, and in this and the following 
years, on similar missions or for his own pleasure, ' saw and con- 
versed with all the kings, princes, nobles and peoples of Christen- 

' Ten chronicles from Afonso I to Joao III. He says (1824 ed., p. 12) : 
Estam em este presente vollume recopiladas, sumadas, dbreviadas, todas as 
lembranfos dos Reys de Portugal das caroniquas velhas e novas sem mudar 
sustancia da verdade. 

' Dise q hee de jdade de setenta anos, hos faz e este feu'" q ve (Examination 
before the Inquisition, April 19, 1571). The name appears as Goes, Gooes, 
Goiz, Guoes, Guoez, Guoiz, Goyos. Goes is a small village some twenty 
miles north-east of Coimbra. The name also occurs in the Basses-Pyrenees. 
See P. A. de Azevedo, Alguns names do departamento dos Baixos Pirineos que 
teem correspondencia em Portugal (Boletim da Ac. das Sciencias de Lisboa, 
viii {1915), pp. 280—1). It may be one more trace of the former occupation of 
the whole Peninsula by the Iberians (= high, on the height, as inGoyetche, 
&c.). 

' See Marques de Montebello, Vida de Manoel Machado de Azevedo (1660), 
p. 3, ap. J. de Vasconcellos, Os Musicos Portugueses, i. 268. 

♦ fi. 269 V.-71. The original manuscript disappeared, but a copy (that of 
the Marqueses de Castello Rodrigo) is in the Biblioteca Nacional at Lisbon. 

O 2 



212 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

dom '.1 He made the acquaintance of Montaigne's aubergistes 
allemands, ' glorieux, coUres et ivrognes ', turned aside to visit 
Luther and Melanchthon at Wittenberg,* and was for several 
months the guest of Erasmus at Freiburg. In Italy he lived with 
Cardinal Sadoletto at Padua (1534-8) and met Cardinal Bembo 
and other celebrated men of the day. At Louvain, too, mihi 
intime carum et iucundum, as throughout Europe, he had many 
devoted friends. A senator of Antwerp welcomed him in Latin 
verse on his return from his Scythian travels,* Luis Vives ad- 
dressed affectionate letters to mi Damiane, Albrecht Diirer 
painted his portrait, Glareanus in his Dodecachordon included 
music of his composition.* 

In 1542 he was on his way to Holland with his Flemish wife 
when he heard that Louvain was threatened by a French force 
commanded by Longueval and mens ille in Academiam Louva- 
niensem fatalis amor took him back to share its perils. He played 
a principal part in the defence, and finally remained a prisoner 
in the enemy's hands, quasi piacularis hostia, as he says.® His 
imprisonment in France lasted nine months, and after paying 
a ransom of 6,000 ducats he went back to Louvain. The Emperor 
Charles V rewarded him for his services with a splendid coat of 
arms. In 1545, after twenty-one years of European travel, he 
returned with his wife and children * to Portugal, and three 
years later was entrusted with Fernam Lopez' old post, the 

' Antonio Galvam, Tratado, f. 59 v. He visited the Courts of Charles V, 
Fran9ois I, Henry VIII, and Pope Paul III. Nicolds Antonio says of him 
{Bib. Nova) : morum quippe suavitate atque elegantia, ergaque doctos liberalitate 
insinuabat se in cuiusque animum qui Musarum commercio frueretur, facile 
atque alte. 

' He arrived on Palm Sunday, 1 5 31, and learning that Luther was preaching 
at once left the inn to hear him, but could only understand the Latin quota- 
tions. Next day he had dinner (jantar) with Luther and Melanchthon and 
afterwards returned to Luther's house, where the latter's wife regaled them 
with a dessert of nuts and apples. Thence he went to Melanchthon's house 
and found his wife spinning, shabbily dressed. 

" Venisti nimium usque et usque et usque 

Expectate tuis. 

•* Lib. Ill, pp. 264, 265 : Aliud Aeolij Modi exemplu authore D. Damiano 
h Goes Lusitano. 

" He had gone with others to negotiate terms and, when barely half an hour 
was allowed to refer the terms to the Senate, remained in the enemy's camp 
in order to create a delay by conversing with Longueval. Meanwhile relief 
had been received and the Senate refused the terms. 

' In his trial he says that three of them became monks : meteo tres filhos frades . 



THE HISTORIANS 213 

Keepership of the Archives. He lived in the Pagos d'Alca^ova 
with a certain magnificence, keeping open house for all foreigners, 
one of whom records that already in 1565 il se faict fort vieulx. 
Six years later, on April 4, 1571, he was arrested by the Inquisition 
and spent twenty months in prison. 

It was, perhaps, inevitable that he should have incurred 
suspicion, nor is it necessary to explain his trial by the enmity of 
certain persons at Court due to passages in his works. His life had 
been out of keeping with the gravedades de Hespanha, and the 
charges against him were numerous and varied. He had eaten and 
drunken with heretics, he had read strange books, the sound of 
songs not understanded of the people and organ music had issued 
from his house at Lisbon, he had omitted to observe fasts, he had 
called the Pope a tyrant, he set no store by papal indulgences or 
auricular confession. Even the testimony of his grand-niece is 
recorded, to the effect that her mother had said of Goes, her 
husband's uncle, that he had no more belief in God than in a stone 
wall (she seems to have had Berkeleian tendencies). As usual 
it is less the proceedings of the Inquisition than the bad faith 
of the witnesses that arouse disgust. The poet Andrade Caminha, 
who apparently came forward of his own accord — we are not 
told that he was chamado — admitted that certain words of Goes 
which he now denounced had not seemed so serious to him before 
he knew that Goes was in the prison of the Inquisition. Goes had 
already been denounced to the Inquisition in 1545 and 1550, 
and his book Fides, Religio Moresque Aethiopum (Lovanii, 1540) 
had been condemned in Portugal in 1541. He was examined 
frequently in 1571 and 1572, was left for three months without 
news of his family, and complained of being old, weak, and ill, and 
that his body had become covered with a kind of leprosy (July 14, 
1572). His sentence (October 16, 1572) pronounced him to have 
incurred, as a Lutheran heretic, excommunication, confiscation 
of all his property, and the life-long confinement of his person. 
He was transferred to the famous monastery of Batalha in 
December, but his death (January 30, 1574) occurred in his own 
house. His return and his death probably explain one another. 
He was growing very old in 1565 and we must suppose that his 
recent experiences had not made him younger. His last request 



214 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

— to die among his family — was apparently granted, and the 
further explanations (that he fell forward into the fire, that he 
died of an apoplexy, was killed by order of the Inquisition, was 
beaten to death by the lackeys of the Conde da Castanheira, 
or murdered and robbed by his own servants) are superfluous. 
His works consist of several brief Latin treatises crowded with 
interesting facts (especially his Hispania) ; and in Portuguese 
the Cronica do Principe Dom loam (1567) and Cronica do 
Felicissimo Rey Dom Emanvel, 4 pt. (1566, 1567). He also found 
time to translate Cicero's De Senectute : Livro . . . da Velhice, 
(Veneza, 1534). He had not the imagination of an historian, and 
unless events have passed before his eyes, or happen to interest 
him personally, he can be bald and meagre as an annalist. But 
in any matter which touches him closely, as the expulsion and the 
cruel treatment of the Jews, or the massacre of new Christians, or 
the account of Ethiopia, he broadens out into moving and 
detailed description. The result is that this long Chronicle of King 
Manuel is a number of excellent separate treatises rather than 
a history with unity and a sense of proportion. It is the work 
of a scholar who likes to describe directly, from his own experi- 
ence. The Cronica do Principe was written some months before 
that of King Manuel. The latter was a difficult undertaking,^ 
for many persons concerned were still alive, and subjects such 
as the expulsion of the Jews needed delicate handling. For 
thirty-one years it had hung fire in the hands of previous 
chroniclers when in 1558 Cardinal Henrique entrusted it to 
Damiao de Goes. After eight years the four parts were ready for 
press,^ but the difficulties were not yet over, for certain chapters 
met with strong disapproval at Court ^ and had to be altered, so 
that two editions of the first part appeared in 1566 (the first being 
apparently submitted as a proof and not for sale), but the publi- 
cation of the work as a whole was not completed before 1567. 

' Cf . Prologo : em que muitos, como em cousa desesperada, se nam atreveram 
poer a mSo. One of these ' many ' was Goes' rival, the eloquent Bishop 
Antonio Pinheiro. 

" The fourth part was approved on January 2, 1566. 

' For the grounds of this disapproval see Critica contemporanea d Chronica 
de D. Manuel, 1914, ed. Edgar Prestage from a manuscript in the British 
Museum. Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos and Mr. G. J. C. Henriques have 
dealt very ably with many interesting points of Goes' life and works. 



THE HISTORIANS 215 

Scarcely less celebrated than Goes, the archaeologist Lucio 
Andre de Resende (1493 ?-i573),^ friend of Goes, Clenardus, 
and Erasmus, left the Dominican convent of Bemfica, in which he 
was a novice, in order to study abroad, at Salamanca, Paris, and 
Louvain. ' Tall, with very large eyes, curling hair, rather dark 
complexion but of a cheerful, open countenance ', living in his 
house {as casas de Resende) at Evora among his books and coins, 
statues and inscriptions — his small garden hedged with marmores 
antigos as, according to Brito, too often were peasants' vine- 
yards — he exercised a considerable influence on the writers of 
his time ^ and was held in high esteem by the Emperor Charles V 
and by King Joao III. The principal of his own works were 
written in Latin, but besides his De Antiquitatibus Lusitaniae 
(1593)1 which was edited by Mendez de Vasconcellos with the 
addition of a fifth book from notes left by the author, he com- 
posed in Portuguese a 'brief but learned ' Historia da Antiguidade 
da Cidade de Evora (1553). In his Vida do Infante Dam Duarie 
(1789)* he did not write the ' very copious history ' which Paiva 
de Andrade* said the subject required. He did better, for this 
sketch of a few pages is a little masterpiece in which the vignettes, 
for instance, of the boatman and his figs, or the meal in the mill, 
must ever retain their vividness and charm. Resende had been 
the prince's tutor and writes of what he saw ; he shows that he 
could decipher a person's character as keenly as a Latin inscrip- 
tion. Resende's legitimate successor in archaeology, Manuel 
Severim de Faria (1583-1655), scarcely belongs to the sixteenth 
century although he wrote verses in 1598 and 1599. He suc- 
ceeded his uncle as Canon (1608) and Precentor (1609) of Evora 
Cathedral and resigned in favour of his nephew Manuel de Farin 
Severim as Canon in 1633 and Precentor in 1642. Living in ancient 

• His friend Diogo Mendez de Vasconcellos (1523-99), Canon of Evora, 
says that he died in 157S aet. 80 (so the Theatrum : ohiit octogenarius A.C, 
1575)- Probably the 5 is an error or misprint for 3, and the 80 correct. 

« Luis de Sousa {Hist. S. Dom., Pt. I, Bk. i, cap. 2) praises his juizo e curiosi- 
dade de bom antiquano, and there are many similar passages in other writers. 
Resende furnished Barros, as Severim de Faria later furnished Brito, with 
materials and advice. 

= In a similar though more elaborate work (88 ff.) Frei Nicolau Diaz (f 1 596) 
told the life and death of Princess Joana (fMay 1490) : Vida da Serenissima 
Princesa Dona Joana, Filha del Rey Dom Afonso Quinto de Portugal (1585). 

' Casamsnto Perfeyto, 2a ed. (1726), p. 61. 



2i6 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Evora when the memory of Resende was still fresh, this anti- 
quary of the pale face and blue eyes, ' store-house of all the 
treasures of the past ',^ with his medals and statues and choice 
library of rare books, soon rivalled Resende's fame. His most 
important works are Discursos varios politicos (1624) containing 
four essays and the lives of Barros, Camoes, and Couto, and 
Noticias de Portugal (1655). 

A less attractive personality is that of Manuel de Faria e 
SousA (1590-1649), born near Pombeiro (Minho), a most accom- 
plished, industrious, but untrustworthy author who wrote mainly 
in Spanish. His Epitome de las Historias Portuguesas was 
published in 1628 at Madrid, where he spent the greater part" 
of his life, and where he died. He seems to have retained a real 
affection for his native country, but he was not a man of inde- 
pendent character and bestowed his flatteries as his interest 
required. After the Restoration of 1640 he stayed on at the 
Spanish Court, and there appears to be some doubt whether it 
was Joao IV, his nominal rnaster, or Philip IV of Spain that he 
served best. His long historical works, Europa Portuguesa, 
Asia Portuguesa, Africa Portuguesa, appeared posthumously, 
between 1666 and 1681. He is most pleasant when he is not try- 
ing to ' make ' history but is simply describing, as in his account 
of the various provinces of Portugal.^ In his own not over-modest 
verdict in Part 4 of the same volume, De las primazias deste 
Reyno, he was el primero que supo historiar con mas acierto. 
Faria e Sousa was enthusiastic but unscrupulous and he has 
been severely handled by the critics. With posterity he 
has fallen between two stools, since the Spanish are only 
moderately interested in his subject, Portugal, and the Portu- 
guese consider him to belong to Spanish literature. 

' Monarchia Lusitana, Pt. V, Bk. xvii, cap. 5. Bernardo de Brito also 
praises him, and Frei Antonio Brandao acknowledges his debt to him. Faria 
e Sousa says that he received from him cantidad de papeles. 

' Europa Portuguesa, vol. iii, pt. 3. Portugal, he says, is a perpetual 
Spring, and he speaks of the women who earn their living by selling roses and 
other flowers in Lisbon, of the almonds of Algarve, the excellent honey, <S:c., 
&c. Vol. i covers the period from the Flood to the foundation of Portugal ; 
vol. ii goes down to 1557 ; vol. iii to Philip II of Spain. 



§6 
Ouinhentista Prose 

Had latinization and the Renaissance come to Portugal in 
a quiet age it is not pleasant to think what havoc they might 
have wrought on Portuguese prose in the unreal atmosphere 
of the study. Fortunately they found Portugal in turmoil. 
Stirring incidents and adventures were continually occurring 
which needed no heightening of rhetoric or Latin pomp of 
polysyllables. A scientific spirit of accuracy was abroad, and 
the missionaries and adventurers, travellers, mariners, mer- 
chants, officials, and soldiers who recorded their experiences 
wrote as men of action, with life and directness. 

Few stories are more intense and affecting than those told by 

the Portuguese survivors of shipwreck in the sixteenth and 

seventeenth centuries. Twelve of these appeared in the original 

collection edited by Bernardo Gomes de Brito (born in 

1688) : Historia Tragico-Maritima (2 vols., 1735, 6).^ The earliest 

and most celebrated is the Relagam da mui notavel perda do galedo 

grande S. Joao [June 24, 1552], an anonymous narrative based 

on the account of a survivor, Alvaro Fernandez, probably the 

ship's mate, which tells of the death of D. Lianor de Sepulveda 

and her husband with a simple pathos and dramatic power 

unattained by the many poets who later treated the same theme. 

But the accounts of the wreck of the S. Bento (1554), the Conceifdo 

(1555). the S. Paulo (1561), of D. Jorge de Albuquerque (1565), 

' For a full list see Innocencio da Silva, Dice. Bibliog. i. 377, and Grundriss, 
V- 339- Five volumes were announced by Barbosa Machado as ready for 
press. The modern editors, besides eleven wrecks of the sixteenth, eight of 
the seventeenth, and two of the eighteenth, have included three of the nine- 
teenth century^ Some of the original chap-books survive, with a fine woodcut 
of a tossing galleon on the title-page : Historia da mui notavel perda do galeam 
grande S. J cam (1554 ?) ; Relafam do lastimozo navfragio da nao Conceifam 
chamada Algaravia a Nova (1555) ; Naufragio da nao Santo Alberto (1597) ; 
Memoravel relagam da perda da nao Conceigam (1627). The Relafam da viagem 
dogaleSo Sao Lovrengo e sua perdigao (1651) is by the Jesuit Antonio Francisco 
Cardim (1596—1659) ; the Relagam sumaria da viagem que fez Fernao d' Alvarez 
Cabral, by Manuel Mesquita Perestrello, is an account of the wreck of the fine 
ship 5. Bento, which had taken Camoes to India. 



2i8 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

and others, are scarcely less moving. The ships, of i,ooo tons, 
as the Aguia, ' the largest vessel that had hitherto sailed to 
India ' (1558), and under, often with rotten rudder, or the whole 
ship rotten, sepulturas dos homens, with few boats, careless' and 
ignorant pilots, badly careened, overloaded, overcrowded, ill- 
supplied with worm-eaten biscuit, ' poisonous ' wine, and 
insufficient water, seemed to invite destruction. Between 1582 
and 1602 alone thirty-eight ships were lost. The sea was not the 
only enemy : corsairs off the coast of Portugal, French, Dutch, 
and English, Lutheran heretics who threw overboard beads 
and missals, or a Turkish fleet ' in sight of Ericeira ', exacted 
their toll when all other dangers had been successfully overcome. 
The story is told immediately after the event, sometimes almost 
in the form of a diary or log, or years later, by survivors or 
based on the account of survivors, and it varies according as 
the narrator is the captain of the ship, a landsman with a dislike 
of sailors, a plain soldier, a Jesuit priest, a Franciscan monk, 
a distinguished Lisbon chemist (Henrique Diaz in i. 6), or 
a famous historian (ii. 3 by Diogo do Couto,^ ii. 4 by Joao Baptista 
Lavanha ^). All or most of their accounts afe masterpieces of 
vivid phraseology. We follow as in a novel their adventures 
as the sea ' breaks into flower^ — quebrando em frol ', as they are 
stranded on a desert island, boarded in sight of home, entrapped 
by savages, devoured by wild beasts, tottering, arrimados em paos, 
exhausted by thirst and hunger, or prostrated by heat, in 
comparison with which the calmas of Alentejo ' are but as 
Norwegian cold ' : toils and perils borne with heroic courage, 
told with the simplicity of heroes, without adorno de palavras 
nem linguagem floreada. 

Many books of travel were the natural consequence of the 
discovery of India. The historian Joao de Barros' passion for 
knowledge, especially geographical knowledge, was the first cause* 
of the learned and instructive Chorographia (1561) of his nephew 

' In this Relafam do naufragio da nao S. Thomi, written in 161 1, twenty-two 
years after the event, he refers several times to his Decadas. 

" Naufragio da nao S. Alberto (1593). It is a summary of a largo cartapacio 
of the pilot. 

' pedirme meu Ho loam de Barros que Ihe screuesse muito particularmente todos 
OS lugares deste meu caminho. 



QUINHENTISTA PROSE 219 

Caspar Barreiros (11574), a description of the places through 
which he passed on his way to Rome in 1545 to thank the Pope 
on behalf of the Infante Henrique, Cardinalem amplissimum, 
for his cardinal's hat. But this work (edited by his brother, 
Lopo Barreiros) was an exception. Most of the travel books 
were concerned with the far East. 

The Livro em que da relagao do que viu e ouviu no Oriente (15 16) 
by DuARTE Barbosa of Lisbon, brother-in-law of Fernam de 
Magalhaes, exists in a Portuguese manuscript in the Public 
Library of Oporto, but was first published in Portuguese in 
1821 as a translation from the Italian Libro di Odoardo 
Barbosa Portoghese, itself a translation from a copy at Seville. 
The author had spent the greater part of his youth in India, 
and his work contains vivid and accurate notes on Eastern 
lands and cities, especially Malabar. 

One of the causes that most moved Portugal to curiosity 
and acted as an incentive to discovery were the vague rumours 
of the existence of a mighty Christian prince, the half-mythical 
Prester John, Negus of Abyssinia. The priest Francisco 
Alvarez {c. 1470 ?-c. 1540) set out with Duarte Galvam, first 
Portuguese Ambassador to Abyssinia, in 1515, but Galvam's 
death delayed the mission, and it was not till 1520 that Alvarez 
and the new ambassador, D. Rodrigo de Lima, reached the 
Court of Prester John. They remained for six years in the 
country, and during this time Alvarez recorded in straight- 
forward notes every detail of the country and its inhabitants 
with minuteness and accuracy. He considered himself old ^ 
in 1520; he was certainly active : he shoots hares and pheasants, 
washes unsuccessfully for gold, looks after his slaves, his nine 
mules, his fourteen cows, and organizes a procession against 
locusts. On their return, in Alvarez' friend Antonio Galvam's 
ship, to Lisbon, bringing 'the length of Prester John's foot', 
he was eagerly questioned by king, prelates, and courtiers — 
the whole Court trooped out along the road from Coimbra to 
meet them — and when he published his fascinating diary of 
travel, Verdadeira Informagam das terras do Preste Joam 
(1540), it was soon translated into almost every language of 
' Verd. Inf., p. no : nam era pera velhos. 



320 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Europe.^ Frei Gaspar da Cruz of Evgra, missionary in China, 
returned to Portugal in 1569, and in the same year began his 
Tractado em que se cotam muito por esteso as cotisas da China 
(1570). He calls it a singella narrafam, but it contains valuable 
information about China, nor did the author neglect his style. 
The Dominican Frei JoAo dos Santos (r. 1550 -<:. 1625?)^ 
was born at Evora about the middle of the sixteenth century, 
and went out to East Africa and India as a missionary in 1586. 
He returned to Lisbon in August 1600 and nine years later 
published his Ethiopia Oriental (1609), an attractive, curious 
account, written in a clear and easy style, of the natives, their 
land and customs. It is to be feared that some of the settlers 
sadly abused his credulity| as in the case of the mercador's tale 
of the native sorcerer or the man 380 years old, but this does 
not by any means impair the interest of his book. More individual 
and vivid is the Itinerario (1560) of Antonio Tenreiro, who in 
brief, staccMo sentences describes minutely what he saw (the 
rosaes of red, white, and yellow roses in May near Damascus, 
the red roses of Shiraz, the fair, white Gurgis, complexioned like 
Englishmen) during his travels from Ormuz to the Caspian 
Sea and in Palestine and Egypt, and his overland journey 
from Ormuz to Portugal (1529) in which, alone with an 
Arab guide, he spent twenty-two days in crossing the desert. 
A similar land journey, a generation later, is described with an 
equal wealth of curious detail in the Itinerario (1565) of Mestre 
Martim Afonso, surgeon to the Viceroy, Conde de Redondo,* 
while the Franciscan Frei Pantaleam de Aveiro in his 
Itinerario da Terra Santa, &c. (1593) described his journey to the 
Holy Land. Not less adventurous were the travels of another 

' This seems to have aroused the resentment of Barros {Asia, iii. iv. 3). 
The author, he says, had no learning. In 11. iii. 4 he again refers to him 
slightingly as ' a certain Francisco Alvarez '. Barros as grammarian similarly 
ignored Oliveira. 

' Barbosa Machado says, ultimamente em Convento de Goa, para onde 
tinha passado no anno de 1622 faUeceu com saudade, &c. Innocencio da 
Silva read this with a comma after passado. 

' Afonso de Albuquerque mentions another surgeon Mestre Afonso in 
India in his time, i. e. half a century earlier. The value of the Itinerario 
consists in its having been written as a diary on the journey, and its author, 
perhaps thinking of Mendez Pinto, says hee huu grande descuido de homens 
que fazem semelhantes viagens e as nom escreuem . . . porque a memoria nom 
pode ser capaz de tamanka cousa e tantas partictilaridades (p. 82). 



QUINHENTISTA PROSE 221 

Franciscan, Frei Caspar de S. Bernardino, who related them 
with greater parade of erudition in a clear, elegant style in his 
Itinerario da India por terra (1611), the promised second part 
of which was unhappily not finished or at least not published. 
Half a century later the Jesuit Manuel Godinho [c. 1630- 
1712),^ in the Relagam do novo caminho que fez for terra e mar 
(1665), gave a remarkable account,, in a style not untouched by 
the culteranismo of the time, of his return journey in 1663 from 
Bagaim. But various and arresting as are the books of Portu- 
guese travellers, they are all eclipsed by the wonderful Peregrina- 
gam (1614) of Fernam Mendez Pinto [c. 1510-83). This prince 
of travellers and adventurers was born at Montemor o Velho. 
His parents were of humble station, and at the time of King 
Manuel's death (1521) he was brought by an uncle to Lisbon 
in order to earn his living. Although he remained in Portugal 
for sixteen years, in the service first of a lady of Lisbon 
and later of D. Joao de Lencastre,^ lord of Montemor o 
Velho, at Setubal, he was but just in his teens when, cross- 
ing in a boat from Alfama, he was captured off Cezimbra 
by a French corsair as a foretaste of pleasures to come. In 
March 1537 he set out for India and his odyssey began in earnest. 
He had no sooner reached Diu than he re-embarked on an 
expedition to the Straits of Mecca. His hope was to make 
a rich prize and become muito rico em pouco tempo. He 
went next with three others on a mission to Ethiopia, and on 
the return voyage he was captured by the Turks, placed in 
a subterranean dungeon, and then sold to a Greek renegade, 
whom he describes as ' the most inhuman and cruel dog of an 
enemy ever seen'. Fortunately after three months the Greek 
sold him for 12,000 reis to a Jew, who brought him to Ormuz. 
After spending little over a fortnight there he embarked with 
a cargo of horses for Goa, and later was wounded in a fight with 
the Turks. He next proceeded to Malacca, and was sent thence 
on a mission to the King of the Batas, by whom he was made 
welcome ' as rain to our rice crops '. After accompanying the 

' According to Barbosa Machado he entered the Jesuit College as a novice 
in 1645 and died in 17 12 aet. 78. Godinho also wrote a life of Frei Antonio 
das Chagas. 

' He was the son of D. Jorge, illegitimate son of Joao II., and was created 
Duke of Aveiro. 



222 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

king on a campaign he returned to Malacca, losing. his cargo of 
tin and benjamin on the way. His next mission was to the 
King of Aaru. He returned to Malacca a slave, as his ship was 
wrecked, and after fearful sufferings he, the only survivor, was 
bought cheap by a poor Moorish trader. A trading expedition 
to Pao and Lugor ended as disastrously : after a fight with 
Moors he succeeded in swimming wounded to land, but returned 
penniless to Patane. In despair he joined the freebooting 
Antonio de Faria, and they preyed on Chinese junks till their 
ship was weighed down with silver and silk, damask and porce- 
lain. Faria and his men are represented fighting, torturing, 
murdering, plundering, playing at dice on deck for pieces of silk, 
praying a litany, and promising rich and good spoil to Our Lady 
of the Hill at Malacca. After being shipwrecked they joined 
a Chinese pirate and again built up their fortunes. They weathered 
a storm by throwing overboard twelve cases of silver, sacked 
a Chinese city, were received in honour at Liampo (Ningpo), 
but again inordinate greed for gold proved their ruin, and, after a 
daring attempt to plunder the rich tombs of the Emperors of China 
in the island of Calemplui, they were finally stranded in China 
and arrested as vagabonds. After six weeks in the crowded 
prison at Nanking the Portuguese were taken to Peking and 
thence deported to Quansi (Kansu), where they were freed by 
the timely attack of the King of Tartary. He sent them to 
Cochin-China,but on the way they entered the service of a Chinese 
pirate. When they reached Japan only three Portuguese sur- 
vived, the first Europeans, Mendez Pinto claims, to set foot 
there. When he brought news of this land to Liampo a trading 
expedition was hastily equipped and set out in defiance of times 
and seasons. Few of those who embarked in the nine junks 
ever saw land again. Mendez Pinto eventually reached Malacca 
(1544). Pedro de Faria later sent him on a mission to the King 
of Martavao. Martavao was, however, sacked soon after his 
arrival, and he was carried a prisoner to Pegu. He escaped by 
night and after many adventures returned to Goa. He imme- 
diately set out again ' to challenge fortune in China and Japan '. 
After accompanying the King of Sunda on a war expedition 
he was again wrecked and spent thirteen days on a raft. Of the 



QUINHENTISTA PROSE 223 

eleven survivors three were eaten by crocodiles and the rest 
sold as slaves. Released by the King of Calapa, Mendez Pinto 
served under the King of Siam and returned to Pegu and thence 
to Malacca. Once more he set out for Japan, and this time his 
voyage prospered and he came back with a fair profit. At 
Malacca he was eagerly questioned by St. Francis Xavier (1506-52) 
as to the conditions in Japan. He seems to have been infected 
with the safnt's enthusiasm, as were most of those who met 
him, and after his death he perhaps gave up a considerable 
fortune in order to return as missionary and ambassador to 
Japan. Before leaving Goa (April 1554) with St. Francis 
Xavier's successor, Padre Belchior, he had been received into 
the Company of Jesus. After many hardships they landed in 
China in July 1556. In the spring of 1558, a few weeks after 
returning to Goa, Mendez Pinto sailed for home and arrived at 
Lisbon on September 22. The Lisbon officials dallied with his 
pretensions to reward for his services. During his wanderings 
in India, Ethiopia, China, Japan, Tartary, and Arabia he had 
persevered through captivities, battles, and shipwrecks, but 
four or five years of official evasions broke his spirit, and he retired 
to live in poverty at Almada. Philip II, stirred to interest in 
this legendary figure, granted him two bushels of wheat in 
January 1583, and in July of the same year he died. He had 
long before left the Company of Jesus, either of his own free 
will or expelled, perhaps on suspicion of Jewish descent.^ His 
name was erased from the Company's records and letters. Of 
his twenty-one years of trader, envoy, pirate, and missionary 
in the far East he wrote for his children a narrative of breath- 
less interest, and, speaking generally, it bears the stamp of 
truth. We gather that he was brave and adventurous, despite 
a natural timidity, of a consuming curiosity which often got 
the better of his fears, pious, temperate, apt to be carried away 
by fugitive enthusiasms, but persistent, gay, and optimistic 
in defeat and disappointment. He appears not to have been par- 
ticularly vain. He does not disguise some of his less creditable 
actions, and he certainly does not exaggerate his services in 

' See the important works by Colonel Cristovam Ayres, FernSo Mendes 
Pinto, 1904 ; Fernao Mendes Pinto e o Japao. 1906. 



224 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Japan.^ He may possibly have been one of the three Portuguese 
who discovered it in 1542 : their names are given by Couto (V, viii. 
12) as Mota, Zeimoto and Peixoto. Gifted with keen imagination, 
he could exaggerate ^ when expediency required, but he knew that 
in the account of his travels exaggeration was not expedient, and 
he was constantly on guard against the notorious scepticism of his 
fellow-countrymen.^ He may have heightened the colour occa- 
sionally, but as a rule he writes with restraint, although with 
delight in a good story and skill in bringing out the dramatic side 
of events. It is one of the charms of his work that it is very definite 
in dates and figures, but this also, through inevitable errors and 
misprints, afforded a handle to the pedantry of critics. The fatal 
similarity of Mendez and mendacity gave rise to the play on his 
name : Fernam, mentes? Minto ('Fernam, do you lie? — I lie'), 
and Congreve, in Love for Love, by calling him ' a liar of the first 
magnitude ' clinched the matter in England. But comparatively 
early a reaction set in,* and modern travellers have unequivocally 
confirmed the more favourable verdict and corroborated his 
detailed descriptions of Eastern countries. The mystery of the 
East, the heavy scent of its cities, its fervent rites and im' 
memorial customs, as well as the magic of adventure, haunt his 
pages. A hundred pictures refuse to fade from the memory, 

> His work did not appear till 1614 and it is uncertain to what extent it 
was edited by the historian Francisco de Andrade. It is thought that the 
account of his services as missionary in Japan may have been excised owing 
to the hostility of the Jesuits. 

' Cap. 223 : eu respondi acrecentando em muitas cousas que me perguntava 
por me pareoer que era assim necessario d reputapSo da napSo portuguesa. 

' Cf. caps.' 14, 70, 88, 114, 126, 198, 204. The complaint is echoed by 
almost every. Portuguese traveller of the day. Bishop Osorio refers to the 
fidei faciendae difficultas ; even the truthful and exact Francisco Alvarez 
fears his readers' disbelief. 

* Cf. Faria e Sousa (laudari a laudato /) : Yo le tengo por muy verdadero ; 
A. de Sousa Macedo, Eva e Ave, ii. 55, 1676 ed., p. 495 : El Rey Catholico 
D. Philippe II, quando veio a Portugal, gostava de guvir a Fernao Mendes, em 
cujas peregrinafoens S- sucessos que dellas escreveo mostrou tempo com a ex- 
periencia a verdade que se the disputava antes que ouvesse iantas noticias 
d'aquellas partes ; Soares, Theatrum : diu apud Lusitanos fidem non meruit 
dopec rerum qui secuti sunt eventus et aliorum soripta. nihil Ferdinandum a vera 
discrepasse confirmarunt ; Manuel Bernardes, Nova Floresta, i (1706), p. 124 : 
as Relafdes do nosso FernSo Mendez Pinto que nao merecem tao pouco credito 
como alguns Ihe dao. ' Either never man had better memory or he was the 
most solemn liar that ever put pen to paper ' is the verdict of JosS Agostinho 
de Macedo {Motim Literario, 1841 ed., ii. 17). 



QUINHENTISTA PROSE 225 

whether they are of silk-laden Chinese junks or jars of gold dust, 
vivid descriptions of shipwreck (the hiss and swell of the waves 
are in his rich sea-Latin) or the awful pathos of the Queen of 
Martavao's death, the sketch of a supercilious Chinese mandarin 
or of St. Francis Xavier tramping through Japan. 

Five years after Mendez Pinto's return to Portugal a book 
scarcely less strange than his Peregrinagam, of atmosphere as 
oriental and of interest as absorbing although more scientific, was 
printed at Goa. Its author, Garcia da Orta^ {c. 1495-c. 1570), 
born at Elvas, the son, perhaps, of Jorge da Orta, owner of a shop 
{temdeiro) in that town, studied medicine for ten years (1515-25) 
at Salamanca and Alcala, and in 1526 began to practise as a doctor 
at Castello de Vide. From 1532 to 1534 he was Professor at the 
University of Lisbon, and in March 1534 sailed with his friend and 
patron, the insatiable Governor Martim Af onso de Sousa,^ to India 
as king's physician. The East cast its spell over his curious 
and inquiring mind ; he remained under twelve or more Governors 
and died at a good old age, probably at Goa. There, on the 
veranda of his beautiful garden, in this land of bellissimi giardini,^ 
served affectionately by many slaves, and with the books of 
his well-stocked library ready to his hand,* he would regale his 

' In France he was known as du Jardin. Familiarly this great botanist 
seems to have been called Herbs. A copy of the first edition of the Coloquios 
has Gracia Dorta o Ervas on the back of the binding. This might be an 
ignorant mistake for D'Elvas. 

^ The Governor's brother, Pero Lopez de Sousa, wrote a Diario da Nave- 
gofSo {1S30— 2) first published at Lisbon in 1839. The soldier in Couto's 
Dialogo says, nao vai tao mal negociado hir por Fysico m6r pais todos os que 
este cargo serviram tiraram nos sens ires annos sete ou oito mil cruzados, 

3 Libra di Odoardo Barbosa Portoghese. 

* He must have spent many a half-hour in the corner bookshop in Goa 
mentioned by Couto (Dec. vi. v. 8, 1781 ed., p. 400) : canto onde pousa 
um livreiro — ^unless this is a misprint for luveiro, as the neighbouring sirgueiro 
seems to indicate. The growth of Portuguese literature in the East would 
furnish matter for a curious essay. Great folios like the Cancioneiro de 
Resende (see Lopez de Castanheda, v. 12, and Barros, Asia, in. iii. 4, for the 
strange use made of it in India) and the Flos Sanctorum were taken out, and 
it is improbable that they were brought back when every square inch was 
required for pepper. Thousands of precious volumes must have gone down in 
shipwrecks, others — profane books and autos — ^were thrown overboard at 
the bidding of the priests. For the fate of a case of Hebrew Bibles (briuias) 
see Corr§a, Lendas da India, i. 656-7. Amadis de Gaula was apparently 
in India in 1519 (Lopez de Castanheda, v. 16). A most interesting list of 
books ready to be sent to the Negus of Abyssinia in 1515 is given in Sousa 
Viterbo's A Livmria Real (1901), p. 8. 

2362 P 



226 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

guests with strange fruits — all the maneiras a gula of India — 
and with still stranger knowledge His knowledge was based 
on personal observation, for although he respected Galen and 
Dioscorides as the princes of medicine and was possessed of great 
erudition, he was not disposed to bow blindly to the authority of 
any writer, Arab or Greek, least of all to Scholasticism, he went 
to Nature and in his Coloquios dos Simples (1563) recorded what 
he had seen and heard, the truth without rhetoric, setting 
aside the mil fabulas of Pliny and Herodotus. These fiftj^-nine 
dialogues, arranged in alphabetical order, pay more regard to 
facts than to style. They are full of varied information and give 
us a most pleasant insight into the writer's character, strong, 
humorous, obstinate, and into his life at Goa. From a scientific 
point of view they are of great importance : not only did they 
provide the first description of cholera ^ and of many unknown 
plants, but after three and a half centuries they retain their 
scientific interest and value. Begun many years earlier in 
Latin, ^ they were published in the author's old age, with an 
introductory ode by his friend, the poet Camoes. Unhappily 
they became known to Europe chiefly in a garbled Latin version 
by Charles de l'£cluse (Clusius) — a fifth edition appeared in 
1605 — from which the Italian and French translations were 
made. It was not until the nineteenth century that the skilful 
and eager care of the Conde de Ficalho enabled a larger number 
of those who read Portuguese to appreciate Orta at his true 
worth. 

Born at Alcacer do Sal, the celebrated scientist Pedro Nunez 
(1492 ?-i377 ?), whose name lives in the instrument of his 
invention, the nonius,^ was Cosmographer to Kings Joao III 

• Unless Corrga's description (Lendas, iv. 288-9) is earlier. Other events 
recorded by CorrSa which must have closely affected Orta are the fate of 
a bachelor of medicine strangled and burnt by the Inquisition at Goa in 1543 
(iv. 292) and the outbreak of small-pox, from which 8,000 children died there 
in three months in 1545 (iv. 447). The Dialogo da perfeyfam &■ partes que 
sam necessarias ao bom medico (1562), with the exception of the dedica- 
tory letter to King Sebastian and the title, is written in Spanish (25 if.). 
Apparently Afonso de Miranda found it in Latin among the books of his 
son Jeronimo (who had studied at Coimbra and Salamanca) and translated it. 

" Composlo.he says {Coloquios, i. 5). Dimas Bosque (ib. i. 11) says comegado. 

' Thus he contributed to the fact, which he notices in the Tralado da carta 
de marear, that the Portuguese sea enterprises were based on careful prepara- 
tion. The nonius was perfected in the following century by Vernier. 



QUINHENTISTA PROSE 227 

and Sebastian and Professor of Mathematics at the University 
of Coimbra (1544-62). Prince Luis and D. Joao de Castro 
were his pupils. He wrote indifferently in Latin, Spanish, or 
Portuguese, declared that as science treats of concrete things 
it can be expressed in any language however barbarous,'- and, 
in order to secure for it a wider public, translated into Portuguese 
the Latin treatise {libellus) De Sphaera by John of Halifax 
(Joannes de Sacro Bosco) : Tratado da Sphera (1537),^ and into 
Spanish his own Libra de Algebra en arithmetica & geometria 
(1567), originally written in Portuguese and addressed to his 
pupil and friend the Cardinal-King Henrique. His other works, 
including the De Crepusculis (1542), were written in Latin. 

The Homeric hero Duarte Pacheco Pereira (1465 ?- 
1533?), about whose life, apart from the hundred days at 
Cochin (1504) and a fight off Finisterre (1509) with the French 
pirate Mondragon, singularly little is known,^ on his return 
from India in 1505 wrote a work entitled Esmeralda de Situ 
Orbis [1505-6 .?]. This curious and important survey of the 
coast of Africa, the work of one more accustomed to wield 
sword than pen, but sometimes as picturesque and interesting 
as Duarte Barbosa, was to have consisted of five books, but only 
three and a part of the fourth were written. It remained in 
manuscript for nearly four centuries. 

The three Rateiros (logs) * written by the famous Viceroy 

' Tratado da Sphera, Preface. 

* This volume contains also two brief treatises by Nunez in Portuguese : 
Tratado . . . sobre certas duuidas da nauegafdo, answering certain questions 
put to him by Martim Afonso de Sousa, and Tratado . . . em defensam da carta 
de marear, addressed to the Infante Luis. The De Sphaera of Joannes de 
Sacro Bosco was printed with a preface by Philip Melanchthon in 1538. Arraez, 
in his Dialogos, 1604 ed., f . 56, says : sei aigo da Sphera porque quando Pero 
Nunez a Ha a certos homens principais eu me achava presente. 

' He himself says that he was born in the excellent city of Lisbon {Esme- 
ralda, iv. 6), and he was one of the captains sent out by Joao II to continue 
the discovery of the West Coast of Africa. In 1520-2 he was Governor of 
the fortress of S. Jorge da Mina, but his last years were spent in poverty. 

* Other works of a similar nature, livros das rotas or derrotas, are printed in 
Libra de Marinharia. Tratado da Aguia de Marear [1514] de Joao de Lisboa 
[^i$26\. Copiado e coordenado por J. I. Brito Rebello, 1903. Cf. also 
G. Pereira, Roteiros Portuguezes da viagem de Lisboa d India nos seculos 
xvi e xvii, 1898 ; H. Lopes de Mendonfa, Estudos sobre navios portuguezes 
nos seculos xv e xvi, 1892, and O Padre Fernando Oliveira e a sua obra 
nautica, 1898 (pp. 147-221 contain O Liuro da fabrica das naos, of which, 

P 2 



^28 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

D. JoAo DE Castro (1500-48) on his voyages (i) from Lisbon 

to Goa in 1538, (2) from Goa to Diu, 1538-9, (3) from Goa to 

the Red Sea in 1541, are decked out with no literary graces. 

He wrote, he said, for seamen, not for ladies and gallants. 

Yet the scientific curiosity and enthusiasm of this keen-eyed, 

broad-minded observer give his descriptions force and truth, the 

same practical lucidity that marks his letters, which according 

to his friend Prince Luis contained todas as cousas necessarias 

e nenhuas superfluas, and they were early prized in Spain as 

harto notables, muy curiosos} The third Roteiro would seem 

to have been originally written in Latin, and perhaps translated 

by Castro at his beloved Sintra home. The manuscript was 

bought bySir Walter Raleigh, and it appeared in English in 1625, 

208 years before it was published in Portuguese. 

Greater historical interest attaches to the letters of an earlier 

Governor, Afonso de Albuquerque (1461-1515). That grim 

conqueror of the East might have smiled somewhat sardonically 

to be numbered among Portugal's writers. He merely said what 

he had to say, and there was an end of it, would be his comment. 

But it is precisely this directness — the powerful grasp of reality 

and the horror of useless rhetoric — which gives excellence to 

the prose of his Cartas. These incomparable reports, written to 

King Manuel in moments snatched from his many occupations as 

Governor of India (1509-15), sometimes rise to a biblical grandeur 

and eloquence, as in the splendid passage beginning Goa e vossa ; 

Onor, rei dele paga-vos pareas. Perhaps, after all, he was 

not wholly unconscious of his art, and certainly the source of 

it is clear : as Osorio ^ notices, he was a devoted student of the 

Bible. In more familiar mood he can give a vivid sketch in 

a few emphatic words, as when he describes the judge, ' a little 

man dressed in a cloak of coarse cloth with a crooked stick 

says the preface, ninguem escreveo ateegora) ; and Sousa Viterbo, Trabalkos 
nauticos dos portuguezes nos seculos xvi e xvii (Historia e Memorias da Ac. das 
Sciencias, torn, vii (1898), mem. 3 ; torn, viii ( 1900), mem. 1). Diogo de Si's De 
Navigatione was published in Paris in 1549 ; the Arte Practica de Navegar 
{1699) by the Cosmographo M6r Manuel Kmentel (1650-1719) appeared a 
century and a half later and had several editions in the eighteenth century. 

> Fr. Antonio de San Roman, Historia General de la India Oriental, Valla- 
dolid, 1603. 

' De Rebvs Emmanvelis (1571), p. 380 : Non erat alienus a Uteris, &■ cum 
otium erat lectione sacrarum praecipue literarum ohlectabatur . 



QUINHENTISTA PROSE 229 

under his arm ', or the impostors who will practise ' a thousand 
wiles and deceits for one ruby '. 

To turn to lesser men, Fernam Rodriguez Lobo Soropita 
(born c. 1560), a distinguished Lisbon advocate and the first 
editor of the Rythmas (1595) of Camoes, was a poet celebrated 
for his wit in his day. That of his letters is perhaps a little forced, 
and the obscurity of the allusions now interferes with our enjoy- 
ment. The interest of the extracts from a manuscript in the 
British Museum written by Francisco Rodriguez Silveira 
(iSSS-c. 1635) in 1608, published under the title Memorias de um 
Soldado da India (1877), consists both in the record of his thirteen 
years' service in India (1585-98) and in the account during the 
succeeding ten years of Portugal and especially Beira, the 
condition of the roads, the land, the peasants, and the sway of 
the local caciques — thief, Turk, Pasha, tyrant, he calls them — 
and his indignation gives a pleasant vigour to his prose. The 
Arte da Caga da Altanaria (1616) of Diogo Fernandez Ferreira 
(born c. 1550), page of the Pretender D. Antonio, is a work 
of great interest. The writer evidently delights in his theme 
and has a real love of birds, the migratory habits of which he 
describes in Part 6 ; and he treats ' of swallows and of the swallow- 
grass which restores sight ', of the food made of sugar, saftron, 
and almonds for nightingales, and other alluring topics. 
Among the rare and curious books of the time we may notice 
that on the prerogatives of women, Dos priuilegios S- prcerogatiuas 
q ho genera femenino te por dsreito comii <§■ ordenagoes do Reyno 
mats que hogenero masculino (1557), by Ruy Gonqalvez, Professor 
of Law at Coimbra in 1539 and subsequently Court Advocate 
at Lisbon. 

Two writers especially attract attention even in the feast 
of interest which Portuguese prose in this century offers so 
abundantly. The son of a distinguished Dutch illuminator 
and painter settled in Portugal, Antonio de Hollanda, who 
painted Charles V at Toledo and may have illuminated the 
Book of Hours of Queen Lianor, Francisco de Hollanda 
(1518-84), born in Lisbon, painter, illuminator, and architect, 
in his short treatises Da fabrica que fallece d cidade de Lisboa and 
Da sciencia do desenho, showed an enthusiasm for his subject 



230 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

almost out of place in the Portugal of the second half of the 
sixteenth century. Indeed, he nearly ran into trouble with the 
Inquisition by seeming to make painting ' divine ', but prudently 
altered the passage. His curious and celebrated treatise Da 
Pintvra Antigva (1548) is written in a style which may be rather 
rejoiced in than imitated, for, as he tells us, he was more at 
home with the brush than with the pen, but it is full of ingenious 
and original remarks. The first part deals in forty-four brief 
chapters with painting generally, and opens with a fine passage 
describing the work of God as the greatest of all painters. The 
second part contains the Quatro dialogos, in the first three of 
which he records the conversations of Vittoria Colonna, Michel- 
angelo, Lattanzio Tolomei, and himself in the church of 
St. Sylvester or in a garden overlooking Rome ; conversations 
which, despite their Portuguese dress, bear the stamp of truth 
and will retain their fascination so long as interest in art endures. 
Francisco worked first in the household of the Infante Fernando 
and then in that of the Archbishop of Evora. In I537 he set 
out on a journey to Rome by land (Valladohd, Barcelona, 
Provence), and in Italy remained froi^ 1538 to 1547. His 
friendship with Michelangelo continued after his return to 
Portugal, as a letter from HoUanda to Michelangelo in 1553 
proves. The last part of his life he spent in the country between 
Lisbon and Sintra among the Portuguese whom he had called 
desmusicos, and despite his comfortable circumstances — he 
received a pension of 100,000 riis from Philip II— he must often 
have looked back with regret to the fullness of those nine years 
in Italy. But his countrymen, thanks largely to the scholarly 
researches and studies of Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos, are now 
fully alive to his merits. And, indeed, even in the sixteenth 
century a passage in Frei Heitor Pinto's Imagem da Vida 
Christam sets him side by side with the great Italian.'^ Philipe 
Nunez, who professed as a Dominican in 1591, wrote on painting 
in the next century : Arte poetica e da pintiira e symmetria 
(1615). A work on music by Antonio Fernandez of about 
the same date. Arte de Mvsica de canto dorgam e canto ckam 

• Pt. I, 1572 ed., f. 224 : naofeyto por mdo do nosso Olada ne do vosso Michael 
Angela mas por men bayxo ingenho. 



QUINHENTISTA PROSE 231 

(1626), consists of three treatises which do not profess to be 
original. Manuel Nunez da Silva wrote on the same subject 
in his Arte Minima (1685). 

In the preface (1570) to his Regra Geral, written in 1565, GoN- 
QALO Fernandez Trancoso^ [c. 1515-c. 1590) professed not to 
have sufificient literary skill even for this simple calendar of mov- 
able feasts. Yet in the previous year (1569), in which at Lisbon 
he lost both wife and children in the great plague (a beloved 
daughter of twenty-four, a student son, and a choir-boy grand- 
son), in order to distract his mind from these sorrows,^ he wrote 
a remarkable work, unique of its kind in Portuguese literature; 
or at least he wrote then the first two books, which appeared 
under the title Contos e historias de proveito e exemplo (1575).^ 
A third part was published posthumously in 1596. The number 
and kind of the editions in the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries testify to its popularity, but since the eighteenth 
century no new edition has been printed and the book has fallen 
into a strange neglect.* Trancoso did not claim originality: he 
merely collected stories from what he had heard or read.* 
The stories, only thirty-eight in number, are very various. 
The subjects of many of them resemble those of Franco Sacchetti's 
Novelle or Giovanni Francesco Straparola's Le xiii Piacevoli 
Notti, and some are directly imitated from Boccaccio's 11 
Decamerone or Giovanni Battista Giraldi's Gli Ecatommiti or from 
Matteo Bandello (ti565).^ But often they are traditions so wide- 
spread that they occur in many authors and languages, as that 
(ii. 7) which corresponds to Straparola's third Notte and of 
which Dr. F. A. Coelho recorded twenty-one other foreign 
versions, besides four popular variants in Portuguese ; or 
i. 17, in which the cunning answers to difficult questions are 
similar to those in Sacchetti, No. 4 {Mestre Bernabd signer di 
Milano), and Dr. Braga's Contos tradicionaes do povo poriuguez, 

• Or Gon9alo Fernandez of Trancoso (Beira). His name has no connexion 
with the phrase contar historias a francos {de coq a I'ane). 

^ Preface addressed to the Queen in Pt. i. His object was premier 
a imaginafao em ferros. 

' Timoneda's El Patranuelo appeared in the following year. 

' See, however. Dr. Agostinho de Campos' selections (1921). 

5 O que aprendi, ouui ou li (1624 ed.) ; que aprendi, m ou li (1734 ed.). 

^ See Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes de la Novela, torn, ii (1907), p. Ixxxvii et 
seq. 



23? THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

No. 71 [Frei Joam Sem Cuidados). Others are apparently of 
oriental origin, as the judge's verdict, worthy of Sancho Panza 
(i. 15), or the king and the barber (iii. 3). But the subject and 
place (Lisbon, Oporto, Evora, Coimbra, &c.) of most, although 
not of the longest, of these tales are Portuguese.^ Some are 
trifling anecdotes which acquire a charm and vividness through 
their popular character and the author's simple details of 
description, as the picture of the peasant family near Oporto 
sitting round the fire after their supper of maize-bread and chest- 
nuts (i. 10). The author is not content that we should draw 
our own moral, but this scarcely spoils the reader's pleasure in 
these malicious and ingenious tales. 

Despite inroads of the exotic and all the chances and 
changes of life and literature in this century, the Portuguese 
maintained their interest in the romances of chivalry, in which 
indeed they saw a reflection of their own prowess in the 
East. Dull as Clarimundo may now seem, it made a great 
impression in its day, and was eagerly read, from Lisbon to 
the Moluccas.^ Even as late as 1589 Bishop Arraez con- 
siders it necessary to say that a prince should have better 
ways of spending his time than ler por Clarimundo,^ while 
Rodriguez Lobo, thirty years later, brackets it with Amadis 
and Palmeirim.^ Many a young page and esciideiro must 
have aspired not only to pore over the cronicas but to 
write one of his own.^ The facility of a Barros is, however, 
given to few, and both Jorge Ferreira's Memorial and Moraes' 
Palmeiritiude Inglaterra were written later in life. Francisco 
DE Moraes (c. 1500-72),* a well-known courtier in the reign of 
King Joao III, whose Treasurer he was, and a Comendador of 
the Order of Christ, in 1540 accompanied the Portuguese 
Ambassador, D. Francisco de Noronha, to Paris as Secretary, 

' The alternation of the indigenous and the exotic may be seen in the 
spelling of the same name as Piro ( = Pero, Pedro, Peter) and Pyrrho (P3frrhus) 
in iii. 8. 

'' Ropica Pnefma, 1869 ed., p. 2. 

' Dialogos, 1604 ed., f. 157. A third edition of Clarimundo (i6oi) had 
appeared before the second edition of the Dialogos. 

' Corte na Aldea (1619), Dialogo i (1722 ed., p. 5). 

° Moraes, Dialogo 1 (1852 ed., p. 11). 

° Barbosa Machado seems to have considered him much under seventy 
at the time of his death in 1572. 



QUINHENTISTA PROSE 233 

and at the French Court he fell passionately in love with one 
of the ladies-in-waiting of Queen Leonor (sister of the Emperor 
Charles V and widow of King Manuel of Portugal) named 
Claude Blosset de Torcy. His love was not returned ' there 
was a great discrepancy of age between them, his knowledge of 
French was very slight, and his passion robbed him of wit and 
reason. If the Due de Chatillon was favoured, or if the English 
Ambassador gave Mademoiselle de Torcy his arm, Moraes would 
flare up in jealousy, and when in the presence of the queen the 
elderly lover went down on his knees la belle Torcy (to whom 
Clement Marot had addressed one of his Etrennes and who 
eventually married the Baron de Fontaines) prayed him not to 
continue to make her as well as himself ridiculous. Moraes, 
after leaving France in 1543, or early in 1544, recovered from 
his passion and married in Portugal. Of his subsequent life 
little is known ; he appears to have returned to France, and in 
1573 he was mufdered at the entrance of the Rocio, the cen- 
tral square of Evora. His Cronica de Palmeirim de Inglaterra, 
written in France or Portugal or both, was probably published 
in 1544, but the earhest existing Portuguese edition is that of 
Evora, 1567, which contains the dedication to the Infanta 
Maria, written over twenty years earlier (1544). Chiefly remark- 
able for the excellence of its style, Palmeirim will always retain its 
place in Portuguese literature as a masterpiece of prose, musically 
soft, yet clear and vigorous. Cervantes considered it worthy to 
be preserved in a golden casket like the works of Homer,^ but 
few of its readers will now differ from the more modern and 
moderate opinion of Menendez y Pelayo that ' it requires a real 
effort ' to read the whole of it. The effort required to read 
the miserable Spanish translation of 1547-8 is infinitely 
greater. The fact that this translation is of earlier date than any 
surviving Portuguese edition gave rise to the theory that Moraes 
had translated his work from the Spanish. No competent critic 
now believes this; any doubts that may have lingered were 
dispelled wittily and for ever in Mr. Purser's able essay (1904). 

' The tradition, mentioned by Cervantes, that it was written by a learned 
and witty king of Portugal is clearly traceable to that other tradition that 
King Joao III as Infante had been joint-author of Clarimundo. 



234 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

The Spanish version, with its painful efforts to avoid lusitanismos 
and its palpable mistranslations (such as suavidad or alegria 
for saudade), shows less knowledge of the sea, of Ireland,^ and of 
Portugal. Moreover, the preference of the author of Palmeirim 
for Portugal is obvious, and the passage in which ladies of the 
French Court are introduced corresponds to Moraes' Descvlpa 
de hvns amores,^ first published with the Dialogos in 1624. Moraes 
himself would probably not have been greatly troubled by the 
impudent claim set up for Luis Hurtado and Miguel Ferrer. 
To have made a masterpiece out of their book would have been 
an achievement as great as to have made it out of old French 
and English legends in Paris. Palmeirim's predecessors. Pal- 
merin de Oliva (1511), Primaleon (1512), and Platir (1533), were 
probably all genuinely Spanish, although some doubts have 
been raised as to the first of the line, Palmerin de Oliva 
attributed to a cryptic lady, a femina docta called Agustobrica.* 
Its successors were as genuinely Portuguese : to Moraes' parts 
I and 2 DiOGO Fernandez added parts 3 and 4 (1587), concerned 
with the deeds of Palmeirim's son, Dom Duardos* and Balthasar 
GoNgALVEZ LoBATO parts 5 and 6 (1602), in which are told those 
of his grandson, Dom Clarisol de Bretanha. Three brief but 
very lively and natural Dialogos (1624) show that Moraes was 
not only an excellent stylist but a keen observer. The fidalgo 
and escudeiro, the lawyer and the love-lorn mogo, are all clearly 
and wittily presented. 

' Mount Brandon, Smerwick (and The Three Sisters) of the • pleasant ' 
but ' densely wooded ' coast of Kerry, are Greek to the Spanish translator 
and become San Cebrian (Cyprian) and San Maurique. 

* The title continues : que tinha com hua dama francesa da raynha dona 
Leanor per name Torsi, sendo Portugues, pela quai fez a historia das damas 
francesas no seu Palmeirim. 

^ It is scarcely possible that the author (Francisco Vazquez ?) considered 
that Burgos, as his birthplace — his mother — had a part in the work. 

' From being merely the legend above, the mounted knight on the title- 
page Dom Duardos de Bretanha became the title of the book. 



§7- 
Religious and Mystic Writers 

Amador Arraez in one of his dialogues defines mysticism 
ttius : ' There is a theology called mystic, as being hidden and 
unintelligible to those who have no part in it. It is attained by 
much love and few books and with much meditation and purity 
of heart, which alone suffices for its exercise, and consists 
mainly in the noblest part of our will inflamed in the love of 
God, its full and perfect good.' ^ ' Our will inflamed ' : perhaps 
these words explain the excellence of the style, the intensity 
and directness, of the writers in this mystic theology. Style, so 
shy and elusive to Flaubert and his disciples, came unsought to 
the religious writers of the sixteenth century, because they 
wrote not with an eye on verbal artifices but out of the fullness 
of the heart, ' self-gathered for an outbreak ' ; and their works 
can still be read with pleasure by priest and pagan. Mysticism, 
inherent in the character of the Portuguese, runs through a great 
part of their literature ; we find it, for instance, in the merry 
poetry of Gil Vicente or in the precious accents of Soror Vio- 
lante do Ceo. Strength of character, aloofness, rapt enthusiasm, 
singleness of purpose : these are the qualities of mysticism at 
its best, and if it also manifests itself in vagueness and con- 
fusion, this was not so with the great mystic and religious 
writers of the golden age of Portuguese literature. To them 
mysticism was not a cloudy goodness or an abstract perception- 
dulling humanity, not a mist but a pillar of fire, in the light of 
which the facts and details of reality stood out the more clearly. 
But if the intensity of many of the mystics has its natural 
complement in the f ervoilr and directness of their prose, this was 
not always the case, and it was not only in profane works that 
the Portuguese language fell into the pitfalls of culteranismo. 
All the more remarkable is the purity, the exquisite taste, the 

' Dial. X. 4. 



236 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

simplicity and charm of some of the later, seventeenth century, 
prose. The secret of this prose lay in fact in culteranismo itself, 
the points and conceits of which were based on a recognition of 
the value of words. All the seiscentistas set to playing with 
words as with unset stones of price. The more critical or 
inspired writers joined in the game but selected the genuine 
stones, leaving the rest to those who did not care to distinguish 
between gems and coloured glass. 

A faint vein of mysticism is to be found in the work of Frei 
Heitor Pinto (c. 1528-1584 .?), who was born at the high-lying 
little town of Covilhan and professed in the famous Convento dos 
Jeronimos at Belem in 1543. After taking the degree of Doctor of 
Theology at Siguenza he in 1567 competed for a Chair at Salamanca 
University, but came into collision with Fray Luis de Leon, and 
in a bitter contest between the Hieronymite and Augustinian 
Orders Pinto was defeated. He returned to Portugal, became 
Professor of the new Chair of Scripture at Coimbra University 
in 1576, Rector of the University and Provincial of his Order.^ 
After the death of the Cardinal-King he appears vehemently 
to have espoused the cause of the Prior of Crato. King Philip 
accordingly invited Pinto to accompany him to Spain — he was 
one of the fifty excluded from the amnesty of 1581 — and scandal 
added that the king had him poisoned there in 1584. Pinto 
was an eminent divine, a man of wide learning, a master of 
Portuguese prose, and he appears to have inspired his pupils 
with affection ; but King Philip could scarcely have considered 
him worth poisoning, especially when removed from his sphere 
of influence. No doubt he went to Spain with extreme reluct- 
ance — on other occasions of his busy life when the affairs of 
his Order drove him to France and Italy he had sighed in tears 
(in spite of his interest in travel, his love of Nature, and especially 
his antiquarian curiosity ^) for his quiet cell at Belem, ' where 
he had lived many years in great content '. Perhaps too he 

' The dates given by Barbosa Machado are Rector 1565, Provincial 1571. 

' He introduces himself as a theologian in his dialogues, and one may infer 
several facts concerning his life, e.g. that he had been in Rome (Imagem, 
Pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 351 v.), Montserrat (f. 88), Marseilles (f. 88), Savoy (f. 295), 
Madrid (f. 190), tliat he kept a diary (f. 190), that he viras curioso de anti- 
gualhas (f. 352). 



RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS 237 

had not forgotten his defeat at Salamanca. ' King Philip ', he 
now said sturdily, ' may put me into Castille but never Castille 
into me.' Pinto wrote commentaries on various books of the 
Old Testament, which were published in Latin, but his principal 
work consists in the dialogues, a maneira dos de Platao, of his 
Imagem da Vida Christam (1563), followed by the Segunda Parte 
dos Dialogos (1572). The first part has six dialogues, the sub- 
jects being true philosophy, religion, justice, tribulation, the 
solitary life,^ and remembrance of death. The five of the second 
part treat of tranquillity of life, discreet ignorance, true friend- 
ship, causes,^ and true and spurious possessions. It is impossible 
to read a page of these dialogues and not be struck by the 
extraordinary fascination of their style. It is concise and direct 
without ever losing its harmony. Perhaps its best testimonial 
is that its magic survives the innumerable quotations, although 
one may regret that the work was not written, like the Trabalhos 
de Jesus, in a dungeon instead of in a well-stocked library.* 
Apart from the proof it affords of the exceptional capacity of 
the Portuguese language for combining softness and vigour, 
the work contains much ingenious thought, charming descrip- 
tions, and elaborate similes. Some twenty editions in various 
languages before the end of the century show how keenly it 
was appreciated. It was certainly not without influence on the 
Dialogos (1589) of the energetic and austere Bishop of Portalegre, 
Amador Arraez {c. 1530-1600), who spent his boyhood at Beja 
and professed as a Carmelite at Lisbon a year after Frei Thome 
de Jesus and two years after Frei Heitor Pinto had professed in 
the same city. Like the former he studied theology at Coimbra.* 

» Macedo, quoted by Innocencio da Silva (iii. 176), alleged this to be 
a 'faithful translation' from Petrarca. Why Petrarca (1304-74) should 
praise Belem Convent and Coimbra University, refer to the recent death 
(1557) °f King Joao III, or speak of ' our ' Francisco de Hollanda we are not 
told. Pinto in a later dialogue. Da Tranquillidade da Vida, refers to Petrarca's 
Vita Solitaria (Pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 47 v.). 

2 Since 1590 is impUed as the date of this dialogue on f. 290 of the 1593 
edition it must be emphasized that the Segunda Parte appeared originally 
in 1572. 

^ Pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 366 V. : eu revolvo os livros . . . com grandes trabalhos 
6- vigilias. 

* Cf. Dialogos, 1604 ed., f. 346 : Coimbra, ondf gastei a flor de minha 
adolescencia. (This edition really has but 344 ff. since f. 29 follows f. 22.) 



238 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Cardinal Henrique, when Archbishop of Evora, chose Arraez to 
be his suffragan, and in 1578 appointed him to the see of Tripoli. 
Three years later he was made Bishop of Portalegre by Philip H. 
He resigned in 1596, and spent the last four years of his life in 
retirement, in the college of his Order at Coimbra. A few weeks 
before his death he wrote the prefatory letter for the revised 
edition of his great work.^ It consists of ten long dialogues 
between the sick and dying Antiocho and doctor, priest, lawyer, 
or friends. The longest, over a quarter of the whole, is a mystic 
life of the Virgin, and of the others some are purely religious, as 
Da Paciencia e Fortaleza Christam, some historical or political 
[Da Gloria e Triunfo dos Lusitanos ; Das Condigoes e Partes do 
Bom Principe). That on the Jews {Da Gente Judaica) is marred 
by a spirit of bitter intolerance ; on the other hand there is an 
outspoken protest against slavery. The whole of this interest- 
ing miscellany, which incidentally discusses a very large number 
of subjects,^ is tinged with mystic philosophy, and at the same 
time shows a keen sense of reality. In style as in degree of 
mysticism it stands midway between Pinto's Imagem and the 
Trabalhos de Jesus. It is evident that its composition, although 
less artificial than that of the Imagem, has been the subject of 
much care, and the author declares in his preface that while 
adopting a ' common, ordinary style ', to the exclusion of forced 
tricks and elegances, he has striven after clearness and harmony 
(the two postulates of his contemporary. Fray Luis de Leon). 
The result is a treasury of excellent prose, in which the har- 
monious flow of the sentences in nowise interferes with precision 
and restraint, that grave brevity which Arraez notes as one 
of the principal qualities of Portuguese. It can rise to great 
eloquence (as in the lament of Olympio) without ever becoming 
rhetorical or turgid. 

The prose of Pinto and Arraez was a very conscious art, that 
of the still greater Frei Thome de Jesus (1529 P-Sz) was the 
man, and the man merged in mysticism, without thought of 

' Dialogos de Dom Frey Amador Arraiz, Coimbra, 1604. The idea of the 
work belonged to his brother, Jeronimo Arraez, who did not hve to complete 
what he had begun. 

^ The same variety occurs in Poderes de Amor em geral e horas de conver- 
safam particular (1657), by Frei Cristovam Godinho (c. 1600-71) of Evora. 



RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS 239 

style. He was the son of Fernam Alvarez de Andrade, Treasurer 
to King Joao III, and of Isabel de Paiva. One of his brothers 
was the celebrated preacher Diogo de Paiva de Andrade 
(1528-75), another the historian Francisco de Andrade; a 
third, Frei Cosme da Presentagao, distinguished himself in 
philosophy and theology, but died at the age of thirty-six at 
Bologna, while the work of a nephew (son of Francisco de 
Andrade), Diogo de Paiva de Andrade (1576-1660), Casamento 
perfeito (1636), is counted a classic of Portuguese prose. His 
sister D. Violante married the second Conde de Linhares. As a 
boy at the Augustinian Collegio de Nossa Senhora da Graga at 
Coimbra he is said to have been all but drowned while swimming 
in the Mondego. He professed at the Lisbon convent of the same 
Order in 1544, went to Coimbra to study theology, and then 
became master of novices at the Lisbon convent.^ Here in 1574 
he planned a reform of the Order, but when all was ready for 
the secession of the new Recoletos an intrigue put an end to 
the scheme, which a kindred spirit, Fray Luis de Leon, later 
carried into effect. Frei Thome was permitted to retire to the 
convent of Penafirme by the sea, near Torres Vedras, where he 
might hope to indulge his love of quiet and solitude. He was, 
however, appointed prior of the convent and Visitor of his Order, 
and in 1578 was chosen by King Sebastian to accompany him 
to Africa. At the battle of Alcacer Kebir, as he held aloft a 
crucifix or tended the wounded, he was speared by a Moor and 
taken prisoner to Mequinez. Here he was loaded with chains 
and placed in a dungeon, and as the slave of a marabout received 
'less bread than blows'. The Portuguese Ambassador, D. Fran- 
cisco da Costa, intervened, and he was removed to Morocco. 
Frei Thome had borne all his sufferings with the most heroic 
fortitude, and now, broken in health but not in spirit, he refused 
to lodge at the ambassador's and asked to be placed in the 
common prison. During a captivity of nearly four years, 
regardless of his own f ate,^ with unflagging devotion he ministered 

' He wrote the life of the prior, Frei Luis de Montoia, whose Vida de Christo 
he completed. 

' Tendo die sua mai e irmaos muito ricos e a Condessa de Linhares sua irmaa, 
todos offerecidos a pagar o grosso resgate que os Mouros pediam, par saberem 
a qualidade de sunpessoa (Cronica do Cardeal Rei D. Henrique, p. 38). 



240 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

to the numerous Christian prisoners, and was occupied to the 
last with their needs. Costa, who shared the general respect 
and affection for this saint and hero, visited him as he lay 
dying (April 17, 1582). Vattene in pace, alma heata e bella ! 
It was during his captivity that he composed the work that has 
given him the lasting fame earned by his life and character, 
writing furtively in the scant light that filtered through the 
cracks of the prison door.^ These fifty Trabalhos de Jesus 
(2 pts., 1602, 9) embrace the whole life of Christ, and deserve, 
more than Renan's Vie de Christ, to be called a gracious fifth 
Gospel. Each trahalho is, moreover, followed by a spiritual 
exercise, and these constitute a Portuguese De Imitatione Christi. 
Rarely, if ever, has such glow and fervour been set in print : 
none but the very dull could be left cold by these transports of 
passionate devotion. The prose wrestles and throbs in an 
agony, of grief or rapture, of mysticism carried to the extreme 
limit where all power of articulate expression ends.^ Frei 
Thome de Jesus is a master of Portuguese prose not by any 
arts or graces but through the white heat of his intensity. No 
book shows more clearly that style must always be a secondary 
consideration, that if there be a burning conviction excellence 
of style follows. It could evidently only have been written by 
one who had greatly suffered, indeed by one who still suffered, 
one who expressed in these fervid accents of heavenly com- 
munion an oblivion of self and an energy habitually employed 
in eager earthly service of his fellow men. In a prefatory letter 
(November 8, 1581) addressed to the Portuguese people he 
declared his intention of publishing as it stood this masterpiece 
of mystic ecstasy, which he believed to have been written by 
divine inspiration.* 
Another celebrated treatise of a mystic character is the Voz do 

' See his prefatory letter in the Trabalhos. Cf. Antonio, Bib. Nova, ii. 307. 
Barbosa Machado speaks of hua horrivel masmorra. 

' Cf. p. 39 (1666 ed.) :0 , d, d amor : 6, 6, 6 amor, cale a lingua e entendi- 
mento, dilatai-vos vos por toda esta alma, &c. ; or p. 54 : Ah, ah, ah bondade : 
ah, ah amor sem lei, sem regra, sem medida, adoro-te, louvo-te, desejo-te, por ti 
suspiro. 

^ He also wrote Oratorio sacro de soUloquios do amor divino (1628) and various 
works in Latin. Manuel Godinho refers to his Estimulo das Missoes (Relafao, 
1842 ed., p. 47). 



RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS 241 

Amado (1579) by the learned Canon D. Hilariam Brand ao 
(fiSSs). The religious works of this century are very numerous. 
We may mention the anonymous Regras e Cautelas de proueito 
espiritual (1342), which js written in biblical prose and deals 
with the fifteen perfections or excellences of charity and kindred 
subjects ; the dialogues Desengano de Perdidos em dialogo entre 
dous peregrinos, hu christao e hu turco (Goa, 1573) by the first 
Archbishop of Goa, D. Gaspar de Leao (11576), and the Dialogo 
espiritual: Colloquio de um religioso com um peregrino (1578) by 
Frei Alvaro de Torres [Vedras] (fl. 1550), who was drowned 
in the Tagus when on the way to his convent at Belem. 

D. JoANA DA Gama (fi568), a nun of noble birth who directed 
a small community founded by herself at Evora, a few miks 
from her native Viana, published a short collection of moral 
sentences in alphabetical order, followed by a few poems (trovas) : 
Ditos da Freyra (1555). She insists, perhaps a little too em- 
phatically for conviction, on her lack of intelligence and ability, 
and says that these sayings were written down for herself alone 
and that she purposely avoids subtleties [ditos sotijs), but her 
aphorisms contain some shrewd personal observation. Fact 
and legend have combined to weave an atmosphere of romance 
about the life of Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, better known as 
Frei Luis de Sousa (1555 ?-i632). A descendant of the second 
Conde de Marialva, he early entered or was about to enter the 
Order of Knights Hospitallers at Malta, but was captured by the 
Moors in much the same way and at about the same time (i575) 3-s 
was Cervantes. He was taken to Algiers, and may have known 
Cervantes there, or the statement that he became Cervantes' 
friend may have been an inference from the latter's mention of 
him in Los Trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda ; they may have 
met in Lisbon in 1590, or at Madrid. Sousa Coutinho returned 
to Portugal in 1578, and some years later married D. Magda- 
lena de Vilhena, widow of D. Joao de Portugal, one of all the 
peerage that fell with King Sebastian at Alcacer Kebir. Sousa 
Coutinho, at the invitation of his brother in Panama, is said to 
have gone thither in the hope of making a fortune, but the date 
is not clear. His unbending patriotism was immortalized when 
as Governor of Almada in 1599 he burnt down his house rather 

2362 Q 



242 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

than receive as guests the Spanish Governors of Portugal. The 
prospect of riches at Panama may have seemed especially 
alluring after this rash act. He appears to have lived quietly in 
Portugal for some years before 1613, when both he and his 
wife entered a convent. Their act has been variously explained 
as due to melancholy disposition or to the early death of their 
daughter, D. Anna de Noronha. Probably after her death the 
example of their friend the Conde de Vimioso and the con- 
viction that the only abiding pleasure is the renunciation of all 
the rest were prevalent factors in their decision. The legend, 
however, related by Frei Antonio da Encarnagao and dramatized 
two centuries later by Garrett, records that D. Joao de Portugal, 
D. Magdalena de Vilhena's first husband, had been not killed 
but taken prisoner in Africa, and after many years' captivity 
he reappears as an aged pilgrim and bitterly reveals his identity. 
In the convent of Bemfica, where he had professed in September 
1614, Frei Luis de Sousa was consulted on various matters by 
the Duke of Braganza and others who valued his fine character 
and clear judgement, but he did not live to see the Restoration. 
He was entrusted by his Order with the revision of works left 
by another Dominican, Frei Luis de Cacegas {c. 1540-1610). 
These he re-wrote, giving them a lasting value by virtue of his 
style. The first part of the Historia de S. Domingos, ' a new 
kind of chronicle ' as he calls it in his preface addressed to the 
king, appeared in 1623, but the second (1662) and third (1678) 
parts were not published in his lifetime. A fourth part (1733) 
was added by Frei Lucas de Santa Catharina (1660-1740), 
who among other works wrote a curious miscellany of verse and 
prose, romance and literary criticism, entitled Seram politico 
(1704). In the biography of the saintly and strong-willed Arch- 
bishop of Braga, Vida de D. Fr. Bertolomeu dos Martyres (1619), 
the excellence of Sousa's style is even more apparent, for it has 
here no trace of rhetoric and the pictures stand out with the more 
effect for the economy with which they are drawn — the dearth of 
adjectives is noticeable. The archbishop's visits to his diocese 
give occasion for charming, homely ghmpses of Minho. Neither 
of these books is the work of a critical historian (in the Vida, 
for instance, winds and waves obey the archbishop), but the 



RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS 243 

latter, especially, is in matter and manner one of the master- 
pieces of Portuguese literature, a livro divino, as a modern 
Portuguese writer called it/ The Annaes de El Rei Dom jFoao Ter- 
ceiro, written at the bidding of Philip IV, was published in 
1844 by Herculano, who described the work as little more than 
a series of notes, except in the Indian sections, which sum- 
marize Barros. It is as a stylist, not as a historian, that Frei 
Luis de Sousa will always be read, and read with delight.^ The 
subject of his biography, Frei Bartholomeu dos Martyres 
(1514-90), wrote in Portuguese a simple Catecismo da Dovtrina 
Christam (Braga, 1564), resembling the Portuguese work of his 
friend Fray Luis de Granada (1504-88) : Compendia de Doctrina 
Christaa (Lixboa, 1559). 

The Historia da Vida do Padre Francisco Xavier (1600), by 
the Jesuit JoAo de Lucena (1550-1600), born at Trancoso, 
who made his mark as an eloquent preacher and Professor of 
Philosophy in the University of Evora, is also one of the classics 
of the Portuguese language. It receives a glowing fervour 
from the author's evident delight in his subject — the life of the 
famous Basque missionary in whose arms D. Joao de Castro 
died. His command of clear, fluent, vigorous prose, his skilful 
use of words and abundant power of description, enable him to 
convey this enthusiasm to his readers. Part of the matter of his 
book was derived from Fernam Mendez Pinto, but the style is 
his own. 

Like Frei Luis de Sousa, Frei Manuel da EsPERANgA (1586- 
1670) became the historian of his Order in the Historia Seraphica 
da Ordem dos Frades Menores (2 pts., 1656, 66). We know from 
remarks in the second part that he paid the greatest attention 
to its composition, for which he had prepared himself by reading 
hUa multiddo notavel of books on that and kindred subjects. 
Similar excellence of style marks the later work of the Jesuit 

' C. Castello Branco, Estrellas propicias, 2* ed., p. 204. Its only fault, 
artistically, is the detailed description of the commemoration festivities, 
which come as an anticlimax. 

2 Other works of the period are similarly read rather for their style than 
as history, as the Historia Ecchsiastica da Igreja de Lisboa (1642) and the 
Historia Ecchsiastica dos Arcebispos de Braga (2 pts., 1634, 1635) by D. Rodrigo 
DA CuNHA (1577-1643), the Archbishop of Lisbon who had an active share 
in the liberation of Portugal from the yoke of Spain in 1640. 

Q2 



244 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Francisco de Sousa (1628 ?-i7i3), Oriente conquistado 
(2 vols., 1710), in which he chronicles the history of the Company 
in the East. 

The most celebrated Portuguese preacher of his time,^ Frei 
Thome de Jesus' brother, Diogo de Paiva de Andrade 
(1528-75), represented Portugal at the Council of Trent in 
1561. His eloquent Sermoes (1603, 4, 15) were published 
posthumously in three parts. His mantle fell upon Francisco 
Fernandez GalvXo (1554-1610), the prose of whose Sermoes 
(3 vols., 1611, 13, 16) is admirably restrained and pure. Less 
sonorous than the periods of Paiva de Andrade, the Traitados [sic] 
Qtuxdragesimais e da Paschoa (1609) and Tratados das Festas 
e Vidas dos Santos (2 pts., 1612, 15) of the Dominican Frei 
Antonio Feo (1573-1627) perhaps gain rather than lose by 
being read, not heard. In the clearness and precision of their 
prose they are scarcely inferior to the remarkable Sermoes 
(3 pts., 1617, r8, 25) of the Augustinian Frei Philipe da 
Luz (1574-1633), confessor to the Duke of Braganza (after- 
wards King Joao IV), in whose palace at Villa Vigosa he died. 
He, too, writes sem grandes eloquencias ; he is as precise as Feo 
in his use of words, and his vocabulary is as extensive. Purity, 
concision, clearness, and harmony give him, together with Feo, 
Ceita, and Veiga, a high place in Portuguese prose. 

The sermons for which the Dominican Frei Pedro Calvo 
(born c. 1550) was celebrated were published in Homilias de 
Quaresma (2 pts., 1627, 9), and at the repeated request of a 
friend he wrote his Defensam das Lagrimas dos ivstos persegvidos 
(1618) to prove that ' tears shed in time of trouble do not lessen 
merit '. The Sermoes (1618) and Consideragoes (1619, ao, 33) 
of Frei Thomas da Veiga (i578-i638),like his father a Professor 
of Coimbra University, are written in a style of great excellence, 
as, although a trifle more redundant^ and latinized, is that of 
his contemporary, like him a Franciscan, Frei Joao da Ceita 

' Another renowaed Court preacher was D. Antonio Pinheiro (f 1582 ?), 
Bishop of Miranda, whose works were collected by Sousa Farinha : Colleccao 
das obras portuguesas do sabio Bispo de Miranda e de Leiria, 2 vols., 1785, 6. 

* e.g. officio e dignidade, gritos e brados, boca o lingoa, cuidao e imuginao. 
Macedo (O Couto, p. 82) rightly calls Ceita um dos principaes textos em lingua 
portugueza. 



RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS 245 

(1578-1633), whose prose has a natural grace and harmony, if 
it is less pure and indigenous than that of Luz. His best 
known works are the Quadragena de Sermoens (1619) and 
Quadragena Segunda (1625). Two more volumes of Sermoes 
(1634, 5) appeared after his death. Two slightly later writers 
were Frei Cristovam de Lisboa (11652), brother of Manuel 
Severim de Faria, and Frei Cristovam de Almeida 
(1620-79), Bishop of Martyria. The former, author of Jardim 
da Sagrada Escriptura (1653) and Consolagam de Afflictos 
e Allivio de Lastimados (1742), in the preface to his Santoral 
de Varies Sermoes (1638) deplores the new fashion of certain 
preachers who hide their meaning under their eloquence. He 
is himself sometimes inclined to be florid. Bishop Almeida 
attained a reputation for great eloquence even in the days of 
Antonio Vieira.^ His Sermoes (1673, 80, 86) are simpler than 
those of Vieira, but for the reader their prose lacks the quiet 
precision of Ceita, Veiga, or Luz, whose sermons may be con- 
sidered one of the sources from which a greater master of Portu- 
guese, Manuel Bernardes, derived his magic. The Jesuit 
Luis Alvarez (1615 .?-i709.''), who was born a few years after 
Vieira, and lived on into the eighteenth century, also had 
a great reputation as a preacher. The fire is absent from the 
printed page, but his works, Sermoes da Quaresma (3 pts., 1688, 
94, 99), Amor Sagrado (1673), and Ceo de graga, inferno custoso 
1692), are notable for the purity of their prose. 

Thereligious works of the seventeenth, as of the sixteenth century 
are very various in subject and treatment. Frei Jo Ac Cardoso 
(ti655), author of Ruth Peregrina (2 pts., 1628, 54), also wrote 
a lengthy commentary on the 113th Psalm in twenty-one dis- 
courses: Jornada Dalma Libertada (1626). Ten years earlier 
a Jew, JoAO Baptista d'Este, had published in excellent 
Portuguese a translation of the Psalms: Consolagam Christam 
e Lvz para Povo Hehreo (1616). His title was suggested by 

' Other noted preachers were the Jesuits Francisco do Amaral (1593- 
1647), who published the first (and only) volume of his Sermoes (1641) in the 
year in which Vieira came to Portugal, and Francisco de MENDON9A (1573- 
1626), a master of clear and vigorous prose in his two volumes of Sermoes 
(1636, 9) ; and the Trinitarian Baltasar Paez (1570-1638), whose Sermoes 
de Quaresma (2 pts., 1631, 3), Sermoes da Semana Santa (1630), Marial de 
Sermoes (1649), may still be read with profit. 



246 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

that of a far more remarkable book by another Jew, Samuel 
Usque (fl. 1540), Consolagam ds Tribulagoens de Israel, written 
probably between 1540 and 1550 ^ and first printed at Ferrara by 
Abraham ben Usque in 1553. The author was the son of Spanish 
Jews who had taken refuge in Portugal, where he was born, 
probably at the end of the fifteenth century.^ His famous work 
is an account of the sufferings of the Jewish race. In three 
dialogues Jacob {Ycabo), Nahum {Numeo), and Zachariah 
[Zicareo) converse as shepherds. Israel, in person, relates his 
sorrows down to the fall of Jerusalem, an event which is described 
in detail, and so on to the persecutions in European countries 
[novas gentes), and at the end of each dialogue the prophets 
administer their comfort. The book closes with a chorus of 
rapturous psalms in biblical prose, rejoicing at the coming end 
of Israel's tribulations and calling for vengeance on their ene- 
mies, and thus finishes on a note of joyful faith and courageous 
hope, without an inkling of charity. The first dialogue, which 
condenses Old Testament history, has a rhythmical, luxuriant 
style, rich in Oriental imagery, but later, where Roman history 
is the authority, or in the tragic account of the persecution of 
Jews in Portugal* under Joao II and the two succeeding kings, 
the style is shorn of rhetoric. Nor is there a trace of false 
ornament in a long passage of wonderful eloquence, Israel's 
final complaint and invocation to sky and earth, waters and 
mortal creatures. The agony and awful glow of indignation at 
these recent events had a restraining influence on the style, 
which loses nothing by this simplicity. Quieter descriptions are 
those of the shepherd's life and of the chase in the first, and of 
spring and evening in the third part. 

The Jesuit Diogo Monteiro (1561-1634), when towards the 
end of his life he published his Arte de Orar (1631), promised, 
should his ' great occupations ' allow, to print very soon the 

' Ha poucos annos que he arribado (the Inquisition in Portugal), Pt. 3, 1908 
ed , f. xxxii. 

' See p. 5 of Prologo : Portuguese is a lingoa que mamei, but his passados 
are from Castile. 

' The inhabitants of the Peninsula are astuios e maliciosos, Spain is ' a hypo- 
critical and cruel wolf ', the Portuguese are fortes e quasi barbaros, the English 
maliciosos, the Italians, since the book was to appear in their country, merely 
' warlike and ungrateful '. 



RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS 247 

second volume dealing with the divine attributes. This did not 
appear in that generation: Meditagoes dos attrihvtos divinos 
(Roma, 1671). The Arte de Orar contains twenty-nine treatises 
(604 ff.). Its subjects are various (of the virtue of magnifi- 
cence ; of the esteem in which singing is held by God, &c.), 
and they are presented with fervour and clear concision, and 
especially with a complete absence of oratorical effect. Quin- 
tilian takes part in one of the six dialogues which compose 
the Peregrinagam Christam (1620) by Tristao Barbosa de 
Carvalho (11632) ; he is on a pilgrimage from Lisbon to the 
tomb of Saint Isabel at Coimbra, but he expresses himself in 
excellent Portuguese, modelled perhaps on that of Arraez. 
The prose of the Retrato de Prvdentes, Espelho de Ignorantes 
(1664) by the Jesuit Francisco Aires (1597-1664) often rises 
to eloquence, notably in the fervent prayers. His Theatro dos 
Trivmphos Divinos contra as Desprimores Hvmanos (1658) is of 
a more practical character. The Franciscan Frei Manuel dos 
Anjos (1595-1653) laid no claim to originality in his Politica 
predicavel e doutrina moral do bom governo do mundo (1693), 
written in a clear and correct but slightly redundant ^ style. 

Frei Luis dos Anjos [c. 1570-1625) in his lardim de Portugal 
(1626) gathered edifying anecdotes of saintly women from 
various writers, and set them down in good Portuguese prose. 
The Franciscan Frei Pedro de Santo Antonio {c. 1570- 
1641) in his lardim Spiritual, tirado dos Sanctos e Varoens 
spiritvaes (1632) contented himself with translation • of his 
authorities, adding, he modestly says, ' some things of my own 
of not much importance'. He carefully avoided interlarding 
his Portuguese with Latin, his object being fazer prato a todos. 
Even more humble is the work of the Cistercian Frei Fradique 
EspiNOLA [c. 1630-1708), who compiled in his Escola Decurial 
(12 pts., 1696-1721) an encyclopaedia of themes so various as 
the fate of King Sebastian, the duties of women, and the habits 
of storks. Although it lacks the literary pretensions of the 

1 If, for instance, the bracketed words in the following sentence (p. 3, § 5) 
be omitted it gains in vigour and loses little in the sense : Este poder se nao 
deo aos Reys para extorsoens [6- violencias] mas para amparar [&■ defender] 
OS vassallos porque aU propria Deos parece que tern as mdos atadas a rigores 
[&■ castigos] S- livres a demencias [<&- misericordias']. 



248 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

Divertimento erudito by the Augustiniati Frei JoAo Pacheco 
{1677-? 1747), it contains some curious matter. A similar 
miscellany of anecdotes and precepts was written by Joao 
Baptista de Castro in the eighteenth century : Hora de Recreio 
nas ferias de maiores estudos (2 pts., 1742, 3). 

The life of the ardent Frei Antonio das Chagas (1631-82) 
abounded in contrasts. Born at Vidigueira, of an old Alentejan 
family, Antonio da Fonseca Scares began his career as a soldier 
in 1650; a duel (arising out of one of his many love affairs), in 
which he killed his man, drove him to Brazil, and it was only 
after several years of distinguished service ^ that he returned to 
Portugal, perhaps in 1657. Iii 1661 he attained the rank of 
captain, but in the following year abandoned his military career, 
and in 1663 professed in the Franciscan convent at Evora, 
exchanging the composition of gongoric verse for a voluminous 
correspondence in prose, and his unregenerate days of dissipa- 
tion for a glowing and saintly asceticism. [Trocando as galas em 
buret e os caprichos em cilicios are the words with which he veils 
the real sincerity of his conversion.) Preferring the humbler 
but strenuous duties of missionary in Portugal and Spain to 
the bishopric of Lamego, he founded the missionary convent of 
Varatojo, and died there twenty years after his novitiate. 
During those years he built up and exercised a powerful spiritual 
influence throughout Portugal, and it continued after his death. 
Few of his poems survive, since he committed the greater part 
of his profane verse to the flames, but some of his romances 
may still be read. It is, however, as a prose - writer, 
especially in his Cartas Espirituaes (2 pts., 1684, 7), that he 
holds a foremost place in Portuguese literature. There is less 
affectation in these more familiar letters than in his Sermoes 
genuinos (1690) or his Obras Espirituaes (1684). The very titles 
of some of his shorter treatises, Vozes do Ceo e Tremores da Terra, 
Espelho do Espelho, show that he had not even now altogether 
escaped the false taste of the time, and artificial flowers of 
speech, plays on words, laboured metaphors and antitheses 
appear in his prose. But if it has not the simple severity of 

' He had been fortunate, for, says Antonio Vieira in 1640, nao ha guerra 

no mundo onde so morra tdo frequentemente como na do Brazil. 



RELIGIOUS AND MYSTIC WRITERS 249 

a Bernardes, it possesses so persuasive, so passionate an energy, 
and is of so clear a fervour and harmony that its eloquence is 
felt to be genuine. 

The Jesuit Frei JoAo da Fonseca (1632-1701), in the preface 
to one of his works, Sylva Moral e Historica (1696), which may 
have given Bernardes the idea of his Nova Floresta, rejects 
affected periods and new phrases, and there is no false rhetoric 
in his Espelho de Penitentes (1687), Satisfagam de Aggravos 
(1700), which takes the form of dialogues between a hermit 
and a soldier, and other devotional works. Another Jesuit, 
Alexandre de Gusmao (1629-1724), although born at Lisbon, 
spent most (eighty-five years) of his long life in Brazil. He 
wrote, among other works, Rosa de Nazareth nas Montanhas 
de Hebron (1715), compiled from various histories of the 
Company of Jesus, and Historia do Predestinado Peregrino e seu 
Irmao Precito (1682). The latter is an allegory in six books 
which lacks the human interest of Bunyan's Pilgrim'' s Progress, 
which it preceded. It describes the journey of two brothers, 
Predestinado and Precito, out of Egypt to Jerusalem (Heaven) 
and Babylon (Hell). The style is simpler and more direct than 
might be inferred from the inflated title, and often has an 
effective if studied eloquence.'^ 

Vieira dying is reported to have said that the Portuguese 
language was safe in the keeping of Padre Manuel Bernardes. 
The aged Jesuit, who maintained his interest in literature to the 
end, may have received Bernardes' Luz e Calor ^ (1696) in the 
last year of his life, and thQExercicios Espirituaes (2 vols., 1686) 
had appeared ten years earlier. Other works, Sermoes e Praticas 
(1711),^ Nova Floresta (5 vols., 1706-28), Os Ultimas Fins do 
Homem (1727), Varios Tratados (2 vols., 1737), were soon 
forthcoming to justify the prophecy. Manuel Bernardes 
(1644-1710), the son of Joao Antunes and Maria Bernardes, 
was born at Lisbon, studied law and philosophy at Coimbra 

' e.g. in the following passage (p. 47), in which Calderon and Joao de 
Deus join hands : ' The world and its glory is a passing comedy, a farce that 
ends in laughter, a shadow that disappears, a thinning mist, a fading flower, 
a blinding smoke, a dream that is not true." 

^ EsHmulos de amor divino (1758) is an extract from this, as the Tratado 
breve da oragam mental (5th ed., 1757) is extracted from the Exercicios Es- 
pirituaes. ' Pt. 2 appeared in 1733. 



250 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 

University, and at the age of thirty entered the Lisbon Oratory, 
where he spent thirty-six years. That was all his life, yet 
through his books this modest, humorous, austere priest has 
exercised a profound influence not only, as Barbosa Machado 
declares, in guiding souls to Heaven, but in moulding and pro- 
tecting the Portuguese language. His style is marked in an 
equal degree by grace and concision, intensity and restraint, 
smoothness and vigour.^ With him the florid cloak, in which 
many recent writers had wrapped Portuguese, falls away, 
leaving the pith and kernel of the language ; the conceits of 
the culteranos disappear, and the most striking effects are 
attained without apparent artifice. In his hands the pinchbeck 
and tinsel are transmuted into delicate pieces of ivory. The 
charm of his style is difficult to analyse, but it may be remarked 
that his vocabulary is inexhaustible, his precision unfailing, that 
he is not afraid to employ the commonest words, and that the 
construction of his sentences is of a transparent simplicity, as 
bare of rhetoric as is the poetry of Joao de Deus. His reputa- 
tion as a lord of language has survived every test. His works 
are not merely the deliciae of a few distant scholars but an 
acknowledged glory of the nation, praised by that literary 
iconoclast Macedo, and quoted as an authority in the Republican 
Parliament of 1915. The most popular of his works are Luz 
e Calor, and especially the Nova Floresta, in which moral and 
familiar anecdote go quaintly hand in hand, but if one must 
choose between excellence and excellence his masterpiece is 
the Exercicios Espirituaes, in which thought and expression 
often rise to sublime heights. One may perhaps compare him 
with Fray Juan de los Angeles (jiGog). His simple doctrines 
spring from the heart and, winged by shrewd knowledge of men, 
touch the heart of his readers. One of his more immediate 
followers was Padre Manuel Consciencia [c. 1669-1739), author 
of a large number of works on moral and religious subjects, 
the best known of which is A Mocidade enganada e desenganada 
(6 vols., 1729-38). 

' He often deliberately links a soft and a hard word, as cafa e coo, candores 
da celestial gtafa, licita a guerra. Thus his style becomes crespo sent aspereza. 



IV 

I580-I706 
The Seiscentistas 

Philip II entered his new capital under triumphal arches 
on June 29, 1581, and the subjection of Portugal to Spain 
during the next sixty years in part accounts for the fact that 
nowhere was the decadence of literature in the seventeenth 
century more marked than at Lisbon. For Spain in her sturdy 
independence and reaction from rigid classicism had led the way 
in those precious affectations which invaded the literatures of 
Europe, and the universal malady, gongorism with its Lylyan 
conceits and cultured style, now found a ready welcome in 
Portugal. The literary style which corresponded to the Chur- 
riguerresque in architecture naturally proved congenial to the 
land of the estilo manuelino. King Philip was glad to conciliate 
and provide for Portuguese men of Ietters,^but if in the preceding 
centuries many of them wrote in Spanish, that tendency was 
now necessarily strengthened. Another cause of decadence was 
no doubt the Inquisition, although its influence in this respect 
has been greatly exaggerated. It required no immense tact on 
the part of an author to prevent his works from being placed on 
the Index. An examination, for instance, of the differences 
between the 1616 edition of Eufrosina and the condemned 
1561 edition shows that the parts excised were chiefly coarse 
passages or unsuitable references to the Bible (this was also 
the charge against the letters of Clenardus). That remarkable 
mathematician, Pedro Nunez, pays a tribute to the enlightened 
patronage of letters by Cardinal Henrique, the most ardent 
promoter of the Inquisition in Portugal : qui cum nullum 

' Bernardo de Brito, no lover of Spain, bears witness to favor e bene- 
volencia com que iraia os homens doutos. 



252 I58O-I706 

tempus intermittat quin semper aut animarum saluti prospiciat 
aut optimos quosque auctores evolvat aut Hteratorum hominum 
colloquia audiat.^ 

No literary figure in Portugal of the seventeenth century, 
few in the Peninsula,^ can rank with D. Francisco Manuel de 
Mello (1608-66). Born at Lisbon,^ he belonged to the highest 
Portuguese nobihty and began both his military and literary 
career in his seventeenth year. He wrote in Spanish, although, 
in verse at least, he felt it to be a hindrance,* and it was not till 
he was over forty that he published a work in Portuguese : 
Carta de Guia de Casados (1651).^ Few men have accomplished 
more, and towards the end of his life he could say with pride 
that it would be difficult to find an idle hour in it. He was 
shipwrecked near St. Jean de Luz in 1627 and fought in the 
battle of the Downs in 1639. He was sent with the Conde de 
Linhares to quell the Evora insurrection in 1637, ^'^'i took part in 
the campaign against revolted Catalonia (1640), which he described 
in his Guerra de Cataluna * (1645), written em varias fortunas and 
recognized as a classic of Spanish literature. A man frankly 
outspoken like Mello must have made many enemies, enemies 
dangerous in a time of natural distrust. During the Catalan 
campaign he was sent under arrest to Madrid, apparently on 
suspicion of favouring the cause of an independent Portugal,' 
and a little later, when he was in the service of the King of Portugal, 
the suspicion as to his loyalty recurred. On November 19, 
1644, hewas arrested at Lisbon on a different charge. It appears 
that a servant dismissed by Mello revenged himself by im- 
plicating his former master in a murder that he had committed 

' De Crepuscidis, Preface. Martim Afonso de Miranda later (Tempo de 
Agora, prologo to Pt. .!, 1624) writes of a pouca curiosidade que hoje ha acerca 
da lifSo dos liuros, como tambem o risco a que se expoem os que esoreuem. 

' Menendez y Pelayo set Mello above all except his friend Quevedo. 

' Mr. Edgar Prestage discovered his baptismal certificate and estabUshed 
the date (1608) beyond doubt, though it is still often given as 161 1. On his 
mother'sside Mello was great-grandson of the historian Duarte Nunez de Leam . 

* Prefatory letter to Las tres Mvsas del Melodino (1649) : el lenguaje 
estr anger tan poco es favorable al que compone. 

' He was writing it in Janiiary 1650. 

" Historia de los movitnientos y separacion de Cataluna y de la guerra, &c. 
Lisboa, 1645. 

' On his release after four months of imprisonment the Count-Duke Olivares 
said to him : £a, caballero, ha sido un erro, pero erro con causa. 



THE SEISCENTISTAS 253 

(of a man as obscure as himself). Whether he did this of his 
own initiative or at the bidding of Mello's enemies is uncertain, 
but they saw to it that Mello once in prison should not be soon 
released. They might, probably did, assure the king that this 
was the best place for one ' devoted to the cause of j!^astile-'. 
There are other theories to account for Mello's long imprison- 
ment, the most romantic of which — that he and the king were 
rivals in the affections of the Condessa de Villa Nova, and, meet- 
ing disguised and by accident at the entrance of her house, 
drew their swords, the king recognizing Mello by his voice^ — is 
now generally abandoned. Although no evidence of Mello's 
participation in the murder was forthcoming, he was condemned 
to be deported for life to Africa, for which Brazil was later 
substituted. It was only in 1655, after eleven years of more 
or less ^ strict confinement, that he sailed for Brazil. Joao IV 
died in 1656 and two years later Mello returned to Portugal : 
he was formally pardoned^ and spent the last years of his life 
in important diplomatic missions to London, Rome, and Paris. 
The unfaltering courage and gaiety with which he faced his 
adventures and misfortunes win our admiration, but his life 
can strike no one as literary. Yet it is probable that but for his 
long imprisonment he would never have found leisure to write 
many of his best works, and prosperity might have dimmed his 
insight and dulled his style — that style (influenced no doubt by 
Quevedo and Gracian) which is hard and clear as the glitter of 
steel or the silver chiming of a clock, with concinnitas quaedam 
venusta et felix verborum.^ Even when full of points and conceits 
it retains its clearness and trenchancy, and in his more familiar 
works he is unrivalled, as the Carta de Guia de Casados, in which, 
innuptus ipse, he brings freshness and originality to the theme 
already treated in Fray Luis de Leon's La Perfecta Casada (1583), 
Diogo Paiva de Andrade's sensible but less caustic Casamento 
Perfeito (1631), and Dr. Joao de Barros' Espelho de Casados 

> The first five years were, in liis own words, rigorous. In 1650 he was 
removed from the Torre Velha to the Lisbon Castello, and thenceforth enjoyed 
greater liberty. He had been transferred from the Torre de Belem to the Torre 
Velha on the left bank of the Tagus in 1646. 

* The document was discovered by Dr. Braga and published in his Os 
Seiscentistas (1916), p. 339. 

' Approbatio of Cartas, Roma, 1664. 



254 1580-1706 

(1540),^ or the pithy and delightful Cartas Familiares, of which 
five centuries — a mere fragment — ^were published at Rome in 
1664, with a rapier-thrust of his wit and a maxim of good sense 
on every page, preserving for us some vestige of what Frei 
Manuel Godinho described as his ' admirable conversation' when 
he met him at Marseilles in 1633. ^ The Epanaphoras de varia 
Historia Portugueza (1660) are unequal and often excessively 
detailed.* Three of the five are, however, the accounts of an 
eyewitness and as such are full of interest : the Alteragoens 
de Evora (i), the Naufragio da Armada Portuguesa em Franga (ii), 
and the Conflito do Canal de Inglaterra (iv).* 

Mello's knowledge of men was as wide as his knowledge of 
books, and both appear to great advantage in his Apologos 
Dialogaes (1721). An individualist in religion* and politics,* 
an acute thinker and a keen student of men and manners, he 
found no dullness in life even at its worst and no solitude, for, 
if alone, his fancy instilled wit and wisdom into clocks' and 
coins * and fountains.* The first three Apologos contain incisive 
portraits in which types and persons are sharply etched in 
a few lines : the poor escudeiro, the beata, the Lisbon market- 
woman, the litigious ratinho, the fidalgo from the provinces,^** 
the ambitious priest, the shabby grammarian, the worldly 
monk, political place-hunter, miles gloriosus, or melancholy 
author, a tinselled nobody boiling down the good sayings of 

' A copy of this rare and curious work exists in the Lisbon Biblioteca 
Nacional {Res. 264 v.). It contains 71 ff. divided into four parts. The author, 
in his apophthegms on the character of women, quotes the classics widely, 
and refers to the Uthopia [so] of Sir Thomas More and to Celestina. 

* Relafam, 1842 ed., p. 233. 

' His digressions are methodical: por este modo de historiar (que i aquelle 
que eu desejo ler) pretendo escrever sempre (Epan. ii). In Epan. i he says : 
Refiro, pode ser com detnasia, todos os accidentes deste negocio. 

' He re- wrote this Epanaphora twice, the first two versions having been lost. 

" Cf. Visita das Pontes (Ap. Died. 3), 1900 ed., p. 89: coda qual desde 
logar em que estd acha uma linha muiio junto de si que ^ .0 caminho por onde 
pode ir a Deus. 

" Cf. Hospital das Lettras (Ap. Dial. 4), 1900. ed., p. 114: por falta de 
cuidar cada um em se aproveitar deste mundo que delle Ihe toca, langam todos 
a perder todos juntos do modo que vemos. 

' Relogios Fallantes (Ap. Dial. i). 

' Escriptorio Avarento (Ap. Dial. 2). 

• Visita das Pontes (Ap. Dial. 3). 

'" Cf. the backwoodsman described by Couto as algum fidalgo criado Id 
na Beira que nunca vio Rei (Dialogo do Sold. Prat., p. 31). 



THE SEISCENTISTAS 255 

past writers. The fourth Apologo entitled Hospital das Lettras 
(1657) is devoted more especially to literary criticism; Mello 
with Quevedo, Justus Lipsius, and Traiano Boccalini (who died 
when Mello was five) makes a notable scrutiny of Spanish and 
Portuguese literature. As a literary critic Mello is excellent 
within limits. Himself an artificial writer, although as it were 
naturally artificial, bred at Court, versed in social and political 
affairs, he considered that the proper study of mankind was man, 
and, like Henry Fielding a century later, admired ' the wondrous 
power of art in improving Nature '} For him- the country and 
Nature, the bucolic poetry and prose of Fernam Alvarez do 
Oriente, the ingenuous narratives of the early chroniclers, had 
no charm ; he preferred Rodrigo Mendez Silva's Vida y hechos 
del gran Condestable (Madrid, 1640) to the Cronica do Con- 
destabre.^ But all that was vernacular and indigenous attracted 
him, as is proved in his letters, in his lively farce Auto do Fidalgo 
Aprendiz (1676), and in the Feira dos Anexins, which is a long 
string of popular maxims and of those plays upon words in 
which Mello delighted. His poetry — Las Tres Musas del Melodino 
(1649), Obras Metricas (1665) — is marred by the conceits which 
in his prose often serve effectively to point a moral or drive 
home an argument. It is far too clever. When in a poem 
' On the death of a great lady ' we find the line contigo 
sepultara a sepultura we do not know whether to laugh or 
weep, but we suspect the sincerity of the author's grief, 
and although he wrote some excellent quintilhas, most of his 
poems, which are, as might be expected, always vigorous, are 
too sharp and thin, stalks without flowers, the very skeletons of 
poetry. It is to his prose in its wit and grace, its shrewd thought, 
its revelation of a sincere and lofty but unassuming character, its 
directness,* its bom portugues velho e relho, that he owes his 
place among the greatest writers of the Peninsula. 

The taste in poetry in the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- 

' Cf. Aulegfafia (1619), f. 85 v. : emendar a Natureza. 

" Edgar Prestage, Esbofo, pp. 128-9. 

" Like another equally brilliant soldier historian, Napier, he rarely spells 
a foreign word aright. Cf . Epanaphoras, p. 204 : A este name Milord corresponde 
no estado feminil name L6de. Falmouth, where he had actually been, 
becomes Valmud, the Isle of Wight Huyt, Whitehall Huythal, the Earl of 
Northumberland Notaborlan (Brito has Northubria). 



256 1580-1706 

turies is seen in two collections, partly Spanish, partly Portuguese : 
Fenix Renascida (5 vols., 1716-28) and Eccos que o Clarim da 
Fama da (2 vols., 1761, 2). The latter is sufficiently charac- 
terized by its title, too long to quote in full. As to the former 
the Phoenix seems to have given real pleasure to contemporary 
readers, but for us the bird and song are fiown and only the 
ashes remain, from which a sixteenth-century poem such as the 
sonnet Horas breves stands out conspicuously. The subjects 
are often as trivial as those of the Cancioneiro published two 
centuries earlier and more domestic : to a cousin sewing, to an over- 
dressed man, to a large mouth, a sonnet to two market-women 
fighting, another to the prancing horse of the Conde de Sabugal, 
on a present of roses, two long romances on a goldfinch killed by a 
cat, verses sent with a gift of handkerchiefs or eggs or melons, 
or to thank for sugar-plums — the Fenix rarely soars above such 
themes. The magistrate Antonio Barbosa Bacellar (1610-63) 
figures largely, with glosses on poems by Camoes, a romance 
A umas saudades, a satirical poem A umas beatas. His romances 
varies are mostly in Spanish, but a few of his sonnets in Portu- 
guese have some merit. The fifth volume opens (pp. 1-37) 
with a far more elaborate satire by Diogo Camacho (or Diogo 
de Sousa) : Jornada que Diogo Camacho fez as Cortes do Parnaso, 
the best burlesque poem of the century, in which the author did 
not spare contemporary Lisbon poets. ^ The poems of Jeronimo 
Bahia likewise cover many pages. He it is who bewails at 
length the sad fate of a goldfinch. In oitavas he wrote a Fabula 
de Polyfemd a Galatea,''' and in octosyllabic redondilhas jocular 
accounts of journeys from Lisbon to Coimbra and from Lisbon 
into Alentejo (on a very lean mule) which are sometimes amusing. 
His sonnet Fallando com Deos shows a deeper nature, and the 
collection contains other religious verse, notably that of Violante 
Montesino, better known as Soror Violante do Ceo (1601-93). 
Here,* as in her Rythmas varias (Rouen, 1646) and Parnaso 

* A more personal and picaresque satirist was D. Thomas de Noronha 
(ti65i), whose works were collected by Dr. Mendes dos Remedios in his 
Subsidios, vol. ii : Poesias Ineditas de D. Thomas de Noronha (Coimbra, 1899). 
The satiric poem Os Ratos da Inquisifdo by Antonio Serrao de CasxRO 
(1610-85) was first published by Castello Branco in 1883. 

" Vol. iii contains a poem by Jacinto Freire de Andrade with the same title. 

' Fenix Ren. ii. 406 ; iii. 225 ; v. 376. 



THE SEISCENTISTAS 257 

Lusitano de divinos e humanos versos (2 vols,, 1733), this nun, 
who spent over sixty years in the Dominican Convento da Rosa 
at Lisbon, and who from an early age was known for her skill 
upon the harp and in poetry — admiring contemporaries called 
her the tenth Muse — showed that she could write with simple 
fervour, as in the Portuguese deprecagoes devotas of the Meditagoes 
da Missa (1689) or her Spanish villancicos. But she could also 
be the most gongorical of writers, her very real native talent 
being too often spoilt by the taste of the time.'^ Bernarda 
Ferreira de Lacerda (1595-1644), another femina incom- 
parabilis, like Soror Violante and Dercylis considered the tenth 
Muse and fourth Grace, wrote almost exclusively in Spanish, 
nor can her Soledades de Bugaco (1634) or her epic Hespana 
Lihertada (2 pts., 1618, 73) be considered a heavy loss to 
Portuguese literature. Soror Maria Magdalena Euphemia da 
Gloria (1672-? c. 1760), in the world Leonarda Gil da Gama, in 
Brados do Desengano (1739), Orbe Celeste (1742), and Reino de 
Babylonia (1749), rarely descends from the high-flown style indi- 
cated in these titles. On the other hand, the Franciscan nun of 
Lisbon, Soror Maria do Ceo (1658-1753), or Maria de Ega, in 
A Preciosa (2 pts., 1731, 3) and Enganos do Bosque, Desenganos 
do Rio (1741), among much verse of the same kind has some 
poems of real charm and an almost rustic simplicity. 

By reason of a certain intensity and a vigorous style D. Fran- 
cisco Child Rolim de Moura (1572-1640), Lord of the towns of 
Azambuja and Montargil, although more versed in arms than 
in letters, wrote in Os Novissimos do Homem (1623) a poem quite 
as readable as the longer epics of his contemporaries, despite its 
duller subject (man's first disobedience and all our woe). The four 
cantos in oitavas are headed Death, Judgement, Hell, Paradise.^ 

' Hers is the deplorable pun of a superior superior : 

Que se Prior sois agora 

Sempre fostes suprior. 
^ The real title of the first (1623) edition is Dos Novissimos de Dom Francisco 
Rolim de Moura. Adam is conducted by his son Abel through Hell and com- 
forted by a vision of Paradise. As he is the first man and only Abel has 
died, he must forgo Dante's pleasure in meeting his personal enemies there, 
but there is something perhaps even more awful in the thought of the empti- 
ness of these infinitos logares (iii. 48). Virgil's Facilis^ descensus. Sec, is 
translated in two lines of great badness : Onde descer he cousa tao factivel 
Quanta tornar atraz tem de impossivel (iii. 36). 

2362 R 



258 1580-1706 

Of the life of Manuel da Veiga Tagarro we know little or 
nothing, but his volume of eclogues and odes, Lavra de Anfriso 
(1627), stands conspicuous in the seventeenth century for its 
simplicity and true lyrical vein. There is nothing original in 
these four eclogues, but the verse is of a harmonious softness. 
In the odes he succeeds in combining fervent thought with 
a classical restraint of expression. He aimed high; Horace, 
Lope deVega, and Luis de Leon seem to have been his models. 
Some measure of the latter's deliberate tranquillity he occa- 
sionally attained. The works of the ' discreet and accomplished ', 
keen-eyed and graceful D. Francisco de Portugal (1585- 
1632) appeared posthumously^ : Divinos e humanos versos (1652) 
and (without separate title-page) Prisoes e solturas de hua alma, 
consisting of mystic poems mostly in Spanish in a setting of 
Portuguese prose, and, in Spanish, Arte de Galanteria (1670), of 
which a second edition was published in 1682. Lope de Vega 
praised the 'elegant verses' of the Gigantomachia (1628) written 
by Manuel de Galhegos (1597-1665). That he could write 
good Portuguese poetry the author showed in the 732 verses of 
his Templo da Memopa (1635), in the preface of which he declares 
that it had become a rash act to publish poems written in 
Portuguese but quotes the example of Pereira de Castro and 
of Gongora as having used the language of everyday life and 
plebeian words without indignity. 

The later epics testified to the perseverance of their authors 
rather than to their poetical talent. They are perhaps less 
guilty than the critics, who should have discouraged the kind 
and recognized that the Lusiads were only an accident in Portu- 
guese literature, the accident of the genius of Camoes. As 
a rule the epic spirit of the Portuguese expressed itself better 
in prose. Gabriel Pereira de Castro (1571 ?-i632) fore- 
stalled Sousa de Macedo in his choice of a subject. His Vlyssea, 
ov Lyshoa Edificada, Poema heroyco (1636) was published post- 
humously by his brother Luis, and perhaps the most remarkable 
thing about it is that it should have run through six editions. 
The structure of the poem, in ten cantos of oitavas, is closely 

' Nihil tamen eo vivente excussum nisi Solitudines (hoc est Saudades), says 
the Theatrum, 



THE SEISCENTISTAS 259 

modelled on that of the Lusiads, and the gods of Olympus duly 
take a part in the story. He sings, he says boldly, to his country, 
to the world and to eternity, but his sails flap sadly for lack of. 
inspiration and enthusiasm, and his daring enjambements ^ do not 
compensate for the dullness of theme and treatment. If, for 
instance, we compare his storm ^ with that of the Lusiads 
(vi. 70-91) it must be confessed that the former has much the 
air of a commotion in a duckpond. Ulysses on his way to 
Lisbon visits (canto 4) the infernal regions, is astonished to meet 
kings there, and (canto 6) relates the siege and fall of Troy. 

The life of Bras Garcia de Mascarenhas (1596-1656) was 
more interesting than his verses. He was born at Avo, near the 
Serra da Estrella, and his adventures began early, for he was 
arrested on account of a love affair (1616) and made a daring, 
escape from Coimbra prison after wounding his jailer. His 
careful biographer. Dr. Antonio de Vasconcellos, has shown that 
there is no record of his having studied at Coimbra University. 
Subsequently he travelled and fought in Brazil (1623-32), Italy, 
France, Flanders, and Spain, and in 1641, as captain, raised 
and commanded a body of horse known as the Company of 
Lions. As Governor of Alfaiates, the ' key of Beira ', he was 
wrongfully accused of having a treasonable understanding 
with Spain and imprisoned at Sabugal, some ten miles from 
Alfaiates (1642). He obtained a book (the Flos Sanctorum), 
flour, and scissors and cut out a letter in verse to King Joao IV, 
who restored him to his governorship and gave him the habit 
of Avis. His long epic Viriato Tragico (1699) contains some 
forcible descriptions and has a pleasantly patriotic and indigenous 
atmosphere — one feels that he is singing os patrios montes as 
much as the hero — hut in style it differs little from prose. Tedious 
geographical descriptions, dry catalogues of names, a whole 
stanza (vii. 39) composed exclusively of nouns, another (iv. 63) 
of proper names, incline the reader less to praise than sleep, 

' e.g. (x. 126) : 

Hua montanha e serra inhabitada 

Se erguia ^o ar, em cuja corpulenta 

Espalda. . . 
' ii. 30-49 : Do undoso leito, donde repousava 

O mar, &c. 

R 2 



26o I 580-1 706 

from which he is only gently stirred when the sun is called 
a solar emhaixadora. In the prevailing fashion of the time the 
author works in lines of Camoes, Sa de Miranda, Garci Lasso, 
Ariosto, and other poets. While the work was still in manu- 
script another poet, and perhaps a relation, Andre da Silva 
Mascarenhas, helped himself liberally to its stanzas (they 
number 2,287) for his epic A Destruigao de Hespanha (1671). 
He could have given no better proof of the poverty of his genius. 
Francisco de SX de Meneses {c. 1600-1664 ?), although 
less true a poet than his cousin and namesake the Conde de 
Mattosinhos, won a far wider fame by his epic poem Malaca 
Conqvistada (1634), in which he recounts a heroica historia dos 
feitos de Albuquerque. The reader who accompanies his frail 
bark^ through twelve cantos of oitavas feels that he has well 
earned the fall of Malacca at the end. For although the author 
is not incapable of vigorous and succinct description he too often 
decks out the pure gold of Camoes' style ^ with periphrases and 
Manueline ornaments which delay the action. The sun is ' the 
lover of Clytie ' or ' the rubicund son of Latona '. He stops to 
tell us that a diamond won by Albuquerque had been ' cut by 
skilled hand in Milan ', and some of his more elaborate similes 
are not without charm. Canto 7 tells of the future deeds of 
the Portuguese in India. The gods interfere less than in the 
Lusiads (Asmodeus plays a part in canto 6), but the general 
effect is that of a great theme badly handled. After the death 
of his wife, the author spent the last twenty years of his life 
(from 1641) in the Dominican convent of Bemfica as Frei Fran- 
cisco de Jesus. 

Antonio de Sousa de Macedo (1606-82), mogo fidalgo of 
Philip IV and later Secretary of Embassy and Minister {Resi- 
dente) in London (1642-6) and Secretary of State to the weak 
and unlettered Afonso VI, wrote at the age of twenty-two Flores 
de Espana, Excelencias de Portugal (1631). This historical work 
of considerable interest and importance was written in Spanish 
por ser mats universal, but he returned to Portuguese presently in 

' xii. 79: Sou fragil lenho. 

" In the storm in canto 2 (Eis que ceo de improuiso se escurece) he seems 
to have realized that Camoes' description could not be improved upon. 



THE SEISCENTISTAS 261 

a curious prose miscellany, Eva e Ave (1676), and in the epic poem 
Vlyssippo (1640) in fourteen cantos of oitavas. He seems to have 
felt that interest could not easily be sustained by the subject, 
the foundation of Lisbon by Ulysses. Accordingly, following 
the example of Camoes, he inset various episodes. Canto 6 
summarizes the events of the Iliad and the Odyssey, canto 10 
describes a tapestry adorned with future Portuguese victories, 
in canto 11 the Delphic Sibyl foretells the deeds of Portugal's 
kings, down to Sebastian, in canto 12 the wise Chiron prophesies 
of her famosos varoes. The style is correct, but the poem as 
a whole is commonplace. Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo, of 
Setubal, although no records of his life remain, won high fame 
by his epic poem in oitavas (twelve cantos) Afonso Africano 
(1611), in which ' the marvellous prowess of King Afonso V 
in Africa ' is described. The poem, admired by Almeida Garrett, 
is particularly wearisome because it is largely allegorical. The 
king conquering Arzila represents the strong man subduing the 
city of his own soul, the Moors are the spirits of the damned, 
and seven of their knights representing the seven deadly sins 
are defeated by seven Christian knights who stand for the 
virtues. 

The poverty of profane prose, compared with its flourishing 
condition in the preceding century, is also remarkable. A few 
historians of the seventeenth century have already been men- 
tioned. The literary academies, of which the most famous were 
the Academia dos Generosos (1649-68) and the Academia dos 
Singulares (1663-5),^ existed rather for the interchange of wit 
and complimentary or satiric verses than for the encouragement of 
historical and scientific research. The Conde da Ericeira's Portugal 
Restaurado and Freire de Andrade's Life bear no comparison 
with works of the Quinhentistas. Yet it was the second golden 
age of Portuguese prose, as the names of Manuel Bernardes and 
Vieira prove. The latter's letters, with those of Frei Antonio 
das Chagas and Mello, are in three different kinds — the political, 
religious, and familiar — the most notable written in the century. 

' Numerous other academies of the 'same kind came into being in this and 
the first half of the next century. Most of their members now belong to the 
(Brazilian) Academia dos Esquecidos — the Forgotten. 



262 I58O-I706 

Caspar Pires de Rebello in the preface to his Infortvnios 
tragicos da Constante Florinda (1625) excuses himself for its 
publication on the ground that ' not spiritual and divine books 
only benefit our intelligence '. The book, which records the love 
of Arnaldo and Florinda, of Zaragoza, shows the modern novel 
growing through Don Quixote out of the Celestina plays and the 
romances of chivalry, but has little other interest. A second part 
was published in 1633, and Novellas Exemplares, six stories 
by the same alithor, in 1650. Numerous other works appeared 
with more or less alluring or sensational titles but contents dis- 
appointingly dull. Mattheus de Ribeiro [c. 1620-95), in his 
Alivio de Tristes e Consolagao de Queixosos (1672, 4), shows 
greater skill than Pires de Rebello in the invention of t.he 
story, but it is marred by the diffuse and pedantic style — April 
becomes an ' academy in which Flora was opening the doors 
for the study of flowers '. The pastoral novel ended in sad 
contortions with the Desmayos de Mayo em sombras de Mondego 
(1635) by DiOGO Ferreira de Figueiroa (1604-74). Its title 
and the three involved sentences which cover the first three 
pages (ff. 10, 11) convey an adequate idea of its character and 
contents. 

Of several prose works written by Martim Afonso de 
Miranda, of Lisbon, in the first third of the century, the most 
important is Tempo de Agora (2 pts., 1622, 4). It contains 
seven dialogues dealing with truth and falsehood, the evils of 
idleness, temperance, friendship, justice, the evils of dice and 
cards, and precepts for princes. Much of their matter is interest- 
ing and the comments incisive, especially as to the prevailing 
luxury in food and dress. They tell of the infinite number of 
curiously bound books at Lisbon, of the soldiers unpaid, ' eating 
at the doors of convents ', of the delight in foreign fashions, and 
the craze for ' diabolical ' books from Italy to the exclusion of 
livros de historias and books in Portuguese. The anonymous 
Primor e honra da vida soldadesca no Estado da India (1630), 
edited by thsAugustinian Frei Antonio Freire (c. 1570-1634), 
is a different work from Geronimo Ximenez de Urrea's Didlogo 
de la verdadera honra militar (1566), which it resembles slightly in 
title. It is divided into four parts and contains various episodes 



THE SEISCENTISTAS 263 

of the Portuguese in the East and some curious information. 
Miguel Leitao de Andrade (1555-1632) went straight from 
Coimbra University to Africa with King Sebastian. After the 
battle of Alcacer Kebir he succeeded in escaping from captivity, 
followed the cause of the Prior of Crato, and was imprisoned 
under Philip II. In his book, in twenty dialogues, Miscellanea 
do Sitio de N. S" da Lvz do Pedrogao Grande (1629), he disclaims 
any purpose of writing history. It reveals an inquiring and 
observant but uncritical mind, interested in fossils, inscriptions, 
astrology, the early history of Portugal, etymology, heraldry, and 
the ' infinite wonderful secrets of Nature daily being revealed '. 
It contains a graphic account of his escape from Fez, but on the 
whole, in spite of attractive passages and interesting details, 
scarcely merits its great reputation. Do Sitio de Lishoa (1608), 
which Mello praises as aquelle elegantissimo livro, by the author 
of Arte Militar (1612), Luis Mendes de Vasconcellos, is 
written in the form of a dialogue between a philosopher, a 
soldier, and a politician, and deserves its place among the 
minor classics of Portuguese literature. 

The famous love letters of the Portuguese nun Marianna Alco- 
FORADO (1640-1723), which bring a breath of life and nature 
into the stilted writing of that day, only belong to Portuguese 
literature in the sense that Osorio's history belongs to it — by 
translation. They first appeared in indifferent French {Lettres 
Portvgaises, Paris, 1669) and were not retranslated, or, if we accept 
the theory that the nun originally wrote them in French ^ — French 
suranne et dSnue d'eUgance — translated into Portuguese for a 
century and a half : Cartas de uma Religiosa Portugueza (1819).^ 
Meanwhile, even before their obscure author died in the remote 

' The slip in the second letter by which in the French version not the 
Beja Mertola Gate but Mertola itself is seen from the convent, does not favour 
this theory, which recently has been sustained by the Conde de Sabugosa, 
This passage is held to be a convincing proof, were such proof needed, of the 
genuineness of the letters. It is rather a proof of the reality of the love 
intrigue than of the nun's authorship. If Chamilly, for the edification of his 
vanity, were fabricating such a letter, what more likely than that he should 
wish to add.his note of local colour and remembered vaguely the word Mertola 
in connexion with the view from the convent terrace ? What he could scarcely 
have invented or expressed is the real depth of feeling. 

" Seven spurious letters, and subsequently others, were added in many of 
the editions. Filinto Elysio translated the twelve. 



264 I580-I706 

and beautiful city of Beja, they had been translated into English 
and Italian and had received over fifty French editions. Colonel 
(later Marshal) Noel Bouton, Comte de Saint-Leger, afterwards 
Marquis de Chamilly (1636-1715), accompanied the French 
troops sent to help Portugal against Spain, and was in Portugal 
from 1665 to 1667. Marianna Alcoforado, belonging to an old 
Alentejan family, was a nun in the convent of Nossa Senhora 
daConceigao at Beja. Her five letters, written between the end 
of 1667 and the middle of 1668 after her desertion, in their art- 
lessness, contradictions, and disorder, vibrate with emotion. 
They are a succession of intense cries like the popular quatrain : 

For te amar deixei a Deus : 

Ve 14 que gloria perdi ! 

E agora vejo-me so, 

Sem Deus, sem gloria, sem ti. 

Sometimes, it is true, a trace of French reason seems to mingle 
with the ingenuous Portuguese sentiment, and it is almost 
incredible, although of course not impossible, since omnia vincit 
amor, that the nun should have written certain passages. From 
these and not on the amazing assumption of Rousseau that 
a mere woman could not write so passionately — he was ready 
to wager that the letters were the work of a man^ — one may 
suspect that the lover, who did not scruple to hand over the 
letters to a publisher (unless he was merely guilty of showing 
them to his friends), sank a little lower and edited them, adding 
a phrase here and there more peculiarly pleasing to his vanity.^ 
In that case the nun actually wrote these letters, full of passion 
and despair, and perhaps in French, to her French lover ; but 
we only read them as they were touched up for publication by 
another hand. 

A work which has nothing in common with these fervent 
love letters except an enigmatic origin is the Arte de Furtar, 
which in part at least probably belongs to the seventeenth 

' Je parierais tout au monde que les Lettres portugaises oni Hi icrites par un 
homme. 

^ e.g. ' You told me frankly that you were in love with a lady in your own 
country ' (letter 2). ' Were you not ever the first to leave for the front, the 
last to return ? ' (5)- ' My passion increases every instant ' (4). ' I do not 
repent having adored you. I am glad that you betrayed mc ' (3). 



THE SEISCENTISTAS 265 

century. It is a curious and amusing treatise on the noble 
art of tiiieving in all kinds, private and oflficial, civil and military. 
Its anecdotes are racy if not original. Two of the happiest 
incidents (in caps. 6 and 41) are copied without acknowledge- 
ment from Lazarillo de Tormes.^ The author seems to have had 
misgivings that he had presented his subject in too favourable 
a light, for he ends by assuring his reader thieves that many 
tons of worldly glory are not worth an ounce of eternal blessed- 
ness, and promises them before long another ' more liberal 
treatise on the art of acquiring true glory '. These tardy 
qualms did not save his book from the Index. The first edition, 
purporting to be printed at Amsterdam, bears the date 1652 ^ 
and attributes the work to Antonio Vieira. That attribution 
may be set aside. Were there no other reasons for its rejection 
it would suffice to read the book or even its title in order to 
be convinced that it is not from the veneravel penna of that 
great statesman and preacher. "He might dabble in Bandarra 
prophecies, but would scarcely have sunk to the picaresque 
familiarities of the Arte de Furtar or occupy himself with the sad 
habits of innkeepers, the long stitches of tailors, or the price 
of straw. It has also been attributed, without adequate ground, 
to Thome Pinheiro daVeiga (1570.? -1656), the author of a lively 
account of the festivities at the Spanish Court and description 
of Valladolid in 1605, entitled Fastigimia (it mentions Don 
Quixote and Sancho (p. 119) but says nothing of Cervantes), 
and to Joao Pinto Ribeiro (c. 1590-1649), the magistrate who 
played a notable part in the Restoration of 1640 and wrote 
various short treatises such as Preferencia das Letras as Armas 
(1645) ; and even less plausibly to Duarte Ribeiro de Macedo 
(i6i8.?-8o), statesman and "diplomatist, an indifferent poet 
but an excellent writer of prose and a careful although not 

1 Ed. H. Butler Clarke (1897), pp. 17-18 and 65-7. 

" The 1652 edition speaks of coronets (p. 277) who, it has been argued, were 
called mestres de campo till 1708 (Gkies, however, in his Cron. de D. Manuel, 
1619 ed., f. 213, has as fez todos quatro coroneis de mil homens ; cf. Gil Vicente, 
i. 234 : Corregedor, coronet) ; it refers (p. 393) to Joao IV as still alive 
(11656) : Que Deos guarde e prospere. It would appear to have been written 
at two periods, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, unless the 
passages implying the earlier date are as deliberately misleading as the 1652 
title-page. 



266 1580-1706 

original liistorian. His halting verses and his treatises were 
collected in his Obras (2 vols., 1743). Of the latter the Summa 
Politica has been shown by Snr. Solidonio Leite^ to be copied 
almost word for word from the work of identical title by 
D. SebastiAo Cesar de Meneses (f 1672), Bishop of Oporto and 
Archbishop of ,Braga. Both author and book were too well 
known for Ribeiro de Macedo to claim it as his own. He seems 
merely to have translated it from the original Latin published 
at Amsterdam in 1650, a year after the first Portuguese edition. 
The work is remarkable for acute thought and clear and concise 
expression. A work of a similar character is the well-written Arte 
iei^eznar (1643) by P. Antonio CarvalhodeParada(i595-i655). 
The Tratado Analytico (1715), by Manuel Rodriguez Leitao 
{c. 1620-91), a controversial treatise written to prove the right 
of Portugal to appoint bishops, is also the work of a good 
stylist. Some would say the same of one of the best-known 
books of the seventeenth century, the Vida de Dom Joao de 
Castro (1651), by Jacinto Freire de Andrade (1597-1657). 
The author, born at Beja, was suspected at Madrid of nationalist 
inclinations, and retired to his cure in the diocese of Viseu ; after 
the Restoration he refused the bishopric of Viseu. His book 
has often been regarded as a model of Portuguese prose. Pom- 
pous and emphatic,^ it may be described as inflated Tacitus, or 
rather a mixture of Tacitean phrases, conceits, and rhetorical 
affectation. But if as a whole it is more akin to Castro's garish 
triumph at Goa than to the scientific spirit of his letters, it 
scarcely deserves the severe strictures which followed excessive 
praise* : it might even become excellent if judiciously pruned 
of antitheses and artifice.* The second Conde da Ericeira, 

'■ Classicos Esquecidos (Rio de Janeiro, 1915). Duarte de Macedo in his 
dedicatory letter says : ' I have taken this Summa Politica from the Latin 
and Italian languages.' ' I do not offer it as my own, because I restore it 
to your Highness as yours ', so that he had armed himself against such 
charges of plagiarism. 

' It loses nothing in Sir Peter Wyche's translation. Cf. the account of 
Castro's first arrival at Goa : ' When the entry was to be, the two Govemours 
were in a Faluque with gilded Oars, and an awning of divers-coloured silks ; 
the Castles and Ships entertain'd 'em with the honour of reiterated shootings, 
the Vivas and expectation of the common people did without any cunning 
flatter the new Government, &c.' 

" Cada clausula he filha da eloquencia mais sublime, &c. (BarbosaMachado). 

* ^'g- 1759 ^'^■> P- 342 '• cujas niinas seriSo de sua fama os elogios maiores 



THE SEISCENTISTAS 267 

D. Fernando de Meneses (1614-99), wrote a Historia de 
Tangere (1732) and the Vida e Acgoens d'El Rei D. jfodo I (1677), 
which ends with an elaborate parallel between Julius Caesar 
and the Master of Avis. Equally clear but far more artificial is 
the style of the third Count, D. Luis de Meneses (1632-90), in 
the best-known historical work of the century in Portuguese: 
Historia de Portugal Restaurado (2 pts., 1679, 98). Its author 
ended his life by leaping from an upper window into the garden 
of his palace on a May morning in a fit of melancholy. 

The great prose-writer of the century, Antonio Vieira (1608- 
97), was born in the same year and city as D. Francisco Manuel 
de Mello and spent a life as unquiet. He was not literary in the 
same sense as Mello, but he has always been considered one of 
the great classics of the Portuguese language. He was the son 
of Cristovam Vieira Ravasco, escrivao das devassas at Lisbon, 
but at the age of seven he accompanied his parents to Brazil 
(1615) and began his education in the Jesuit college at Bahia. 
In 1623, by his own ardent wish, long opposed by his parents, 
he became a Jesuit novice and professed in the following year. 
Before he was thirty he was Professor of Theology in the Bahia 
college and a celebrated preacher, the sermons in which he encou- 
raged the citizens of Bahia in the war against the Dutch being 
especially eloquent. In 1641 he was chosen with Padre Simao de 
Vasconcellos to accompany D. Fernando de Mascarenhas, son of 
the viceroy, to Europe in order to congratulate King Joao IV on 
his accession. Vieira preached in the Royal Chapel on New 
Year's Day, 1642. Both his sermons and his conversation greatly 
impressed the king, and from 1641 to the end of the reign 
(1656) his influence was great although not unchallenged. They 
were critical years in Portugal's foreign policy, and Vieira, who 
refused a bishopric but was appointed Court preacher, was 
entrusted with several important missions — to Paris and The 
Hague (February-July 1646), London, Paris, and The Hague 
(1647-8), and Rome (1650). In 1652 he returned to Brazil 
as a missionary in Maranhao, and during two years roused the 
bitter hostility of the settlers by his protection of the slaves 

would be straightened out from Latin into Portuguese : serido os maiores 
elogios de suafama. 



268 1580-1706 

or rather by his opposition to slavery. In 1655 he again left 
Lisbon for Maranhao/ and during five arduous years showed 
unfailing courage and energy in dealing with natives and settlers. 
The latter in 1661 attacked the mission-house and arrested 
and expelled the Jesuits. At home King Joao, Vieira's friend, 
was dead. Differences arose between the Queen Regent 
supported by Vieira, and her son, and one of the first acts of the 
latter on taking power into his own hands was to banish Vieira 
to Oporto and later to Coimbra. Here in the spring of 1665 ^ 
he wrote that curious work Historia do Futuro (1718), which 
was to interpret Portugal's destiny by the light of old prophecies, 
but of which only the introduction {livro anteprimeiro) was 
printed. An even stranger book, in which he had paid serious 
attention politically to the prophecies of Bandarra, was 
denounced in 1663, and in October 1665 Vieira was consigned 
to the prison of the Inquisition at Coimbra. His sentence 
was not read till 1667 (December 24), and it condemned 
him to seclusion in a college or convent of his Order and to 
perpetual silence in matters of religion. The deposition of 
KingAfonso VI (1667) and the accession of his brother Pedro II 
altered Vieira's prospects, and his eloquent voice was again 
heard in the pulpit. After preaching before the Court in Lent 
1669 he proceeded to Rome on business of the Company and spent 
six years there. He preached several times in Italian, and 
Queen Christina of Sweden, who had settled in Rome in 1655, 
offered him the post of preacher and confessor, which he refused. 
In August 1675 he returned to Lisbon, where he was coldly 
received by the Prince Regent, and in 1681 retired to Brazil. 
In the same year he was burnt in effigy by the mob at Coimbra. 
A special brief given to him by the Pope secured his person from 
the attacks of the Inquisition. But even at Bahia he was not 
free from troubles and intrigues. His activity continued 
to th« end of his long life. In 1688 he preached in Bahia 
Cathedral, and was Visitor of the Province of Brazil from 
1688 to 1691. Even in 1695 we find him, although feeble and 

' On his homeward voyage in 1654 he had suffered from a violent storm, 
and was only saved by a Dutch pirate who landed the passengers of the 
Portuguese ship at the Ilha Graciosa without their belongings. 

■' Historia do Futuro (17 18), p. 93. 



THE SEISCENTISTAS 269 

broken, writing letters and eager to finish iiis Clavis Pro- 
phetica ^ (or Prophetarum), which now lies in manuscript in the 
Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris and elsewhere. Seventy 
years earlier he had bean entrusted by the Jesuits with the 
composition of the annual Latin letters of the CoiiApany. 
Vieira's vein of caustic satire no doubt made him numerous 
enemies and increased the difficulties which his advocacy of 
the Jews and slaves and his fearless stand against injustice 
and oppression were certain to produce. Ambitious and fond 
of power, he could devote himself to causes which entailed a life 
of toil and poverty. An energetic if unsuccessful diplomatist, an 
ingenious thinker, a statesman of far-reaching views, he was also a 
fantastic dreamer, but his dreams and restlessness rarely affected 
the sanity of his judgement. The works of this great writer and 
extraordinary man are an inexhaustible mine of pure and vigor- 
ous prose, at its best in his numerous Cartas, written in selecta 
et propria dictio, nusquam verbis indulgens sed rebus inhaerens. 
A Portuguese critic, Dias Gomes, notes his ' sustained elegance ', 
and we may sometimes sigh for an interval of Mello's familiarity 
or Frei Luis de Sousa's charm. In his famous Sermoes he 
bowed intermittently to the taste of the time for conceit and 
artifice. He condemned the practice in a celebrated sermon, 
but indeed a certain humorous quaintness was not foreign to his 
temperament, and in the obscurity, at least, of the cultos he never 
indulged. When inspired by patriotism or indignation his words 
soar beyond cold reason and colder conceits to a fiery eloquence. 
Among writers whom he influenced was the Benedictine Frei 
JoSo DOS Prazeres (1648-1709), of whose principal work, 
Principe dos Patriarchas S. Bento, or Empresas de S. Bento, 
only the first two volumes were published. Closer imitators 
of Vieira were Frei Francisco de Santa Maria (1653-1713), 
author of Ceo Aberto na Terra (1697) and many sermons, 
and the Jesuit preacher Antonio de Sa (1620-78), whose 
Sermoes Varios appeared in 1750. 

See letters from Bahia, July 22, 1695. 



V * 
1706-18 i6 
The Eighteenth Century 

The eighteenth century did not kill literature in Portugal any 
more than in other countries, but poetry had lost its lyrism, and 
under the influence of French and English writers assumed 
a scientific, philosophical, or utilitarian character. No mighty 
genius arose in Portuguese literature at the bidding of Joao V 
(1706-50), but the king's lavish patronage gave an impulse, and 
he founded the Academia Real de Historia in 1720. A crop of 
scholars and poets followed in the second half of the century, 
so that it was not without some unfairness that Giuseppe 
Baretti wrote of the Portuguese in 1760 that di letteratura 
non hanno punto fama d'essere soverchio ghiotti . . . quel poco 
que scrivono, sia in prosa sia in verso, e tutto panciuto e petto- 
ruto} It was the age of Arcadias ; the famous Arcadia Ulyssi- 
ponense^ (1756-74) and the Nova Arcadia founded in 1790 
(i. e. precisely a century after the Italian Arcadia). All the 
poets of the century belonged to one or other of these societies 
or made their mark as dissidentes from them. One of the founders 
of the Nova Arcadia, Francisco Joaquim Bingre (1763-1856), 
lived on into the middle of the nineteenth century, and a few 
of his poems were collected under the title Moribundo Cysne 
do Vouga (1850). Atypical eighteenth-century poet is D. Fran- 
cisco Xavier de Meneses (1673-1743), fourth Conde da Ericeira, 
who in turning to literature was but following the traditions 
of his family. A staunch defender of pure Portuguese against 
those who, he said, disfigure and corrupt the language by the 
introduction of foreign words and phrases, he wrote a large 

' Lettere Familiari, No. 30. 

' Or Arcadia Lusiiana. For a list of its members see T. Braga, A Arcadia 
Lnsitana (1899), pp. 210-29 ; for its statutes, ibid., pp. 189-205. 



THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 271 

number of works in prose and in verse. The best known of 
them is his Henriqueida (1741), a heroic poem on the conquest 
of Portugal by Count Henry in twelve long cantos of prosaic 
oitavas. It may contain lines more inspiring than these : 

E a contramina fabricou Roberto, 
Da mina conhecendo o lugar certo, 

but they do not really difler greatly from the rest of the poem. 
The large quantity of poetry still written at the beginning of 
the century had met with severe criticism in Frei Lucas de 
Santa Catharina's Seram Politico. He slyly calls the egloga 
campestre ' poesia ervada '. The objects of the Arcadia of 1756 
were to free Portuguese literature from foreign influences and 
restore the purity of the language. If to some extent it merely 
substituted French or Italian influence for Spanish, its cry was 
also back to the classics and to the Portuguese quinhentistas. 
As to the language its services were invaluable, for at a time 
when French influence was great in Portugal and in the rest of 
Europe it checked the use of gallicisms ; as to literature the 
attempt to write poetry on an ordered plan was perhaps fore- 
doomed to failure : it plodded along in an artificial atmosphere 
of Roman gods and antiquities, and became hidebound in 
imitation of the Horatian ode. 

Pedro Antonio Correa GARgAo (1724-72), one of the first 
members and most prominent poets of the Arcadia, did good 
service in his determined efforts to deliver his country's literature 
from foreign imitations and the false affectation of the time, 
and to revert to the classics, Greek, Roman, and Portuguese. 
He even prophesied that Gil Vicente's day would come. His 
master was Horace, grande Horacio, and his Horatian odes, if 
they show no remarkable lyrical gift, have a dry native flavour 
in the purity of their language. He was also successful in 
reviving the cultivation of blank verse. There is a fine sound 
in some of the sonnets in which he sings Marilia, Lydia, Belisa, 
Maria, Nise, writes to a friend to ask for a doubloon or for 
Spanish tobacco, sends birthday congratulations or laughs at 
a bald priest : the themes are mostly of this level. His satirical 
vein is marked in his two short comedies in blank verse, Theatro 



272 I706-I816 

Novo, a skit on the drama then in vogue, and Assemblia ou 
Partida, in which certain Lisbon types are ridiculed and which 
contains the famous and much overpraised Cantata de Dido. 
Correa Gargao's days ended tragically in prison. The motive of 
his arrest is not clear. Tradition wavers between a love intrigue 
and political reasons/ and declares that the Marques de Pombal, 
whom he had offended, signed the order for his release on the very 
day of the poet's death after eighteen months of imprisonment. 
Pombal was effusively praised by Domingos dos Reis Quita 
(1728-70), a Lisbon hairdresser who wrote bucolic poetry 
melodiously, but with perhaps even less originality than we 
have learnt to expect in that kind since the time when Virgil 
mistranslated Theocritus. The influence of Bernardez and 
Camoes is clear,^ in many passages too clear, and he had un- 
doubtedly caught something of their skill and harmony in 
technique. But his poems leave the impression that he had no 
real feeling for the rustic life which they describe ; no doubt 
he was more at home with the scissors than with the faithful 
Melampus or the nymphs and shepherd's pipe. When he is relating 
an event, such as the earthquake of 1755, which touched him 
nearly, his ready flow of verse deserts him, in spite of his. skill 
in improvisation,* although the sonnet written on the same 
occasion. Par castigar, Senhor, stands out with a certain majesty 
from most of his other sonnets, which are mere slices of eclogue. 
If his mellifluous idylls show no individuality, his return to the 
classic poets of Portugal was, as with other Arcadian poets, 
a welcome change from the Spanish influence, the mao use, as 
he calls it, of ' rude strangers from the Manzanares ' (Eclogue 6). 
His tragedies and pastoral drama Licore are not more original. 

' Debt might seem a, more probable cause, were it not for the apparent 
rigour of his confinement. 

^ A sua alma conversava com Bernardes e Ferreira, says his friend Tolentino, 
who advises another cabelleireiro poet to cease writing verses, since vale mais 
que cem sonetos a peior penteadura. The Arte de Furtar mentions a barber 
who sank still lower, since he left his profession in order to cut purses. The 
modern writer Antonio Francisco Barata (1836-1910) likewise began life as 
a, poor hairdresser at Coimbra. 

" Cf. Ecloga I. Dorindo to Alcino {Alcino Mycenio was Quita's Arcadian 
name) : 

E tu 6s dos pastores mais famosos 

No cantar de improviso o verso brando. 



THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 273 

One of his tragedies, Inis de Castro, suggested that of Joao 
Baptista Gomes (ti*03), Nova Castro, which had a great vogue 
in its day but is now scarcely more remembered than Osmia 
(1788), a tragedy of which the blank verse has vigour, although 
it is often scarcely distinguishable from prose. This play, 
published anonymously, was long attributed to Antonio de 
Araujo de Azevedo (1754-1817), but its real author was D, 
Theresa de Mello Breyner, Condessa de Vimieiro, who married 
her cousin, the fourth Count, in 1767. 

It was a cruel kindness to edit the works of Antonio Diniz 
DA Cruz e Silva (1731-99) in six volumes, for, despite the fame of 
his high-flown Pindaric odes, his three centuries of sonnets and his 
other lyrics are not of conspicuous merit and are often imitative. 
Having nothing to say, Elpino Nonacriense, like too many of 
the Arcadian poets, said it at inordinate length. Que enorme 
confusdo ! he exclaims in an elegy on the Lisbon earthquake, 
and most of his poems are on a like plane of thought and expres- 
sion. The son of a Sargento M6r^ he was born at Lisbon, and 
after studying law at Coimbra was appointed a judge at Castello 
de Vide. With Manuel Nicolau Esteves Negrao (11824) a^nd 
Theotonio Gomes de Carvalho (ti8oo) he founded the Arcadia 
Ulyssiponense, of which he drew up the statutes in September 
1756. The first aim of these early Arcadians was, as we have 
noticed, to break the shackles of Spanish influence and gon- 
gorismo, which was, indeed, on the wane in the land of its birth. 
Diniz da Cruz' own poems were written in good idiomatic 
Portuguese. In Hyssope he satirizes with telling vigour the 
use of gallicisms, and his comedy Falsa Heroismo is thoroughly 
Portuguese in subject and treatment. From 1764 to 1774 he 
was stationed at Elvas, and here a quarrel between the bishop, 
D. Lourengo de Lancastre, and the dean, D. Jose Carlos de Lara, 
furnished him with the subject of his celebrated mock-heroic 
poem Hyssope. The legend runs that he was summoned to 
read his satire to the all-powerful Pombal in the presence of the 
infuriated bishop, and that the poem proved too much for the 
gravity of the minister, who appointed him a judge at Rio de 

' i. e. the military governor of a district, with rank next to that of Capitao 
M6r. 

2362 S 



274 1706-1816 

Janeiro (1776). Thence he was transferred to Oporto (1787), 
but in 1790 was again appointed to Rio de Janeiro, and showed 
himself merciless in sentencing the Brazilian poets Claudio 
Manuel da Costa, Gonzaga, and Ignacio Jose de AWarenga 
Peixoto (1748-93), accused of conspiring to secure the inde- 
pendence of their country. Hyssope was first published in 
1802, three years after the author's death. The idea of the 
poem was derived from Boileau's Le Lutrin. Boileau would 
have been horrified by its eight cantos of slovenly and mono- 
tonous blank verse, which often scarcely rises above prose ; 
but as a satire on the times and in its grotesque portraiture of 
prelate and lawyer and notary it is sometimes irresistibly comic. 
The mock-heroic Benteida, written by Alexandre Antonio 
DE Lima of Lisbon (1699-c. 1760?) and published fifty years 
before Hyssope, consisted of three cantos of oitavas. Two 
editions appeared in 1752, published at ' Constantinople ' as 
written by ' Andronio Meliante Laxaed '. Pedro de Azevedo 
Tojal ("j'1742) had used the same metre for his Foguetario (1729). 
The burlesque poem Reino da Estupidez (1819), written in 
four cantos of easily-flowing blank verse by the Brazilians 
Francisco de Mello Franco (1757-1823) and Jose Bonifacio de 
Andrade e Silva (1763-1838), is professedly an imitation of 
aquelle activo e discrete Diniz na Hyssopaida, only the butt here is 
not the Chapter of Elvas but the professors of Coimbra University. 
Like the less celebrated poet son of an Alentejan painter, 
Jose Anastasio da Cunha (1744-87), artillery officer, mathe- 
matician. Professor of Geometry at Coimbra, who translated 
Pope and Voltaire and had milk in his tea and buttered 
toast on a fast-day, Francisco Manuel do Nascimento 
(1734-1819), better known as Filinto Elysio,^ was denounced 
to the Inquisition. His thrilling escape in the year of 
Cunha's condemnation for apostasy and heresy (1778) brought 
him almost as much fame as his poems. The son of a Lisbon 
lighterman and a humble varina,^ he was accused of not believing 

■ This Arcadian name was given to him by the Marquesa de Aloma, 
although he did not properly belong to the Arcadia, being, like Tolentino, 
one of the dissidentes. 

' = fishwife ; literally ' woman of Ovar ', a small sea-town between Aveiro 
and Oporto. 



THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 275 

in the Flood and of throwing ridicule on the doctrine of original 
sin, and by another witness of being simply an atheist. He 
succeeded in locking up in his own rooms the official sent to arrest 
him early on the 4th of July, hid for eleven days in Lisbon, 
and then, disguised as a poor man carrying a load of oranges, 
escaped on a boat bound for Havre., Had this persecution come 
earlier, the disquieting atmosphere of Paris, into which he was 
now transplanted and where, except for a few years at The 
Hague, he lived for the rest of his life, might have given some 
originality to his talent. But his mind and poetic style were 
already fixed, and through every political disturbance he con- 
tinued his steady flow of Horatian odes and similar artificial 
verse. He wrote for seventy years (Lamartine notes the precoces 
faveurs of his muse), and at the age of sixty-four calculated that 
he had already composed 730,000 lines, probably too modest an 
estimate. He received by royal decree an amnesty and the 
restoration of his property, but never returned to Portugal. 
His influence on younger Portuguese poets was nevertheless 
great. Bocage, when his verses were praised by the older 
poet, exclaimed : 

- Filinto, o gran cantor, prezou meus versos 
. . . Posteridade, es minha ! 

His influence was bad and good. It encouraged a dry and 
artificial classicism, but also careful versification in pure Portu- 
guese. Although the poems of Lamartine's divin Manuel are 
no longer even by his countrymen held to be divine, they may 
be read with satisfaction by virtue of their indigenous expres- 
sions and a hundred and one allusions to popular traditions. 
It was by these characteristics that he expressed his revolt from 
the Arcadia. Half a long life spent in Paris was unable to imbue 
Filinto with the mimo de fallar luso-gallico, against which he 
vigorously protested to the end. This purity of style gives 
excellence to the- many translations which he was obliged to 
write for a bare livelihood, and his native land is present even 
in his closest imitations of Horace (Falernian becomes louro 
Carcavellos). Unfortunately his contemporaries and successors 
were not always so discreet. 

S2 



276 I706-I8I6 

The genial satirist Nicolau Tolentino (1741-1811), son of 
a Lisbon advocate, after studying law at Coimbra spent some 
years teaching rhetoric to the raw youth {bisonhos rapazes) of 
Lisbon. He was perpetually discontented with his lot or ready 
to profess himself so. ' Long years have I already spent in 
begging,' he says candidly, ' and shall perhaps pass my whole 
life in the same way.' He harps on his poverty; the kitchen, 
he complains, is the coolest room in his house. In 1781 he 
obtained a comfortable post in the civil service, his poems were 
printed for him in two volumes twenty years later, he would 
receive a pheasant from one friend, a Sunday dinner of turkey 
from another, he acknowledges a thousand benefits, and still 
begs on. Before he had had time to grow rich the habit had 
become incurable. His was no lyrical gift, but he imitated with 
success the quintilhas of Sa de Miranda,^ in which much of his 
work is composed [0 Bilhar is in oitavas). He writes naturally; 
his style is thoroughly Portuguese, often prosaic. His satire, 
repressed for personal reasons rather than from any failure of wit 
or talent, reducible to silence by the gift of a pheasant, lacks inde- 
pendence and thought, but sheds a gentle light on the manners 
of the time — on the travelled coxcomb who returns t» Portugal 
affecting almost to have forgotten Portuguese, or the rich nun 
who knows by heart whole volumes of the Fenix Renascida — 
and one or two of his entertaining sonnets are likely to endure. 
The Obras Poeticas of the Marquesa de Alorna (1750-1839), 
in Arcadia Alcippe, ^re now more often praised than read, but 
her poetry is scarcely inferior to that of many even more cele- 
brated writers of the time. As a child she defied the anger 
of the Marques de Pombal. She was detained with her sister 
Maria and her mother D. Leonor de Almeida in the convent of 
Chellas from the age of eight till the death of King Jos6 (1777). 
Two years later she married the Count of Oeynhausen, who 
became minister at Vienna in 1780. After his death in 1793 
she lived partly in England, but spent the last twenty-five years 
of her life in the neighbourhood of Lisbon, and exercised con- 

' S4 de Miranda, he says, em quern das doces quintilhas Sdmente a rima 
aprendi. . . . Falta-me arte e natureza, Mas pude delle intitar A verdadeira sin- 
geleza. 



THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 277 

siderable influence on young writers — not Garrett but Bocage, 
and especially Herculano — ^and thus with Macedo formed a link 
between the poets of the Arcadia and the nineteenth century. 
Her works contain over 2,000 pages of verse. There are sonnets 
and odes, eclogues, elegies, epistles, translations or paraphrases 
of Homer, Horace, Claudian {De raptu Proserpinae), Pope 
{Essay on Criticism), Wieland, Thomson's Seasons, Goldsmith, 
Gray, Lamartine, and the Psalms. There is a long poem on botany 
which notices more than a hundred kinds of scented geranium, 
and indeed the range of her subjects is very wide, from May 
fireflies to the ' barbarous climate ' of England, from Leibniz 
to the ascent of Robertson in a balloon. Classical allusions are 
everywhere ; she even drags in Cocytus in a sonnet on the 
death of her infant son. At the same time we have a constant 
sense of high ideals and love of liberty. 

The compositions of the ' pale, limber, odd-looking young 
man ', which ' thrilled and agitated ' William Beckford in 1787, 
now scarcely move us, vanished the fire and glow which Bocage 
(1765-1805) brought to his improvisations. For the reader they 
are for the most part carboni spenti. His parents were a Portu- 
guese judge and the daughter of a French vice-admiral in the 
Portuguese Navy, and he- enlisted in an infantry regiment in 
the town of his birth, Setubal, in 1779. Ten years later he 
deserted at Damao, _and after wandering in China reached 
Macao and thence Goa, which he still found a stepmother to 
poets, and Lisbon. Here he continued to live a dissipated life, 
till in 1797 his revolutionary opinions and his poem A Pavorosa 
lllusao da Eternidade brought him first to the Limoeiro and 
then for a few months to the prison of the Inquisition. His 
unstable romantic spirit was influenced as much by the French 
Revolution during the latter years of his life as by the wish in 
his youth to become a second Camoes, but he wrote an elegy on 
the execution of Queen Marie Antoinette, which he described as 
' a crime from Hell '. He supported life during his last years 
principally by translation. He was himself his chief enemy, 
and he was also the victim of the critics who applauded his 
improvisations until he no longer distinguished between poetry 
and prose, sense and absurdity. No better Portuguese pendant 



278 1706-1816 

to the celebrated line of blank verse 'A Mr. Wilkinson, a clergy- 
man ' will be found than that in one of Bocage's elegies : Carpido 
objecto meu, carpido ohjecto. The undoubted talent of Elmano 
Sadino, as he was in Arcadia, was thus frittered away in occasional 
verse in which his fecund gift of satire found expression, and 
a great poet was lost to Portuguese literature. His impromptu 
sallies against rival poets, such as Macedo, brought him con- 
temporary fame, but in some of his poems, especially the sonnets, 
we have proof of a possibility of greater things. No doubt his 
work is disfigured by pompous phrases ^ and hollow classical 
allusions. He did not always rise above the bad taste of the 
period ; he was unable to concentrate his talent or separate 
prosaic from poetical subjects. Thus he sang of an ascent in 
a halao aerostatico in 1794, and saw in the vil mosquito a proof 
of the existence of God. But his was nevertheless a very real 
and above all a very Portuguese inspiration,^ and some of his 
sonnets have force and grandeur and hover on the fringes of 
beauty, especially when they voice his unaffected enthusiasm 
for Portugal's past greatness and heroes. 

One of the foremost poets of the Nova Arcadia was Belchior 
Manuel Curvo Semedo (1766-1838), two volumes of whose 
Composigoes Poeticas appeared in 1803. A crowd of secondary 
lights revolved round the great planets of the two Arcadias. The 
poems of Alfeno Cynthio, Domingos Maximiano Torres (1748- 
1810), are not without vigour [Versos, 1791). Their unfortunate 
author died a political prisoner at Trafaria. The gay and lively 
Abbade of Jazente, Paulino Antonio Cabral* (1719-89), was 
the son of an Oporto doctor, and was parish priest at Jazente 
(near Amarante) from 1753 to 1784. His poems are still read for 
their pleasant satire, but he was careless of literary fame. Some 
of the sonnets of both these writers deserve not to be forgotten. 
JoAO Xavier de Mattos (11789), a fourth edition of whose Rimas 

' The sky is a estellifera morada (the starry abode), birds plumoso aereo 
bando, bees mordazes enxames voadores, &c. 

2 Menendez y Pelayo (Antologia, torn, xiii (1908), p. 377) calls him el poeta 
de mas condiciones nativas que ha producido Portugal despuis de Camoens, 
'the most indigenous Portuguese poet since Camoes ', and elsewhere gives the 
highest praise to his sonnets. 

' His modern editor, Visconde (Julio) de Castilho, has shown that the 
additional surname de Vasconcellos was bestowed on him gratuitously. 



THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 279 

appeared in the year after his death, is now remembered chiefly 
for some of his sonnets, as that beginning Poz-se sol, with its 
melancholy charm. He was a true but not a great or original poet. 
Born at Oporto, the son of a Brazilian father and a Portuguese 
mother, Thomas Antonio Gonzaga (1744-1807 .?) was a judge 
at Bahia when he was accused of taking part in the Republican 
conspiracy of Minas Geraes (1789), and after three years' im- 
prisonment was deported (1792) to Mozambique, where he died 
several years after his sentence had expired. Some of his 
Horatian and Anacreontic lyras in many metres, addressed to 
Marilia and collected under the title A Marilia de Dirceo (Dirceo 
being his Arcadian name), are graceful lyrics, of an idyllic charac- 
ter. Of the other poets implicated in the conspiracy, Claudio 
Manuel da Costa (1729-69), who was found dead in his prison 
cell, was an Arcadian poet of the Italian school, and shows 
a gentle love of Nature in his sonnets. Of the hundred sonnets 
printed in his Obras (1768) some are in Italian. The eclogues 
number twenty. In Brazil at this time, as earlier in Portugal, 
patriotism if not poetry suggested epics. Jose Basilio da 
Gama (1740-95), who spent the greater part of his life in Por- 
tugal and died at Lisbon, wrote Uraguay (1769) in five cantos 
of prosaic blank verse — an account of the struggle between 
Portuguese and Indians. Jose de Santa Rita Durao 
(c. 1720-84), Doctor in Theology (Coimbra), composed an epic 
entitled CaramurA (1781) on the discovery of Bahia in the 
sixteenth century by Diogo Alvarez Correa. This poem in ten 
cantos of oitavas is inferior to Uraguay, but it contains some 
interesting notes on the country and the customs of Brazil.^ 

If a great poet lurked in Bocage, he had certainly never 
existed in Bocage's contemporary and rival in Arcadia, Jose 
AgostinhodeMacedo (1761-1831), who lived to be confronted 
by an even more formidable adversary in his old age, Almeida 
Garrett. (In one of his fierce political letters he prays that 
either he or Garrett may be sent to the galleys.) Born at Beja, 
he took the vows as an Augustinian monk at Lisbon in 1778. 

■ The Couvade (ii. 62) is also described by Henrique Diaz, Naufragio da 
Nao S. Paulo, 1904 ed., p. 25, and Pero de Magalhaes Gandavo, Historia da 
Provincia Sancta Cruz (1576), cap. 10. 



28o 1706-1816 

The future champion of law and order provoked the displeasure 
of his superiors at Lisbon, Evora, Coimbra, Braga, Torres 
Vedras, by his pranks and mutinies, his boisterous and dissi- 
pated life. Methodical theft of books was one of his minor 
failings. At last after fourteen years, his Order, tired of trans- 
ferring and imprisoning, formally expelled the delinquent in 
1792. He, however, obtained recognition as a secular priest, 
won fame as a preacher, and for the next forty years wrote in 
verse and prose with an amazing copiousness.^ He is said to 
have composed a hundred Anacreontic odes in three days : 
Lyra Anacreontica (1819). During the last three years of his 
life, after he had, as he said, capitulated to the doctors, he 
continued to write, although in .great pain. His financial 
circumstances did not require this effort. His works had brought 
him considerable sums, he had become Court preacher and 
chronicler, and had many friends in high places, including 
Dom Miguel himself. His vanity was soothed, the unfrocked 
Augustinian had won the regard of princes. But to this learned ^ 
and splenetic priest virulent denunciation of his literary and 
political opponents had become a necessity, and he was at 
work on the twenty.-seventh number of his periodical Desengano 
a fortnight before his death. He was spared the mortification 
of seeing his enemies triumph in 1832. His character was not 
amiable, and a large part of his life was unedifying, but there is 
something fine in his unfailing energy, for by sheer energy he 
imposed himself, and his self-conceit was so colossal as to be 
virtually innocuous, while his real horror of revolution, a horror 
based on experience, was expressed with persistency and courage. 
He seems to have been quite honest in the belief that the poems 
of Homer, which he could not read in the original, were worth- 
less,^ and that his own Oriente was a great epic. His utilitarian 

' His works in the Dice. Bibliog. go from J. 2163 to J. 2475. Many are, 
however, single odes, sermons, &c. Other eighteenth-century sermons 
worth reading are those of the learned Franciscan Frei Sebastiao de Santo 
Antonio : Sermoes, 2 vols. (1779, 84). 

' Superficially, at least, more than Manuel Caetano de Sousa (1658-1734) 
he deserves to be called a varao encyclopedico . 

" He admires Cicero — not only as philosopher and orator but as a ' sublime 
poet' ! (0 Homem (1815), p. 98) — and Seneca, calls Petrarca immortal, Tasso 
incomparable, and is generous in his appreciation of English writers. At 



THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 281 

conception of literature was inevitably fatal to his verse. He 
wished to extend the boundaries of poetry.^ He wrote a long 
poem — four cantos of blank verse — on Newton (1813), recast 
and increased to 3,560 lines under the title Viagem Extatica 
ao Templo da Sabedoria (1830), because Newton had conferred 
greater benefits on humanity than many a great conqueror (yet 
so may a dentist). He composed a long poem, Gama (1811), 
re-written as Oriente (1814),^ to show how Camoes should have 
written Os Lusiadas. His poem is no doubt more correct ; it 
observes all the rules, but unfortunately it lacks genius and is 
as dull and turgid as Macedo's other verse. A good word for 
the sea in Portuguese is mar ; ■ the poets often call it oceano, 
Camoes had ventured to name it falso argento, liquido estanho, 
o fundo aquoso, humido elemento ; with Macedo it becomes 
tumido elemento (or perhaps he adopted the phrase from 
Caramuru, in which it occurs). We can scarcely blame Bocage 
for labelling him tumido versista.^ Among his other philosophical 
poems are Contemplagao da Natureza (1801), A Meditagdo (1813), 
A Natureza (1846), and A Creagdo (1865), now not more often 
read than his many odes and other verse. The most scandalous 
of his satires is Os Burros (1827), in blank verse, in which he 
lavishly and outrageously insults nearly all the writers of the 
time, and which may have been suggested by Juan Pablo 
Forner's El Asno Erudito (1782). Like his poems, his dramatic 
works usually have some ulterior t)bject ; their purpose is not 
less practical than his pamphlets against Os Sebastianistas (1810) 
or Os Jesuitas (1830) : behind Ezelino and Beatriz in his tragedy 
Branca de Rossi (1819) loom Napoleon and Josephine, and the 
prose comedy A Impostura Castigada (1822) is an attack upon 
the doctors. The fact is that Macedo was essentially not a poet 
or a dramatist or a philosopher, but a forcible and eloquent 
pamphleteer. His philosophical letters and treatises, A Verdade 

about the same time John Keats, as Petrarca five centuries earlier, was also 
reading Homer in translation, but in a somewhat different spirit. 

' Newton, Proemio. 

* In the second edition (1827) he says that this poem, in twelve cantos and 
about 1,000 oitavas, written with ' more fire and a purer light ' than those of 
Camoes, had cost him ' nine years of assiduous application '. 

' Macedo called Bocage fanfarrdo glosador, and much a^use of the same 
kind varied the monotony of elogio mutuo. 



282 I706-I816 

(i8i4), Homem (1815), Demonstragao da Existencia de Deos 
(1816), Cartas filosoficas a Attico (1815), are at their best not 
when he is developing a train of scientific thought but when 
he is arguing ad hominem ; and his literary criticism in Motim 
Literario (1811) is primarily personal. As a critic militant he 
has his merits, and he is pleasantly patriotic in denouncing the 
glamour of missangas estranjeiras. But it is in his political 
periodicals, pamphlets, and letters, Cartas (1821), Cartas (1827), 
Tripa virada (1823), Tripa por uma vez (1823), A Besta Esfolhada 
(1828-31), Desengano (September 1830-September 1831), that 
he puts forth all his spice and venom. Ponderous and angry 
like a lesser Samuel Johnson, he bullies and crushes his opponents 
in the raciest vernacular. He may be unscrupulous in argument, 
but his idiomatic and vigorous prose will always be read with 
pleasure. 

Macedo's dramatic works were neither better nor worse than 
those of other playwrights of the time. It was the professed 
object of Manuel de Figueiredo (1725-1801) to 'write plays 
morally and dramatically correct '. The effect of this didacticism 
in the fourteen volumes of his Theatro (1804-15) is disastrous. 
He wrote in prose and verse, but the plays in ordinary prose 
are to be preferred, since in the others, like M. Jourdain, 
he made de la prose sans le savoir. He wrote comedies, and 
tragedies in which he is involuntarily comic. Even in Ignez 
he keeps the even tenor of hil dullness, and he warns the reader 
in a preface that his In6s is not to be considered beautiful since 
she was probably over thirty, and that her and Pedro's passion 
had had time to cool.^ There is more life in the plays written 
in a medley of prose and verse by Antonio Jose da Silva 
(1705-39), whom Southey considered ' the best of their dramatic 
writers', but it is doubtful whether they would have received 
any attention in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries had it 
not been for the tragedy of their author's life. He was born at 

' Such woodenness was unlikely to appreciate El Greco's pictures. In the 
preface to his Agriparia (Theatro, vol. v, 1804) he speaks of a extravagancia 
do vaidoso Domenico, herein following Faria e Sousa, who calls Theotocopuli 
the G6ngora of painters and adds : Pero vale mas una llaneza del Ticiano 
que todas sus extravagancias juntas por mas que ingeniosas (Fuente de Aganipe 
Prdlogo, § 37). 



THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 283 

Rio de Janeiro, the son of Portuguese Jews, his mother had been 
arrested by order of the Inquisition as early as 1712, and the 
whole family came to Lisbon, where the father practised success- 
fully as a lawyer. In 1726 his mother was re-arrested, and this 
time Antonio Jose with her. He was released after suffering 
torture and pubhcly abjuring Jewish doctrines in an auto da fe. 
Eleven years later, after studying at Coimbra and following his 
father's profession in Lisbon, he was again arrested, with his 
wife — he had married his cousin despite the dangerous fact that 
her mother had been burnt and she herself imprisoned by the 
Inquisition — and on October 18, 1739, he was first strangled and 
then burnt in an auto da fe at Lisbon. For some years (1733-8) 
before his death the people of Lisbon had admired the plays of 
' the Jew ', as they called him, at the Theatro do Bairro Alto. 
Of the eight plays that have survived in print it must be said 
that they are for the most part very purposeless and ineffective. 
He attracted his audience sometimes by wit, more often by sheer 
farcical absurdity ; the constant plays on words, the meaningless 
snatches of verse interpolated, do not increase the interest, which 
flags on every page because the author has not the slightest power 
of concentration. The action at least is quick and varied; it 
shows Silva's inventive talent and explains the popularity of his 
galhofeiras comedias,^ however much it may weary the reader. 
His plays with classical subjects are especially cold and dull, 
A Ninfa Syringa ou Amores de Pan e Syringa,^ Os Encantos de 
Medea,^ Esopaida,^ Amphitriao,^ As Variedades de Proteo* 
Laberinto de Creta^ His best play, Guerras do Alecrim e 
Mangerona (1737), contains some elements of character- 
drawing and describes the devices of the starving gentlemen 
D. Gilvaz and D. Fuas to obtain rich wives at the expense 
of miserly father and country cousin. The action consists in 
a bewildering succession of disguises, the scene (Pt. ii, Sc. 5) in 
which Gilvaz and Fuas doctor their stoHd rival and ridicule the 
medical profession has humour but shows the usual inabihty 
to end before the reader's patience has been long exhausted. 

' Amaldo Gama, Um moHm ha cem annos, 3* ed. (1896), p. 35. 
^ Theatro Comico Portuguez, 4 vols. (1759-90), vol. iii. 
" Ibid., vol. i. ' Ibid., vol. ii. 



284 1706-1816 

In the Vida do Grande D. Quixote de la Mancha (1733) Silva 
made bold to dramatize Don Quixote in a series of scenes not 
over-skilfully connected. Of his own invention there is a comical 
scene (Ft. i, Sc; 8), in which Don Quixote is harassed by doubts 
as to whether the enchanters have not transformed Dulcinea into 
Sancho Panza : he begins to see a certain likeness ; . but most 
of the scenes are directly copied and here become signally insipid, 
as that of Sancho's judgements (ii. 4), or that of the Hon (i. 5), 
which is as far removed from Cervantes as the sorry lions of the 
Alhambra at Granada from those in Trafalgar Square. The 
drama of Nicolau Luis, whose life is obscure but whose name 
was possibly Nicolau Luis da Silva, belongs to the literatura 
de cordel, popular plays imitated and often directly translated 
from the Spanish and Italian and acted with great applause in 
the eighteenth century at Lisbon. Most of them were published 
without the author's name, and although it is believed that he 
wrote over one-third of the numerous comedias de cordel of the 
century ^ only a few, as Capitdo Belisario (1781) and Conde 
Alarcos (1788), can be definitely assigned to him, a fact which 
incidentally bears witness to his lack of individuality. His best- 
known tragedy isD. Ignezde Castro (1772), an imitation of Reinar 
despues de morir by Luis Velez de Guevara (1579-1644). 

In prose it was not an age of great writers, but of research 
and learning. The Lisbon Academia Real das Sciencias,^ founded 
by the Duque de Lafoes, met for the first time in 1780, and was 
not slow in inaugurating the work which has won for it the 
gratitude of all who care for the language or literature of Portugal. 
D. Antonio Caetano de Sousa (1674-1759) had published his 
valuable Provas da Historia Genealogica (1739-48) in seven 
volumes, and the learned cure of Santo Adriao de Sever, Diogo 
Barbosa Machado (1682-1772), had spent a long life in 
bibliographical study and compiled his indispensable and 
magnificent Bihliotheca Lusitana (1741-59) with a generous inac- 
curacy which is attractive in the minute pedantry of a later age. 
The scarcely less famous Vocabulario Portuguez of Raphael 

' Innocencio da Silva, Dice. Bibliog. vi. 275-85; xvii. 91-3, gives 217 titles. 

" Now Academia das Sciencias de Lisboa, but it is found convenient to 
retain the original title in order to distinguish it from a more recent (private) 
institution, the Academia das Sciencias de Portugal. 



THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 285 

Bluteau (1638-1734), who was born of French parents in London 
but spent over fifty years in Portugal, began to appear in 1712. 
The work of research was now carried on, among others by 
Francisco Jose Freire (1719-73) ; Frei Joaquim de Santa 
Rosa de Viterbo (1744-1822) ; the librarian Antonio Ribeiro 
DOS Santos (1745-1818) ; D. Francisco Alexandre Lobo 
(1763-1844), Bishop of Viseu ; Cardinal Saraiva (1766-1845), 
Patriarch of Lisbon ; and Frei Fortunato de S. Boaventura 
(1778-1844). Critics of poetry were Luis Antonio Verney 
(1713-92), Archdeacon of Evora, El Barbadifio', whose criti- 
cisms in his Verdadeiro Methodo de Estudar (2 vols., 1746) are 
severe, even harsh; Francisco Dias Gomes (1745-95), whom 
Herculano called nosso celebre critico, and who was indeed a 
better critic than poet, as may be seen in the notes and poems 
of his Obras Poeticas (1799); and Miguel de Couto Guerreiro 
{c. 1720-93), who showed good sense in the twenty-six rhymed 
rules of his Tratado da Versificagam Portugueza (1784). 

The best-known work of the learned son of a Lisbon black- 
smith who became the first Bishop of Beja and Archbishop 
of Evora, Manuel do Cenaculo Villas-Boas (1724-1814), 
is his Cuidados Litterarios (1791). Theodoro de Almeida 
(1722-1804), an erudite and voluminous writer, one of the 
original members of the Academy of Sciences, was more 
ambitious. In Feliz Independente do Mundo e da Fortuna in 
twenty-four books (3 vols., 1779), he took Fenelon's Telimaque 
for his model and sought to combine the gall of instruction 
with the honey of entertainment. He wrote it first [uma 
boa parte) in rhyme, then turned to blank verse, but, still 
dissatisfied, finally adopted prose, taking care, however, he says, 
that it should not degenerate into a novel. The book had a wide 
vogue, but is quite unreadable. One may be thankful that it 
was not written in verse like that of his Lisboa Destruida (1803), 
an account of the earthquake of 1755, with sundry moralizings 
in six cantos of oitavas, of which a Portuguese critic has said that 
the author, in an excess of Christian humility, resolved to mortify 
his pride of learning by making himself ridiculous to posterity in 
verse. Aflickering interest enlivens theCflrte5F«m&'flre5(i74i, 2) 
of Francisco Xavier de Oliveira (1702-83). Their subjects 



286 1706-1816 

are various : love, literature, witchcraft, and even the relation of 
a man's character to the ribbon on his hat. The author gave 
up a diplomatic career, perhaps on account of his Protestant 
tendencies, and went to Holland (1740) and England (1744), 
where he publicly abjured Roman Catholicism (1746). After the 
Lisbon earthquake of 1755 he addressed a pamphlet in French 
to the King of Portugal, exhorting him to mend his ways; to 
become Protestant with all his subjects and abolish the Inquisi- 
tion. He was duly burnt in effigy at Lisbon (1761), but died 
quietly at Hackney twenty- two years later. The letters of 
Alexandre de GusmAo (1695-1753), born at Santos in 
Brazil, have not been collected; those of the remarkable Portu- 
guese Jew of Penamacor, Antonio Nunes Ribeiro Sanches 
(1699-1783), physician to the Empress Catherine H of Russia, 
Cartas sobre a Educagcio da Mocidade, appeared in 1760 at Cologne. 
The Cartas Curiosas (1878) of the Abbade Antonio da Costa 
{lyii^-c. 1780) consist of thirteen letters written from Rome and 
Vienna from 1750 to 1780, mainly on the subject of music. 
The century was not rich in memoirs. The Miscellaneas of 
D. JoAO DE S. Joseph Queiroz (1711-64) contain some 
interesting and amusing anecdotes. He speaks of the Memorias 
Genealogicas of Alao de Moraes and of the general discredit of 
genealogists, and attributes Mello's imprisonment to his polite 
acquiescence in the suggestions of the Condessa de Villa Nova, 
made at the instigation of King Joao IV : para lisongea-la disse 
que seguiria partido de Castella. But without seeing the manu- 
script it is impossible not to suspect that there is as much of 
Camillo Castello Branco as of the Bishop of Grao-Para in the 
Memorias (1868), which he was the first to publish. 



VI 

i8i6-igio 

§ I 
The Romantic School 

In Portugal the first quarter of the nineteenth century was 
filled with violence and unrest. The French invasion and years 
of fighting on Portuguese soil were followed by a series of revolu- 
tions and civil wars. It seemed as if a more general earthquake 
had come to complete the ruin of 1755, against which Lisbon had 
so finely re-acted. The historian who attempts to record the 
conflicts between Miguelists and Constitutionalists, and the 
miserable political intrigues which accompanied the ultimate 
victory of the latter, must waver disconsolately between tragedy 
and farce. But horrible and pitiful as were many of these events, 
they succeeded in awakening what had seemed a dead nation 
to a new life. The introduction of the parliamentary system 
called into being eloquent orators, and, more valuable than much 
eloquence, the conviction sprang up, partly under foreign in- 
fluence, partly through love of the soil, deepened by persecution 
and banishment, that literature might have a closer relation to 
earth and life than a philological Filintian ode. Returning 
exiles brought fresh ideas into the country, and the two men 
who dominated Portuguese literature in the first half of the 
century had both learnt much from their enforced sojourn 
abroad. Almeida Garrett (1799-1854), one of the strangest 
and most picturesque figures in literature, was born at Oporto, 
but spent his boyhood in the Azores (Ilha Terceira), where his 
uncles, especially the Bishop of Angra, gave him a classical 
education and destined him for the priesthood. He, however, 
preferred to study law at Coimbra (1816-21). Here politics were 
in the air and he soon made himself conspicuous as a Liberal. 
The fall of the Constitution drove him into exile (1823) in 



288 1816-I910 

England (near Edgbaston and in London), and France (Havre 
and Paris), and for the next thirty years politics remained one 
of his ruling passions. His first great opportunity for rhetorical 
display was his defence in the law-courts against the charge of 
impiety incurred by the publication of his poem Retrato de 
Venus (1821), although even before going to Coimbra he is said to 
have preached to a church full of people. He was able to return 
to Portugal in 1826, and edited Chronista and Portuguez, 
which evoked Macedo's wrath and ended in Garrett's imprison- 
ment. When Dom Miguel returned from Brazil and, instead of 
' signing the -paper ' (the famous Carta of 1826), had himself 
declared absolute king (1828) Garrett again became an exile, 
chiefly in London, and did not return to his country till July 
1832, when he landed as a private soldier at Mindello, one of 
the famous 7,500 who fought for King Pedro and his daughter, 
Maria da Gloria. His zeal and outspokenness rendering him 
an uncomfortable colleague at Lisbon, he fared rather badly in 
the ignoble scramble for office which followed the triumph of the 
cause. He was sent first on a mission to London and then as 
chargi d'affaires to Brussels (1834-6). The diplomatic service 
was in many ways congenial to his character, but his enemies 
made the mistake of slighting and neglecting him, and, refusing 
the post of Minister at Copenhagen, he returned to Portugal and 
helped to bring about the Revolution of September 1836. But 
his life is the whole history of the time : enough to say that for 
the next fifteen years his activities in politics and literature were 
unceasing. In a hundred ways he showed his versatility and 
energy. He served on many commissions, was appointed 
Inspector of Theatres (1836), Cronista M6r (1838), elected 
deputy (1837), raised to the House of Peers (1852). As journa- 
list, founder and editor of several short-lived newspapers, as 
a stylist and master of prose, his country's chief lyric poet in the 
first half of the nineteenth century (coming as a fire to light the 
dry sticks of the eighteenth-century poetry) and greatest dramatist 
since the sixteenth ; as politician and one of the most eloquent 
of all Portugal's orators, an enthusiastic if unscientific folk-lorist,' 

' His Romanceiro published in 3 vols. (1843, 5') contains poems of national 
themes drawn from popular songs and traditions, written by himself (as 



THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 289 

a novelist, critic, diplomatist, soldier, jurist and judge, Garrett 
played many parts and with success. This patriot who did not 
despair of his country, this marvellous dandy who seemed to 
bestow as much thought on the cut of a coat as on the fashioning 
of a constitution, and who refused to grow old, preferring to incur 
ridicule as a velho namorado (his love intrigues ended only with 
his life and he wrote his most passionate lyrics when he was 
over fifty), this artist in life and literature, lover of old furniture 
and old traditions, this lovable, ridiculous, human Garrett, whom 
his countrymen called divine, can still alternately charm and 
repel us as he scandalized and fascinated his contemporaries. His 
motives were often curiously mixed. His immeasurable peacock 
vanity as well as his generosity prompted him to champion weak 
causes and assist obscure persons. A man of high ideals and an 
essential honesty, he only rarely deviated into truth in matters 
concerning himself. When past fifty he was still ' forty-six ' and 
he wrote an anonymous autobiography and filled it with his own 
praise. He often gave his time and talent ungrudgingly to the 
service of the State and then cried out that his disinterestedness 
went unrewarded. Fond of money but fonder of show and honours, 
he died almost poor but a viscount. Although of scarcely more 
than plebeian birth he liked to believe that the name Garrett, 
which he only assumed in 1818, was the Irish for Gerald and that 
he was descended from Garrt, first Earl of Desmond,^ and through 
the Geraldines from Troy.^ At the mercy of many moods, easily 
angered but never vindictive, capable occasionally of half- 
unconscious duplicity but never of hypocrisy, he remained to 
the last changing and sensitive as a child. His faults were 
mostly on the surface and injured principally himself, offering 

Adozinda, based on the romance Syhaninha and originallypublished in London 
in 1828 and reviewed in the Foreign Quarterly Review, October 1832) or by 
others, e. g. Balthasar Diaz' O Marques de Mantua, or popular romances revised 
and polished by their collector. His own compositions (vol. i) often have great 
charm, as Miragaia, Rosalinda, Bernal Francez. 

» The name of the first Earl of Desmond (cr. 1328) was Maurice fitzThomas 
(fi356) not Gerald, Gerod, Gerott, Garrett, or Garrt (see Lord Walter 
FitzGerald, Notes on the Fit zGer aids of Ireland) . The forms Garret and Gareth 
existed in Catalonia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, e. g. the Catalan 
poet Bernardo Garret, born at Barcelona, who wrote in Italian and became 
known as Chariteo (c. 1450-c. 15 12). 

' Amorim, Memorias, i. 28. 

2362 T 



290 1816-1910 

a hundred points of attack to critics incapable of understanding 
his greatness. That he did not play a more fruitfully effective 
part in politics was less his fault than that of the politics of the 
day ; but the twofold incentive of serving his country by useful 
legislation and of a personal triumph in the Chamber prevented 
this ingenuous victim of political intrigue from ever devoting 
himself exclusively to literature. In politics he was an oppor- 
tunist in the best sense of the word and a Liberal who detested 
the art of the demagogue. His few months as Minister in 1852 
gave no scope for his real power of organization and of Stimulating 
others. In the life and literature of his country he was a great 
civilizing and renovating force. He taught his countrymen to 
read and what to read, and, having freed them from the trammels 
of pseudo-classicism, did his utmost to prevent them from merely 
exchanging pedantry for insipidity. 

His early verses, many of the poems published or reprinted in 
Lyrica de Joao Minimo (1829), Flores sem Fructo (1845), and 
Fabulas e Contos (185Z), were written under the influence of Filinto 
Elysio and the eighteenth century, but, fired by romanticism 
during his first exile in France, he introduced it into Portugal in 
his epic poems Camoes (1625) and Dona Branca (1826),^ in which 
prosaic passages alternate with others of fervent poetic beauty 
and glimpses of popular customs which in themselves spell poetry 
in Portugal. But Garrett was no super-romantic, in fact he 
deprecated ' the extravagances and exaggerations of the ephe- 
meral romanticism which is now coming to an end in Europe '.^ 
At Brussels he learnt German, and the poetry, and especfally 
the plays, of Goethe cast a steadying influence over his work. 
Garrett had early been attracted towards the theatre. His 
Merope, in its subject derived from Alfieri, and Catao (1821) 
were both written in his student days. Neither of them can be 
called dramatic. In vain a glow of liberty* and rhetoric strives 

' Of O Magrifo, a still longer epic, only fragments remain ; it went down in 
manuscript in the A melia, sunk by the Miguelists off the Portuguese coast. 

' Preface to 4th ed. (1845) of Catao. 

' The ' tyranny ' of the day was that of General Beresford. Some scenes of 
Catao (derived from the Cato ( : 7 1 3) of Addison) , of which a Portuguese version by 
Manuel de Figueiredo {Theatre, vol. viii) had appeared in Garrett's boyhood, 
were directed against this English despot. A few years later Garrett learned 
to enjoy English society, as his Anglophobe biographer, Amorim, admits. 



THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 291 

fo melt th6 ice of Catao : its parliamentary debates still leave 
the reader cold. When fifteen years later, in the tercentenary 
year of Vicente's last comedy, he was able definitely to undertake 
his favourite scheme of providing Portugal with a national drama, 
he found difficulties. He had to provide not only theatre, actors, 
and audience, but also the plays. He succeeded in instilling his 
keenness into some of his more lethargic countrymen, but, not 
content with translating from the French, Italian, or Spanish, 
himself wrote a series of plays to pave the way. His themes, 
unlike those of his earlier efforts, were now entirely national : the 
legendary love of the poet Bernardim Ribeiro for the daughter 
of King Manuel in Urn Auto de Gil Vicente (1838) ; ^ the patriotism 
of the Condessa de Athouguia in arming her two sons on the 
morning of December i, 1640, to throw off the Spanish yoke, in 
Dona Philippa de Vilhena (1840) ; an early incident in the life of 
one of the most chivalrous soldiers that the world has seen, the 
Constable Nun' Alvarez, in Alfageme de Santarem (1842); the fall 
of Pombal in A Sobrinha do Marquez (1848); ^ two famous episodes 
in the life of Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, the first of which, the 
setting fire to his palace rather than entertain the Spanish 
Governors, preserves the national atmosphere, in Frei Luiz de 
Sousa (1844). These plays, with the exception perhaps of the 
hastily improvised D. Philippa de Vilhena, are all remarkable, 
although their merit is unequal. The characters, and especially 
the epoch in which they are presented, lend their chief interest 
to the first and third. The fifth, overpraised by some critics but 
praised by all — Menendez y Pelayo called it ' incomparable ' — 
Frei Luiz de Sousa, far excels the others by reason of the concen- 
tration of interest and the really dramatic character of the plot 
(or at least of the anagnorisis of Act II) and by its intensity and 
deliberately simple execution. The intensity may be almost 
too unrelieved, but the conception of the play showed a fine 
dramatic instinct. Like most of Garrett's work it was composed 
in a white heat, and the effect is enhanced by its excellently clear 
and restrained style, which brings out every shade and symptom 
of tragedy without distracting the attention by any extraneous 
ornaments. But all these plays are written in admirable prose. 
' Published in 1841. ' Written ten years earlier. 

T 2 



392 iSifi-igio 

Indeed, a value is given even to Garrett's slighter pieces — Tio 
Simplicio (1844), Fallar Verdade a Mentir (1845) ^ — apart from 
their indigenous character, by his pliant, transparent, glowing 
prose, to which perhaps even more than to his poetry he owes 
his foremost place in Portuguese literature. Although essentially 
a poet, his poems of enduring worth are a mere handful of beauti- 
ful episodes and graceful lyrics — in Folhas Cahidas (1853) and 
vol. I (1843) of his Romanceiro — but his prose stamps with indi- 
viduality works so diverse as his historical novel Arco de Santa 
Anna (2 vols., 1845, 51),^ his charming miscellaneous Viagens 
na minha terra (1846) with its famous episode of Joaninha of the 
nightingales, his treatises Da Educagao (1829), Portugal na halanga 
da Europa (1830), BosquejodaLitteraturaPortugiieza(i8z6), as well 
as his plays. All his work was thoroughly national, and when he 
died a group of younger writers was at hand ready to continue it. 

Garrett intended as Cronista Mor to write the history of his 
own time. More serious historians existed in the Canon of Evora, 
Antonio Caetano do Amaral (1747-1819) ; his fellow-aca- 
demician the Canon JoAo Pedro Ribeiro (11839) i Luz 
Soriano (1802-99), author oiaHistoria da Guerra Civil (1866-90) 
in seventeen volumes ; the Visconde de Santarem (1791-1856), 
whose able and persistent researches were of inestimable service 
to the history and incidentally to the literature of his country ; 
and the patient investigator Cunha Rivara (1809-79). 

While scientific research work was accumulating the bones of 
history a creator arose in the person of Alexandre Herculano 
(1810-77). He had emigrated to France and England in 1831, lived 
for a time at Rennes, and from the Azores in 1832 with Garrett 
accompanied the Liberal army to Oporto as a private soldier. 
In the following year he obtained work as a librarian. His A Voz 
do Propheta (1836) (Castilho in this year translated Lamennais' 
Paroles d'un Croyant), written in the impressive style of a Hebrew 
prophet, although it appeared anonymously, brought its author 
fame, and in 1839 the King Consort D. Fernando appointed him 
librarian of the Royal Library of Ajuda. The salary was not 

' These two plays were published in vol. vii of his Ohras (1847) with 
T). Philippa de Vilhena. 

- A contemporary novel, Helena (1871), remained unfinished at his death. 



THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 293 

large, under £200 a year, but the post gave him the two necessaries 
of literary work, quiet and books. From that year to 1867 his 
life was taken up with his work, with which poUtics only occa- 
sionally interfered. He edited Panorama from 1837 to 1844 
and joined in founding Paiz. Although he was elected deputy to 
the Cortes in 1840 he rarely attended the sittings. His friendship 
with D. Fernando and King Pedro V continued unbroken till their 
death. In 1867 with characteristic abruptness he left Lisbon and 
literature and gave his last ten years almost entirely to agricul- 
ture on the estate of Val de Lobos, near Santarem.^ The call 
of the land was combined with disgust at the politics of the 
capital and probably a natural disinclination to a sedentary 
mode of life. His retirement was greeted as a betrayal, and 
attacks formerly directed against his historical work were now 
directed against him for abandoning it. But since he had no 
intention of continuing his history, his literary work was really 
ended. It has three main aspects, poetry, the historical novel, 
and history. From the prosaic height of forty-six he informed 
Soares de Passes in a letter that he had been a poet till he was 
twenty-five. Some of the poems of A Harpa do Crente (1838),'^ 
especially A Tempestade and A Cruz Mutilada, rise to noble 
heights by reason of a fine conviction and a rugged grandeur, as of 
blocks of granite. Herculano had returned to Portugal imbued 
with profound admiration for the historical novels of Sir Walter 
Scott, ' immortal Scott ' as he called him, and Victor Hugo, and 
in his remarkable stories and sketches contributed to Pano- 
rama and published as Lendas e Narrativas (1851), as well as in 
the more elaborate Monasticon, consisting of two separate 
parts Eurico Presbytero (1844) and Monge de Cister (1848), he 
wrote romance based upon scrupulous historical research. A 
slight leaning towards melodrama is as a rule successfully with- 
stood, and his intense and powerful style enchains the attention. 
Eurico is really a splendid prose poem,* in which the eighth- 

• It was, however, no sudden decision. As early as 1851 he wrote, in a letter 
to Garrett, ' ... me ver entre quatro serras com algumas geiras de terra proprias, 
umas botas grossas e um chapeu de Braga, bello ideal de todas as minhas am- 
bifoes mundanas '. 

^ The second edition with additional poems was entitled Poesias (1850). 

' Cronica, poema, lenda ou que quer que seja, he says. 



294 1816-1910 

century priest Eurico is Herculano brooding over the degeneracy 
of Portugal in the' nineteenth century. His glowing patriotism 
unifies the action and raises the style to an impassioned eloquence. 
The Middle Ages were well suited to him in their mixture of 
passion and ingenuousness and their scope for violent contrasts 
of evil and virtue, light and shadow. Most of the Lendas e 
Narrativas and Bobo belong to that period, and his Historia de 
Portugal (4 vols., 1846-53) ends with the year 1279. That he 
should have stopped there when the character and achievements 
of King Dinis must have offered him a powerful incentive to pro- 
ceed shows how deeply he had felt the controversial attacks levelled 
at his work ; but with the Renaissance and the subsequent history 
of Portugal he was too intensely national to have great sympathy. 
As a historian he has been compared with Hallam, Thierry, and 
Niebuhr, and he stands any such comparison well. A passion 
for truth drove him to the original sources and documents, and, 
since alle Gelehrsamkeit ist noch kein Urteil, he brought the same 
patience and impartial sincerity to their interpretation. The 
results obtained he imposed on thousands of readers by his 
impressive and living style.^ In his case the style was the man. 
Beneath coldness or roughness he concealed an affectionate, 
impetuous nature, a hatred of meanness and injustice. In his 
personal relations austere and difficult, sometimes no doubt 
unfair and undiscerning in the severity of his judgements, he 
was a perfect contrast to Almeida Garrett, compared with 
whom he was as granite to chalk or as the rock to the stream 
that flows past it. His strong will was fortunately directed by the 
Marquesa de Alorna in his youth to the thoroughness of German 
writers. Thoroughness marked all his work. When the Academy 
of Sciences entrusted him with the task of collecting documents 
on the early history of Portugal he threw himself into the labour 
with a fervour which produced the splendidPo^'togaKaeMoMZ'mento 
Historica, a series of historical works and documents of the first 
importance which began to appear in 1856. From 1867 to 1877 
he undertook agriculture not as an amateur's pastime but as 

' The late Dr. Gon9alve2 Viana considered Herculano ' the most vernacular, 
scrupulous and perfect writer of the nineteenth century ' (PcUestras Filo- 
Idjicas, 1910, p. 116). 



THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 295 

the work of his life, with the result that he achieved another 
great success scarcely inferior to his success as a writer. The 
same thoroughness is evident in the Cyclopean fragment of his 
history and in his shorter writings, the Opusculos (1873-76). 
His Da Origem e Estabelecimento da Inquisigao em Portugal 
(3 vols., 1854-9), ^ deeply interesting account of the negotiations 
and intrigues at the Vatican, in ceasing to be dispassionate may 
suffer as a purely historical work, but its vigour brooks no 
denial and its literary excellence is acknowledged even by those 
who dispute its fairness. Great as scholar and man, too great to 
be always understood during his life, his memory received a tribute 
from men so different as Dollinger and Niifiez del Arce, and it is 
probable that his reputation will only increase with time. 

In the historical novel Herculano hadmanyfollowers. Antonio 
DE Oliveira Marreca (1805-89) wrote two laborious fragments 
in Panorama : Manoel Sousa de Sepulveda (1843) and Conde 
Soberano de Castella (1844, 53). Joao de Andrade Corvo (1824- 
90), poet and dramatist,^ author of a novel of contemporary 
politics, Sentimentalismo{i8y 1), -which contains excellent descrip- 
tions of Bussaco, wrote a long historical novel, Um Anno na Corte 
(1850), in which interest in the actors at the Court of Afonso VI, 
in incidents such as a bullfight or a biDarhunt, in witchcraft or the 
Inquisition, is skilfully maintained. His style in its sober restraint 
is superior to that of Arnaldo da Gama (1828-69), whose his- 
torical episodes of the French invasion of 1809 (0 Sargento MSr 
de Villar and Segredo do Abbade), or of Oporto in the fifteenth 
century in A Ultima Dona de S. Nicolau, or in the eighteenth in 
Um Motim ha cem annos ( 1 86 1 ) , are of considerable interest despite 
their author's excessive fondness for Latin quotations. Perhaps 
the influence of Camillo Castello Branco may be traced in his 
novel Genio do Mai (4 vols., 1857), Guilhermino Augusto 
de Barros (1835-1900) is the author of a novel of the fifteenth 
century, Castello de Monsanto (2 vols., 1879), of great length 
and dullness. Its chief interest is for the student of the Portuguese 
language, owing to its large vocabulary. Bernardino Pereira 
Pinheiro (born in 1837) in Sombras e Luz (1863) described 
scenes from the reign of King Manuel, and drew a strange portrait 
» O AlHciador (1859), Astrologo (i860). 



296 , 18I6-I9IO 

of King Joao III in Amores de urn Visionario (2 vols., 1874). But 
the mantle of Herculano, as historical novelist, fell especially 
upon Luiz AuGUSTO Rebello da Silva (1822-71), poHtician and 
journalist. His Rausso por Homizio, a short novel of the time of 
King Sancho II, written with the exaggeration of extreme youth, 
appeared in the Revista Universal Lisbonense (1842-3), followed by 
OdioVelho nao cansa (reign of Sancho I), with similar defects,ini848. 
In the same (the first) volume of ^ Epocha appeared his short conto 
entitled A Ultima Corrida de Touros em Salvaterra, which won and 
has retained popularity by its skilful presentment of a stirring and 
pathetic episode in the reign of Jose I (1750-77). Four years later 
Rebello da Silva published his principal novel, A Mocidade de D. 
Joao V (1852). In its somewhat tedious descriptions the reader 
soon loses the thread of the story, but is entertained by the quick 
dialogue and almost clownish humour of the separate scenes. 
Lagrimas e Thesouros^ (1863) may interest English readers from 
the fact that its principal character is William Beckford, but it 
has not the great merits of the preceding novel. The author was 
already at work on his unfinished Historia de Portugal nos seculos 
XV II eXV I II [Swols., 1860-71). lnt]x\s,2,s,\nh\sFastosda Igreja 
(1854-5) and Varoes Illustres (1870), his defects fall away, while 
his real skill as a historian, his intensity, and his excellent style 
remain ; indeed, an added intensity gives his style a new vigour 
and simplicity. His Historia, although less rigorously scientific 
and far less methodically ordered than that of his master Hercu- 
lano, has value as history as well as literature. Rebello da Silva 
wrote too much, but his work generally improved with the years 
and might have resulted in a real masterpiece had he not died 
before attaining the age of fifty. 

Meanwhile the novel had entered on a new and intensely 
modern phase in the hands of a slightly younger contemporary. 
The life of Camillo Castello Branco (1825-90), whose nume- 
rous novels have been and still are read enthusiastically in 
Portugal, had about it an element of improbability which is 
reflected in his works and made it possible to combine their 

' The last novel to appear in Rebello da Silva's lifetime was A Casa 
dos Phantasmas (1865). De Noite todos os gatos sdo pardos was published 
posthumously. 



THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 297 

apparent sincerity with a peculiar unreality. Born at Lisbon 
but left an orphan at the age of eight, and brought up by a sister, 
wife of a doctor, in a small village of Tras-os-Montes,^ a widower 
in his teens, then a boisterous Oporto medical student, twice im- 
prisoned for love affairs and finally guilty of abducting an heiress 
as a bride for his son, his whole life was spent in a whirlwind, 
actual or imaginary, a tragicomedy which, stricken with blind- 
ness, he ended by suicide. He read and wrote in the same tem- 
pestuous fashion. The sentimental atmosphere of his novels is 
relieved systematically by outbursts ot cynicism and sarcasm. 
When he began to write romanticism was in full swing, but his 
last twenty years were spent under what was to him the vexing 
and tantalizing shadow of the new realism. His first story, Maria 
nao me mates, que sou tua mde ! (1848),^ was sentimental and 
sensational, and something of these qualities remained in the 
greater part of his work. His first more elaborate novel Anathema 
(1851), in which the story is interrupted by lengthy musings and 
moralizings, he himself described as ' a kind of literary crab ', 
and most of his novels are somewhat lop-sided : he confessed 
that his discursiveness was incurable. It is the more hysterical 
among his works, such as Amor de Perdigdo (1862) — its character 
is well described by the title of the Italian version. Amor sfrenato 
■ — or Amor de Salvagdo (1864) and those which combine this 
character with a chain of amazing coincidences, as Os Mysteries de 
Lisboa (1854) and Livro Negro do Padre Diniz (1855), which were 
read most avidly in Portugal. He himself favoured the quieter 
Romance de um Homem Rico (1861) and Livro de Consolagdo (1872). 
We may prefer the attic flavour of the humorous sketch of a 
country gentleman (born in the year of Waterloo) at Lisbon, in 
A Queda d'um Anjo (1866), which somehow recalls the best work 
of Pedro Antonio de Alarcon. Castello Branco had a true vein of 
comedy, and although a great part of the work of this specialist 
in hysterics has an air of unreality, he is many-sided and yields 
frequent surprises. The true Camillo appears only intermittently 

» After Camillo, as he is always called in Portugal, had been created Visconde 
de Correa Botelho in 1885, his descent was traced back to Fruela, son of 
Pelayo. 

" That is, a year before the novel Memorias de um Doudo (1849) by 
Antonio Pedro Lopes de Mendon9a (1826-65). 



298 I8I6-I9IO 

in his novels, and charms with a simplicity of style and description 
worthy of Frei Luis de Sousa, as in some of his Novellas do Minho 
(12 vols., 1875-7), the country-house in Coragao, Cabega e Esto- 
mago (1862), the Tias-os-Montes fidalgo's house in Os Mysterios 
de Lishoa, the village priest in A Sereia (1865), Padre Joao in 
Doze Casamentos Felizes (1861), the farrier in Amor de Perdigao, 
the charcoal-burners in Santo da Montanha (1865). Then (as 
if with the question : what will the Chiado, what will the Lisbon 
critics say ? ) he pulls himself up, lashes himself with sarcasms, 
and plunges into his improbabilities and passions. A poet and 
a learned and ingenious if unscholarly critic, he saw and de- 
scribed the charm of the villages of North Portugal, but he 
satirized with peculiar venom the bourgeois life and the enriched 
brazileiros of Oporto, as in A Filha do Arcediago (1855), A Neta 
do Arcediago (1856), A Douda do Candal (1867), Os Brilhantes do 
Brazileiro (1869), Memorias de Guilherme do Amaral (1863), and 
Um Homem de Brios (1856),^ the last two being continuations of 
Onde estd a Felicidade ? (1856). This last work has a broader 
historical setting, and many of his novels are really historical 
episodes,^ some of which bear a strong resemblance to Perez 
Galdos' Episodios Nacionales. Especially is this the case 
with the latter part of As Tres Irmds (1862) and with A Bruxa 
de Monte Cordova (1867), both written before the appearance of 
the first Episodio Nacional. In Eusebio Macario and A Corja he 
set his hand to the naturalistic novel, and in A Brazileira de 
Prazins {1882) modified this method to suit his favourite phan- 
tasy of extremes, in which the angel and martyr are contrasted 
with the romantic Don Juan or vulgar brazileiro or narrow- 
minded Minho noble. Apart from their historical interest and 
occasional charming glimpses of life and literature, his books 
are invaluable for their style, and he is the author of many 
masterly passages rather than of any masterpiece. He some- 
times — here, as in all else, leaving moderation to the bourgeois 

' Cf. also Carlota Angela (1858), O que fazem mulheres (1858), Annas de 
Prosa (1863), Sangus (1868), Estrellas Propicias (1863), Estrellas Funestas 
(1869). 

' e. g. Lagrimas Abenfoadas (1857), Carlota Angela (1858), O Santo da Mon- 
tanha (1865), A Engeitada (1866), Judeu (2 vols., 1866), O Regicida (1874), 
A Filha do Regicida (1875). 



THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 299 

Spate — allows himself to be carried away by his immense vocabu- 
lary, but often, indeed usually, his language is a flawless marble, 
a rich quarry of the purest, most vernacular Portuguese, de- 
rived from the Portuguese religious and mystic writers of the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.^ Absorbed in his work 
night after night till the first songs of birds announced the dawn, 
writing in or after a paroxysm of grief or excitement in his own 
life, he first lived, then swiftly set on paper, the incidents of his 
novels — Amor de Perdigao was written in a fortnight. Their plot 
may be ill constructed, the dehneation of characters shallow, 
Balzac manque, the episodes far-fetched and melodramatic, but 
they corresponded, if not to life, to the life of their author and 
thereby attained intensity of style and a certain unity of action. 
Yet he was always greatly concerned with schools and ten- 
dencies (he imitated Emile Zola in Eusebio Macario, although 
he declared the realistic school to be the perversion of Nature, 
£mile Souvestre in As Tres Irmas, Octave Feuillet in Romance 
de um Homem Rico), sure of his genius but not of the channels 
into which he should direct it, at his best perhaps in brief essays 
and sketches from which his high-flown romanticism is absent, 
as in the studies of the lives of criminals in Memorias do Carcere 
(2 vols., 1862) and his many scattered reminiscences of life in 
Minho, the valley of the Tamega, and Oporto. With his sensitive 
restless temperament, his imagination, his satire and sadness (of 
tears rather than saudade, for which the action in his stories is too 
rapid), his intolerant hatred of tyranny and intolerance, his essen- 
tial interest not in things nor even characters but in life and passion, 
and his unfailing power of expression, he may well be called 'the 
[modern] Portuguese genius personified'.^ His life is a strange 
contrast to the almost idyllic serenity of that of Antonio 
Feliciano de Castilho (1800-75), whose admirable persistency 
as poet and translator during a period of nearly sixty years — he 
had been blind from the age of six — enabled him to attain an 
extraordinary pre-eminence in Portuguese poetry after Garrett 
and other poets had been broken like crystals while he remained 

• That it is not impeccable such a phrase as confortar pcdacio (0 Livro 
Negro do Padre Diniz, 1896 ed., p. 135) well shows. 

" M. A. Vaz de Carvalho, Seroes no Campo (1877), P- i?'- 



300 1816-1910 

as a tile upon the housetop. A romantic with a natural leaning 
to perfection of form, he always retained something of the 
Arcadian school, and like the Arcadians sought his inspiration 
in Bernardim Ribeiro and other bucolic quinhentistas. Un- 
sympathetic critics incapable of appreciating Castilho's masterly 
style may feel that in the twenty-one letters of the Cartas de 
Echo e Narciso (1821), in A Primavera (1822)^ and Amor e 
Melancholia ou a Novissima Heloisa (1828) he combined the 
classical school's dearth of thought with the diffuseness of the 
romantics. But his quadras [A Visao, Sao Jodo, A Noite do 
Cemiterio) and his blank verse are alike so easy and natural, his 
style so harmonious and pure that, despite the lack of observation 
and originality in these long poems, they have not even to-day 
lost their place in Portuguese hterature. In their soft, vague 
melancholy and gentle grace they were even more popular than 
his romantic poems, A Noite do Castello (1836) ^ and Os Ciumes 
do Bardo (1838), and influenced many younger writers. Like 
Garrett he taught them to seek the subjects of their verse in 
the popular traditions of their own land. Indeed, so great was 
his bent for the national in literature that his numerous trans- 
lations (from the French and English, Latin and Greek, to which, 
with an occasional aftermath of poems such as Outono (1862), 
his later years were devoted) are often remarkable rather for their 
excellent Portuguese versification than for faithfulness to the 
originals, and the Faust of Goethe, whose powerful directness 
was unintelligible to his translator, especially as he only read the 
poem in a French version, became translated indeed. 

The most prominent or the least insipid of the numerous group 
of romantic and ultra-romantic poets, a generation younger than 
Garrett and Castilho, who published their verses in Trovador 
(1848) 3 and Novo Trovador (1856), were Luiz Augusto Pal- 

' Part 2 is entitled A Festa de Maio (two cantos). 

2 Written in 1830. 

' This ' collection of contemporary poems ' contains verses of considerable 
merit. Of some 200 poems by twenty-one poets twenty-eight are by Joao 
de Lemos, thirty by Jose Freire de Serpa Pimentel (1814-70), second Visconde 
de Gouv6a, author of Solaos (1839), thirty-four by Antonio Xavier Rodrigues 
Cordeiro (1819-1900), and thirty-six by Augusto Jos6 Gonfalves Lima (1823- 
67), who reprinted his contributions in Murmurios (185 1) . A similar collection 
of verso was A Grinalda (Porto, 1857). 



THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 301 

MEiRiM (1825-93), whose Poesias appeared in 1851, and Joao de 
Lemos (1819-89), some of whose poems (one of the best known 
is A Lua de Londres) in Flores e Amoves (1858), Religido e P atria 
(1859), a^nd especially Cangoes da Tarde (1875), have a delicacy 
of rhythm and are more scholarly than those of most of the 
romantic poets. The three volumes form the Cancioneiro de 
Joao de Lemos. Jose da Silva Mendes Leal (1818-86), 
author of Historia da Guerra no Oriente (1855), and, like Pal- 
meirim, a successful dramatist, in Os Dois Renegades (1839) 
and Homem da Mascara Negra (1843), and also a novelist {0 que 
foram os Portugueses), as a poet is at his best in patriotic, military, 
or funeral odes : Pavilhdo Negro (1859), ^^^ Cesar, Gloria e 
Martyrio (perhaps suggested by Tennyson's Ode on the Death of 
the Duke of Wellington), Napoledo no Kremlin (1865), Indiannas, in 
which his sonorous verse has a certain grandeur. His Canticos 
(1858) contain among others a good translation of El Pirata of 
Espronceda, whose influence is evident in the ode to Vasco da 
Gama, which forms the first part of Indiannas. Antonio Augusto 
Scares de Passos (1826-60), son of an Oporto chemist, studied 
at Coimbra and pubhshed a volume of sentimental romantic 
poems in 1856 [Poesias). The most remarkable is the noble if 
a little too grandiloquent ode entitled Firmamento, which far 
excels the poems of death, pale moonlight, autumn regrets, and 
vanished dreams of this excellent translator of Ossian. After his 
death a fellow-student. Dr. Lourengo de Almeida e Medeiros, 
accused him of having stolen Firmamento and other poems. 
He had himself, he said, written the melancholy ballad Noivado 
do Sepulchro in February 1853, but unfortunately for his con- 
tention it had appeared over Soares de Passos' signature eight 
months earlier in Bardo. A miscellaneous writer, like so 
many of his contemporaries, Francisco Gomes de Amorim 
(1827-92) achieved popularity with his plays, published two 
volumes of sentimental poems, Cantos Matutinos (1858) and 
Ephemeros (1866), of which perhaps Desterrado is now alone 
remembered, and several pleasantly indigenous stories of his 
native Avelomar (Minho) collected in Fruitos de Vario Sabor 
(1876), with an attractive sketch of the priest, Padre Manuel, 
Muita parra e pouca uva (1878), and As Duas Fiandeiras (1881). 



302 1816-1910 

He played the sedulous Boswell to Almeida Garrett during the 
last three years of the latter's life, and the result was one of 
the few interesting biographies in the modern literature of the 
Peninsula : Garrett, Memorias Biographicas (3 vols., 1881-8). 
Among the host of pale moon-singers following in the wake of 
Castilho it is a relief to find a satirist, Faustino Xavier de 
NovAES (1822-64), who \n\iisPoesias{'L^S'5),NovasPoesias (1858), 
and Poesias Postumas {i&'j'j), preferred to take Tolentino for his 
model. He ridiculed the janota com pouco dinheiro, com fumos 
de grande and other types of his native Oporto, where for some 
time he worked as a goldsmith. Later he emigrated to Rio de 
Janeiro, but there found ' everything except literature well paid '. 
Two of the romantic poets lived on into the twentieth century, 
one even survived the Monarchy. Thomaz Ribeiro (1831-1901), 
born at Parada de Gonta in the district of Tondella (Beira), 
advocate, journalist, playwright, historian, politician, deputy, 
minister, peer of the realm, won enduring fame with his long 
romantic poem D. Jayme (1862), which opens with fifteen strik- 
ing stanzas addressed to Portugal. In this introductory ode he 
rises on the wings of ardent patriotism and sturdy faith in 
Portugal to a fine achievement in verse. Less rhetorical, the 
rest of the poem (or series of poems in varying metre) would have 
gained by reduction to half its length, but is sometimes not 
without charm in its meanderings. Yet it is a kind of inspired 
rhetoric and natural grandiloquence that best characterize 
Ribeiro, and when his inspiration falters it leaves but a hollow 
and metallic shell of verse. We will expect no delicate shades 
from a lyric poet who calls the sky celico espectaculo. Subse- 
quent volumes — Sons que passam (1867), which contains poems 
written as early as 1854, ^ Delfina do Mai (1868), Vesperas (1880), 
Dissonancias (1890), Mensageiro deFez (1899) — maintained, but 
did not increase, his reputation as a poet. The chief work of 
Raimundo Antonio de Bulhao Pato (1829-1912), a Portuguese 
born at Bilbao, was Paquita, which he began to publish in 1866, 
and to the completion of which he devoted nearly forty years of 
loving care. It is a facetious romantic poem of sixteen cantos, 
mostly in verses of six lines [abahcb or ababca), intended to be in - 
the manner of Byron but more akin to Antonio de Trueba, whose 



THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 303 

verses are imitated in Flores Agrestes (1870). The modern reader, 
after readily agreeing with Herculano that the poem has its 
faults, will perhaps be disposed to inquire further if it has any 
merits ; but, although its subject is often unpoetical and trivial, 
the versification is easy and occasionally excellent. Bulhao Pato 
published other volumes of gentle album poetry, as Poesias (1850), 
Versos (1862), Cangoes da Tarde (1866), a.nd Hoje: Satyras, Can- 
goes e Idyllios (1888), besides sketches and recollections in prose. 
Nearly fifty years before his death the romantic school in Portu- 
gal had received a severe shock, and the fact that long romantic 
poems continued to appear is proof how deep its roots had 
penetrated. 



§2 

The Reaction and After 

It was in 1865 that Castilho, the acknowledged high-priest 
of literary aspirants, wrote a long letter which was published 
as introduction (pp. 181-243) to Pinheiro Chagas' Poema 
da Mocidade (1865), in which he deprecated the pretentious 
affectations of the younger poets. For while Castilho was 
dispensing his patronage to the acolytes of romanticism a new 
school of writers had grown up at Coimbra, who refused to 
know Joseph. They turned to Germany as well as to France, 
professed to replace sentiment by science, and in the name of 
philosophy chafed unphilosophically at the old commonplaces 
and unrealities. Castilho stood not only for romanticism but 
for the classical style of the eighteenth century, and in some 
respects the secession from his school may be described as the 
revolt of the Philistine against Filinto. Anthero de Quental 
now voiced the cause against the aged Castilho's preface in an 
article entitled Bom Senso e Bom Gosto (1865). For the next 
few months it rained pamphlets.^ Snr. Julio de Castilho, subse- 
quently second Visconde de Castilho (1840-1919), and author of 
many well-known works, including the drama D. Ignez de Castro 
(1875) and the eight volumes of Lisboa Antiga (1879-90), took 
up the cudgels on behalf of his father. The high principles at 
stake, good sense and good taste, were sometimes forgotten in 
personal bitterness; a duel was even fought between Quental 
and Ramalho Ortigao, in which both the poet and his critic were 
happily spared to literature. 

But romanticism in Portugal has nine lives, and raised its head at 

intervals during the second half of the century. In the domain of 

» The incomplete list in the Dice. Bihliog., vol. viii, records forty-four 
published in 1865 and 1866. These include Julio de Castilho's O Senhor An- 
tonio Feliciana de Castilho e Senhor Anthero de Quental (1865, 2' ed., 1866), 
R. Ortigao's Litteratura d'Hoje (1866), Snr. Braga's As Theocracias Litterarias 
(1865), Quental's A Dignidade das Lettras (1865), and C. Castello Branco's 
Vaidades irritadas e irritantes ( 1 866) . 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 305 

history Joaquim Pedro de Oliveira Martins (1845-94) always 
remained more than half a romantic. His life explains the charac- 
ter of his historical writings. Born at Lisbon, obliged to work for a 
living when he was barely fifteen, he succeeded at the same time 
in educating himself, supported his mother and her younger 
children, married before he was twenty-five, had published 
a dozen works before he was forty, was elected deputy for 
Viana do Castello in 1886, became Minister of Finance in 1892, 
and died in his fiftieth year. A career so meteoric could scarcely 
give scope for that scrupulous research, that careful sifting of 
evidence which modern ideas associate 'with the work of the 
historian ; and Oliveira Martins as historian embraced not only 
the whole of Portuguese but the whole of Iberian history, and 
that of Greece and Rome to boot. But even had he had more 
time, the result would only have been more subjects treated, 
not a different treatment. His whole idea of history was coloured 
with romance, his work impetuous and personal as that of a lyric 
poet. His first book, the historical novel Pkebus Moniz (1867), 
passed almost unnoticed. After several pamphlets, appeared 
his first historical work, Hellenismo e a Civilisagao Christa 
(1878), and then in marvellous rapidity the //wima da Civilisagao 
Iberica (1879), Historia de Portugal (1879), Elementos de Anthro- 
pologia (1880), Portugal Contemporaneo (1881), and a further 
succession of historical works ending with the Historia da 
Republica Romana (1885). Although politics now occupied much 
of his time he continued to publish, and wisely emphasized the 
biographical side of his work, of which Os Filhos de D. Joao I 
(1891) and A Vida de Nun' Alvares (1893) are not the least 
valuable part. Principe Perfeito (1896), dealing with King 
Joao II, appeared posthumously and incomplete. A master of 
psychology and impressionistic character-sketching, all his work 
is a gallery of pictures — and especially of portraits — ^from Afonso 
Henriquez to Herculano, which reveal the artist as well as his 
subjects. His style, nervous, coloured, insinuating, is a swift and 
supple implement for his exceptional power of skilfully sum- 
marizing a person or a period. He is capable of vulgarity (as 
in the account of Queen Philippa and the frequent use of collo- 
quialisms perfectly unbefitting the dignity of history) but not of 

2362 u 



3o6 • i8i6-igio 

dullness. He uses and abuses epigram and metaphor, and is not 
free from the pompous rhetorical antitheses of Victor Hugo (e. g. 
De Cid transformou-se em Wallenstein), till the reader suspects 
him of being ready at all times to sacrifice truth to a phrase. Yet 
it is surprising, considering the circumstances of his life and the 
extent of his work, how often he bases his history, if not on 
documents, on the work of reliable earlier historians, Portuguese 
and foreign. If he fills in the gaps with pure romance or an 
uncritical use of texts (for instance, in A Vida de Nun' Alvares 
he incorporates as authentic those charming ' letters of Nun' 
Alvarez ' which a mere glance at their style shows to be apocry- 
phal) these are but the poet's arabesques, the main structure is 
often sound enough. Were there no other history of Portugal it 
might be necessary to consider his work not only fascinating but 
dangerous, nor would Portugal Contemporaneo alone convey an 
impartial or complete idea of Pottuguese history in the first two- 
thirds of the nineteenth century. We may deny him the title 
of great historian, we.cannot deny him a foremost place in the 
literature of the century as a writer of brilliant intellect and 
feverish energy and a powerful re-constructor of characters and 
scenes in their picturesqueness and their passions. ■ 

The work of Manuel Pinheiro-Chagas (1842-95), poet, play- 
wright, critic, novelist, historian, was even more abundant and 
for the most part of a more popular character and more common- 
place. He is also more Portuguese, and his works deserve to be 
read if" only for their pure and easily flowing style. Many of his 
novels are historical. A Corte de D. Joao V (1867) has an account 
of an outeiro ^ in which figures the Camoes do Rocio as the poet 
Caetano Jose da Silva Souto-Maior (c. 1695-1739) was called. 
The subject of the earlier novel Tristezas a beira-mar (1866) is that 
which Amorim in his A Abnegagao derived from an English novel, 
but is here more naturally treated. A Mascara Velha (continued 
in Juramento da Duqueza) appeared in 1873. . As Duas Flares 
de Sangue (1875) is concerned with revolution in France and at 
Naples. A Flor Secca (1866) treats of more everyday scenes and 

' The outeiro (lit. ' hill ') was an assembly of poets to glosar motes. Often 
the gathering-place was outside a convent, from the windows of which the 
nuns gave the motes for the poets to gloss. 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 307 

contains some amusing if rather obvious character-sketches, as 
the old servant Maria do Rosario (a rustic Juliana), or the devout 
and vixenish old maid D. Antonia. His Novelas Historicas (1869) 
contains six historical tales dealing with Afonso I, Nun' Alvarez, 
Prince Henry the Navigator, King Sebastian, Pombal, and the 
French Revolution. His Historia de Portugal (8 vols., 1867), 
begun on a plan originally laid down by Ferdinand Denis, 
contains lengthy and" frequent quotations from previous his- 
torians but is coloured by later political ideas. The two shorter 
works Historia alegre de Portugal (1880) and Portugueses illustres 
(1869) are admirably suited for their purpose — to interest the 
people in the history and heroes of their country. 

The chief work of the able and industrious critic and historian 
Jose Maria Latino Coelho (1825-91) was his Historia Politica 
e Militar de Portugal desde osfins do seculo XVIII ate 1814 (3 vols., 
1874-91). Antonio Costa Lobo (1840-1913), editor of the 
instructive Memorias de urn Soldado da India, in his Historia da 
Sociedade em Portugal no seculo XV (1904) began a meticulous and 
well thought-out study of an earlier period of Portuguese history. 
Jose Ramos Coelho (1832-1914) is chiefly known for his elaborate 
romantic biography of the brother of King Joao V : Historia do 
Infante D. Duarte (2 vols., 1889, 90). Dr. Henrique da Gama 
Barros (born in 1833) in the invaluable Historia da Administragao 
Publica em Portugal nos seculos X 1 1 a XV (3 vols., 1885, 96, 1914) 
has collected an abundance of concrete, carefully verified details, 
and thrown a searching light on the early history of Portugal.^ 

In literary criticism as well as in historical research the 

nineteenth century worthily continued the traditions of the 

eighteenth. Francisco Marques de Sousa Viterbo (1845-1910) 

after first appearing in print as a poet in Anjo do Pudor (1870) 

rendered excellent service in both those fields ; the best-known 

work of Luciano Cordeiro (1844-1900) is his study Soror 

Marianna (1890) ; Zophimo Consiglieri Pedroso (1851-1910) 

and Antonio Thomaz Pires (ti9i3) were celebrated for their 

' Historical research and compilation are carried on by Snr. Fortunate 
de Almeida in his Historia da Igreja em Portugal (1910, &c.), and by 
Snr. Afonso de Dornellas {Historia e Genealogia, 1913, &c.). Snr. Lucio 
de Azevedo, well known for his studies of Pombal (0 Marques: de Pombal e a 
sua epoca, 1909) and Antonio Vieira {Historia de Antonio Vieira, 2 vols., 1918, 
21), is a Brazilian. 

U2 



3o8 1816-1910 

studies in folii-Iore^; the Visconde de Juromenha (1807-87) 
for his edition of the works of Camoes ; the Conde de Ficalho 
(1837-1903) for several remarkable studies and his edition of 
Garcia da Orta ; Annibal Fernandes Thomaz (1840-1912) 
as a bibliographer ; Augusto Epiphanio da Silva Dias 
(1841-1916) as scholar and critic ; Jose Pereira de Sampaio 
(1857-1915), who used the pseudonym Bruno, as a critic ; 
Aniceto DOS Reis GoNgALVEz ViANA (0^840-1914) and Julio 
MoREiRA (1854-1911) as philologists ; Luiz Garrido (1841-82) 
as critic and classical scholar in his Ensaios historicos e criticos 
(1871) and Estudos de historia e litteratura (1879). After the 
death of the diligent and enthusiastic but sadly unmethodi- 
cal bibliographer Innocencio da Silva (1810-76), his celebrated 
Diccionario Bibliographico Portuguez was carried on by Brito 
Aranha(i833-I9I4), andthe taskof continuing it is nowentrusted 
to Snr. Gomes de Brito. To the eminent folk-lorist Francisco 
Adolpho Coelho (1847-1919) the language, literature, and folk- 
lore are indebted for many works of permanent value. Notable 
among living scholars, apajrt from D. Carolina Michaelis de Vas- 
concellos and Mr. Edgar Prestage, who both write in Portuguese, 
are Colonel Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira, whose editions 
of early works are invaluable ; Dr. Jose Joaquim Nunes, 
who has devoted his careful scholarship to the early poetry and 
prose ; the Camoes scholar, Dr. Jose Maria Rodrigues ; 
Snr. Pedro de Azevedo, archaeologist and historian; 
Snr. David Lopes, a scholar equally versed in literature and 
history ; Snr. Candido de Figueiredo (born in 1846), enthu- 
siastic student and exponent of the Portuguese language ; while 
Dr. Fidelino de Figueiredo has a wide and growing reputation 
as critic and as editor of the Revista de Historia. Snr. Anselmo 
Braamcamp Freire (born in 1849), founder and editor of the 
Archive Historico Portugues and a most sagacious critic and keen 
investigator, is the author of attractive and important historical 
studies and editions, which have become more frequent since he 
has been able to spare more time from pubHc affairs. Dr. Jose 
Leite de Vasconcellos (born in 1858) has a European reputa- 

' For the works of these and other authors here mentioned consult the 
Bibliography. 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 309 

tion as archaeologist, folk-lorist, philologist, and founder and 
editor of the Revista Lusitana. Ethnology, numismatics, and 
poetry are among his other subjects, and he maintains the renown 
of the Portuguese as polyglots, since he writes in Portuguese, 
Spanish, French, Latin, and Galician. His untiring enthusiasm 
for all that is popular or genuinely Portuguese is reflected in his 
numerous books and pamphlets, and he happily infects younger 
scholars. 'The gift and training of exact scholarship were denied to 
Dr. Theophilo Braga (born in 1843), but his exceptional ardour, 
industry, and ingenuity have been of inestimable value to Portu- 
guese literature, which will always venerate his name even though 
his works perish. More than thirty years ago they numbered over 
sixty, and that was, as it were, only a beginning. His volumes 
of verse, Folhas Verdes (1859), Visao dos Tempos (1864), Tempes- 
tades Sonoras (1864), Ondina do Lago (1866), Torrentes (1869), 
Miragens Seculares (1884), which was intended to succeed where 
Victor Hugo's Legende des Siecles had failed through lack of a 
piano fundamental, have been variously judged, some regarding 
them as real works of genius, others as a step removed from the 
sublime ; his works on the Portuguese people are always full of 
interesting matter. His important Historia da Litteratura Portu- 
guesa was to have been completed in thirty-two volumes, but his 
energies have been spent in many directions, and he has further 
written works of history, including that of Coimbra University 
in four volumes, positivist philosophy, and sociology, as well as 
short stories and plays. 

The Portuguese novelists in the nineteenth century showed an 
increasing tendency to write plays, while authors whose reputa- 
tion belonged more exclusively to the drama rarely rose above 
mediocrity. The success of Garrett's plays was bound to fire 
a crowd of dramatists. Gomes de Amorim's Ghigi (1852), on 
a fifteenth-century theme, was followed by plays with a 
thesis, such as A Viuva (1852), Odio de Raga (1854), written 
on the slavery question at Garrett's request, and Figados de 
^igre (1857), which entitles itself a parody of melodramasi 
Having emigrated as a boy to Brazil, he was able to use his 
knowledge of South America, sometimes with more zeal than 
discretion, as in Cedro Vermelho, ah exotic play in five acts and 



310 1816-1910 

seventy-nine scenes, which the unfamiliar dresses and hybrid 
dialogue helped to make popular at Lisbon.^ 

The notable success of more recent playwrights has perhaps 
developed in proportion as the drama has ceased to be drama 
in order to become a series of isolated scenes^ a novel or conto 
in green-room attire. They are at their happiest when they 
abandon formal drama for the lighter revista. Pathos is theirs 
and a deft handling of social themes ; they can reproduce the 
peasant or bourgeois or noble as a class in thought and action and 
external conditions. Some of them possess technical skilj, choose 
indigenous subjects and an atmosphere of chastened romanticism. 
But individual psychology and dramatic action are scarcely to be 
found. A reader with the patience to peruse the hundreds of plays 
acted and published in Lisbon during the last fifty years would be 
rewarded by many delicate half-tones, polished and. impeccable 
verse, excellent prose, admirable sentiments, and poignant scenes, 
but could with difficulty afterwards recall a striking character or 
situation. Fernando Caldeira (1841-94) was a poet, and- 
his plays, Sapatinho de Setim, A Mantilha de Rendu (1880), 
Nadadoras, A Madrugada (1894), are read less for the plot than 
for his carefully limned verse. His volume of poems, Mocidades, 
appeared in 1882. Antonio Ennes (1848-1901), journalist, 
librarian, politician, diplomatist, Minister of Marine, showed 
command of pathos and humour as well as of style in his plays 
Saltimbanco (1885), the tragedy of the noble devotion of a 
mountebank, Falla-S6, descendant of Jean Valjean, for his 
daughter, who has been brought up in ignorance of her birth, 
Os Lazaristas (1875), and Os Engeitados (1876), which insists 
throughout on its thesis, the wickedness and cruelty of 
exposing children, but has some good scenes and living 
characters^ and the notable one-act piece Um Divorcio (1877). 
The principal play of Maximiliano de Azevedo (1850-1911), 
author of many light and commonplace comedies, as Par Forga 
(1900), was the drama Ignez de Castro (1894). The scene in 
which Ines, full of foreboding, takes leave of Pedro before he 
goes hunting, and that at the end of Act IV, in which Pedro re- 
turns to find Ines, in the words of their little son, ali a dormir, 

' It was published, with the necessary explanations, in two volumes ( 1 874) . 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 311 

are effective. A fifth act six years later [1361] comes as an 
anti-climax. Auto dos Esquecidos (1898) is the work not of a 
dramatist but of a poet, Jose de Sousa Monteiro (1846-1909), 
whose poems were published under the title Poemas : Mysticos, 
Antigos, Modernos (1883). The auto, written in the old redon- 
dilhas of which another modern poet has sung the praises, 
necessarily suffers by comparison with plays in which Gil Vicente 
touched upon the subject — the humbler forgotten heroes of the 
Portuguese discoveries — but it has its own charm and pathos. 

But the most noteworthy of the dramatists of the latter part 
of the century was D. Joao da Camara (1852-1908), son of the 
first Marques and eighth Conde da Ribeira Grande and grandson 
of the third Duque de Lafoes. He early began writing for the 
stage one-act pieces such as Nohreza (1873). His work is various, 
for it includes elaborate historical dramas in heroic couplets, as 
Affonso VI (1890), in which the king is treated with a sympathy 
denied to Cardinal Henrique in Alcacer-Kibir (1891), slight pieces 
in verse, as Poeta e a Saudade or the Auto do Menino Jesus 
(1903) ; and prose plays of contemporary Lisbon society : 
Pantano (a series of scenes of madness and murder), A Rosa 
Engeitada, A Toutinegra Real, A Triste Viuvinha, Casamento e 
Mortalha. In these he is lifelike and natural, but many may 
prefer him in his more fanciful pieces, portraying the old Canon 
who lives up under the roof of Lisbon Cathedral, in Meia Noite 
(1900), or the prior and other rustic worthies of Alentejo, in Os 
Velhos (1893), or the ancient mariner of Beijo do Infante (1898). 
The mad Jose of Pantano, the scatterbrained Clytemnestra in 
A Toutinegra Real, the parvenu Arroiolos and select Dona Placida 
in A Rosa Engeitada give little idea of the essential mellow 
humanity of his work, enhanced by a prose style carefully chosen 
and at times slightly archaic. Snr. Abel Botelho is more 
peculiarly concerned with the novel, and his plays Germano (1886), 
Os Vencidos da Vida (1892), jfucunda (1895) derive their interest 
from the description of certain phases of Lisbon life which could 
have been presented equally well in novel form. Marcelling 
Mesquita (1856-1919), doctor and deputy, wrote historical 
dramas, Regente [1440] in prose, Leonor Telles (1889, published in 
1893) in yerse^O Sonho da India (1898) (scenes from the discoveries 



312 1816-1910 

of Gama and ten other famous Portuguese navigators), and 
Pedro Cruel (1916). If these historical tragedies are somewhat 
ponderous, he has a lighter touch in the redondilhas of Margarida 
do Monte (1910) and in the charming sketch Peraltas e Secias, 
and displays psychological insight in prose plays dealing with 
more modern probleihs : the comedy Perola (1889), Os Castros 
(1893), Velho Thema (1896), Sempre Noiva (1900), Almas 
Doentes (1905), which treats of hereditary madness and suicide, 
and in the moving tragedy Envelhecer (1909), although it is 
perhaps out of keeping with the finely portrayed character 
of Eduardo de Mello that he should so end who had endured 
so nobly. His prose style has great merit (a few words 
require excision, e.g. restaurante, rewolver, desconforto), and 
he wrote many shorter problem pieces or episodes in prose: 
Fim de Penitencia (1895), Auto do Busto (1899), Tio 
Pedro (1902), A Noite do Calvario, A Mentira (in which a wife 
lies to her husband by the life of their child, who dies). The 
monotony of the rhymed couplets in Leonor Telles is intensified 
in the work of Snr. Henrique Lopes de MENooNgA (born in 
1856). His verse is more declamatory, the use of strained esdru- 
xulo endings is carried so far that it becomes a mannerism and 
the verse often resembles a hurdle-race, the line running on 
smoothly to the obstacle at its end [thalamo — cala-m'o ; silencio — 
recompense-o ; phantasma — faz-m'a). This no doubt helps to 
increase the effect of hollow resonance. Nor is there a compensat- 
ing skill in psychology. There is nothing subtle, for instance, in 
the characters of Duque de Vizeu (1886) : the cruel Joao H, the 
timid Manuel, the high-minded Duke, and self-sacrificing Mar- 
garida. A Morta (1891) deals with Pedro Fs justice and saudade 
for. the dead Ines. Ajfonso d' Albuquerque (1898) has a tempting 
subject (handled previously by Costa Lobo in his play — also in 
verse — Ajfonso d' Albuquerque, 1886), but it is embarrassing to 
find the most unrhetorical of heroes, will of iron but not as here 
tongue of gold, solemnly haranguing in couplet after couplet, 
(although here, as in the other plays, the atmosphere of Portugal's 
spacious days is well maintained) : 

E em psalmos de christao se ha de mudar o cantico 
De Brahma, confundindo o Indico no Atlantico. 
It is perhaps a relief to turn to the prose plays, Azebre (1909, 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 313 

written in 1904), the interest of which centres in the artist Fidelio, 
No Cego (1904), dealing with divorce, and especially to Salto 
Mortal, which treats of more homely peasant affairs, and to the 
admirably natural fishermen's scenes and dialogues enacted at 
Ericeirain thesecond half of the nineteenth century, in Amor Louco 
(1899). The author succeeds in giving a more definite picture 
of a whole community here than of any of his individual heroes in 
high places. A Heranga (1913) also has the lives of fishermen for 
its subject. An equally sHght but charming one-act piece in verse 
is Saudade (1916), while the dramatist's power of evoking past 
scenes is shown in the glowing historical tales of Sangue Portugues 
(19^0)) Gente Namorada (1921), and Langas 71' Africa (1921). 

The most conspicuous among slightly younger dramatists is 
Snr. Julio Dantas (born in 1876), who published a first volume 
of poems, Nada, in 1896. He is gifted with wit, lightness of touch, 
an excellent style, and a sense of atmosphere, which enables him 
to bring a pleasant archaic flavour to reconstructions of .the past 
and observe the true spirit of history in periods the most diverse. 
His malleable talent is equally at its ease in que morreu de amor 
(1899) and Viriato Tragico (1900) ; in Spain of the seventeenth 
century : Don Ramon de Capichuela (1911) ; contemporary Lis- 
bon: Crucificados (1902), Mater Dolorosa (1908), Reposteiro 
Verde (1912) ; the Inquisition- clouded Portugal of the seven- 
teenth century: Santa Inquisigao (1910), or its lighter side, with 
the bonbon marquis : D. Beltrdo de Figueiroa (1902) ; the gentle, 
romantic Portugal of the middle of the nineteenth century: 
Um Serao nas Laranjeiras (1904), or the bull-fighting Portugal of 
the same period: A Severa (1901) with the gallant Marques 
de Marialva and the beautiful and magnanimous gipsy of the 
Mouraria. The filigree of his elaborate stage directions is skil- 
fully used to enhance the effect,^ and some of his scenes are 
exquisite, especially the simple, very charming, and tragic one- act 
comedy Rosas de todo anno (1907). If the characters are usually 
sacrificed to their setting, here and there a slight sketch stands 
out, as that of the cynical old cardinal who delights in the mental 
torture of others, in Santa Inquisigao, the attractive bishop oiSoror 
Mariana (1915), or the characters in A Ceia dos Cardeais (1902). 

» In this most delicate upholstery, if Wedgwood and Baedeker (as well as 
Maple and Mappin) are introduced, they should surely be spelt correctly. 



314 1816-1910 

Ernesto Biester (1829-80) in the middle of last century 
wrote lively comedies of contemporary Lisbon life. The comedies 
of Gervasio Lobato (1850-95), as Os Grotescos, A Condessa 
Heldisa (1878), Festim de Balthazar (1892), Commissario de 
Policia, Sua Excellencia, and many others, are natural, farcical 
scenes of high spirits and real good humour and good feeling. 
More literary and charming is the work of Snr. Eduardo Schwal- 
BACH, whose Dia de Juizo (1915) and Poema de Amor{igi6) came 
to crown a long series of plays and revistas. There are touches 
of real comedy in the lightly sketched scenes and characters of 
Snr. AuGUSTO de Castro's Caminho perdido (1906), Amor a Antiga 
(1907), As nossas amantes (1912), A Culpa (1918), as in his slight, 
attractive essays Fumo do Meu Cigarro (1916), Fantoches e Mane- 
quins (1917), and Conversar (1920) ; thought and character in 
Snr. AuGusTo Lacerda's Vicio (1888), Casados Solteiros (1893), 
Terra Mater (1904), A Duvida (1906), Os Novos Apostolos (1918). 
In Snr. Bento Mantua's Alcool (1909) and Novo Altar (191 1) 
the problem maybe a little too much in evidence, but in his prose 
plays Md Sina (1906) and Gente Moga (1910) the human interest 
is insistent. Md Sina, apart from the author's weakness for 
strained coincidences, is a story of peasant hfe very naturally 
told. A young playwright of promise is Snr. Vasco de Mendgn^a 
Alves, author of Promessa (1910) and Filhos (1910). The subject 
of Filhos is unpleasant if not original (it is that of Ega de Queiroz' 
Os Maias and Ennes' Os Engeitados), but is treated with dignity 
and in a good prose style. Snr. Jaime CortesSo, hitherto 
known rather as a poet, has turned to the drama in Egas Moniz 
(1918). 

The novelists of the second half of the century were numerous 
and, as a rule, too dependent upon foreign models, chiefly French. 
JoAQuiM Guilherme Gomes Coelho (1839-71) neither by date 
nor inclination belonged to one or other of the two schools 
between which lies his brief ten years' activity. His talent de- 
veloped early. As a medical student at his native Oporto he 
published poems and several stories, originally printed in the 
Jornal do Porto and later collected with the title Seroes de Pro- 
vincia (1870), and at the age of twenty-one, under the pseudonym 
Julio Diniz, he wrote the novel which brought him immediate 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 315 

fame and is still sometimes preferred to his later works : Uma 
Familia Ingleza (1868). In these scenes of the life of Oporto he 
drew with the most elaborate analysis the relations between 
English and Portuguese which he had had frequent opportunities 
of observing in that city. Portuguese critics hint that what to 
superficial readers has seemed the tediousness of his novels is 
due to the influence of Dickens and other English novelists who 
revel in detail, and it is interesting that Gomes Coelho's maternal 
grandmother was an Englishwoman, Maria, daughter of Thomas 
Potter. But it is a mistake to call his work tedious ; the deliberate 
dullness of his novels has an excitement of its' own, "tis a good 
dullness'. The reader, tired with sensational plots and strained 
incidents, follows not only with relief but with growing absorption 
the homely daisy-chain of his stories, in which not the tiniest 
link in the development of the action or thought, especially the 
latter, is omitted. The interest never flags and never disappoints, 
leading gently on with carefully measured steps ; the approval 
of virtue and disapproval of wickedness only occasionally becomes 
obtrusive and insipid. Julio Diniz confessed to a preference 
for bourgeois types, but his real interest was in the country, 
and Ass Pupillas do Senhor Reitor^ (1866), a village chronicle 
suggested by Herculano's Parocho de Aldea, is by many 
held to be his best work. The characters are delineated with 
the same delicate charm as that of Jenny in his earlier 
novel, and there is a background of curious observation — 
esfolhadas (husking the maize), espadeladas (braking flax), 
ripadas (dressing the flax), fiadas (gatherings of women to spin 
at the winter lareira in the faint light of a lamp hanging on the 
smoke-blackened wall), the men at cards in the tavern, the 
old country doctor going his rounds on horseback, the solemn 
greetings Guarde-o Deus, Louvado seja nosso Senhor Jesu Christo. 
If he sometimes sees the peasants as he would have them be rather 
than as they are, if his realism is subdued and gentle, his descrip- 

1 The Athenaeum in 1872 announced that Lord Stanley of Alderney was 
preparing a translation oi As Pupillas. According to a letter of Julio Diniz 
(March 25, 1868), 'an Englishman, a relation of Lord Stanley, who is here 
[Oporto] studying the history of the Portuguese discoveries ', had expressed 
a wish to translate it. The translation was never published. The date of 
the first Portuguese edition is 1867. It was dramatized at Lisbon in 1868. 



3i6 1816-1910 

tions are at least truer than those of the naturalistic school. In 
A Morgadinha dos Canaviaes (1868), another village chronicle 
of Minho, the winter life of the peasantry is described, the 
consoada preceding ' cock-crow mass ' on Christmas Eve, the 
auto represented on a rough stage in the village on the Day of 
Kings, together with the inevitable missionaries, beata, enriched 
' Brazilian ', and electioneering intrigues. Some critics have seen a 
falling off in his last novel, Os Fidalgos da Casa Mourisca (1871), 
written in the winter of 1869-70 at Madeira, whither he went 
in vain quest of health, but it is perfectly on a level with his 
previous work. There may be a slight tendency to exaggerate 
some of the characters, as there was in A Morgadinha, the con- 
trast between Jorge and Mauricio may be too crude, the last 
scenes may be touched with melodrama, the style may have 
traces of the francesismo which Castilho noticed in his first novel, 
the execution may be excessively minute — these were not new 
defects in his works. On the other hand, the ruined fidalgo 
D. Luiz, his chaplain and agent Frei Januario, who scents a Liberal 
doctrine leagues away, the large-hearted peasants Anna do Vedor 
and Thome da Povoa, are as interesting as Tio Vicente the 
herbalist or any of his previous characters, and the charming 
and accurate descriptions of the country that he loved so well 
show him at his best. This demure chronicler of quiet scenes, this 
specialist in the obvious, in his romances lentos, as he calls them — 
a Portuguese blend of Jane Austen, Enrique Gil, and Fernan 
Caballero : his delicacy is essentially feminine — achieved an 
originality which so often eludes those who most furiously 
pursue it. His Poesias (1873), partly consisting of poems inter- 
spersed in his novels, have a quiet, intimate charm. A curious 
originality had been attained earlier by a young naval lieutenant, 
Francisco Maria Bordallo (1821-61). When he published 
Eugenio (1846) at Rio de Janeiro, and a second edition at Lisbon 
in 1854, it was claimed that this sea novel [romance maritimo) 
was the first of its kind to be written in Portuguese ; but his use 
of naval technical terms and descriptions of the sea is perhaps 
too deliberate. His Quadras maritimos appeared in Panorama 
in 1854. 

Few authors are more interesting to the critic (owing to the 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 317 

courageous and persistent development of his art) than Jose 
Maria de Eqa de Queiroz (1843-1900), a far more robust writer 
than Julio Diniz and the greatest Portuguese novelist of the 
realistic school. Born at Villa do Conde, the son of a magis- 
trate, he was duly sent to study law at Coimbra, and after taking 
his degree contributed in 1866 and 1867 a series of feuilletons 
to the Gazeta de Portugal. These jolhetins, reprinted in Prosas 
Barbaras (1903), are remarkable because they show beside a love 
of the gruesome and fantastic {0 Milhafre, Senhor Diabo, 
Memorias de uma Forca) at least one story (Entre a neve) of 
a perfect simplicity, such as the author is sometimes supposed 
to have attained only towards the end of his life. His partiality 
for the exotic was fostered by travels in Egypt and Palestine 
in 1869 and manifested itself in A Morte de Jesus, Adao 
e Eva no Paraiso, and A Perfeigao, as well as in A Reliquia and 
in part of A Correspondencia de Fradique Mendes. In 1873 he 
went to Havana as Portuguese Consul, and twenty-six years 
as Consul at Newcastle-on-Tyne (1874-6), Bristol (1876-88), 
and Paris (1888-1900), where he died, enabled him to see his 
own country in a new light. His prose lost its exuberance, his 
taste became more severe, his extravagant fancy, so strangely 
combined with realism in many of his works, was merged 
in natural descriptions of his native land. He regained his 
own soul without losing that peculiar mockery with which 
he veiled a kindly, sensitive temperament, and which agree- 
ably stamps the greater part of his,writings. But indeed the 
introducer of the naturalistic novel into Portugal only played 
with materialism, which in his hands was always unreal : legen- 
dary and romantic, as in Frei Genebro, S. Christovam, Tesoiro ; 
deliberately false and artificial, as A Civilisagao; a macabre 
fantasy, as Defunto ; or half-intentional caricature, as Prima 
Basilio and Os Maias. What more chimerical than A Reliquia or 
more elusive than Suave Milagre, or more fanciful than Man- 
darim (1879), in which without himself knowing China the author 
makes his readers know it 1 All through his life he was as it were 
groping through Manueline for a purer Gothic ; the pity was that 
his education from the first should have thrown him into contact 
with French models — so that his very language too often reads Hke 



3i8 1816-1910 

translated French — instead of directing him to a truer realism 
(such as that of his nearer neighbour Pereda), to which he turned 
in his last works, and in which he might have written regional 
masterpieces had he not died at a momentwhen his art apparently 
had lost nothing of its vigour. More probably, however, his still 
unsatisfied craving for perfection would have sought relief in 
mysticism. His first novel was a sensational story written in colla- 
boration with Ramalho Ortigao : Mysterio da Estrada de Cintra 
(1870), originally published in the Diario de Noticias (July 24- 
September 27, 1870). It was, however, Crime do Padre Amaro 
(1876), in which he grafted the naturalistic novel on the quiet little 
town of Leiria, and the two notable if unpleasant Lisbon stories 
Prima Basilio (1878) and Os Maias {x88o), that marked him out as 
the most powerful writer of the time in Portugal. But he was still 
feeling his way. A Reliquia (1887) is as diff-erent from Os Maias 
as it is from the remarkable and charming letters of A Corre- 
spondencia de Fradique Mendes (1891) and his last two novels, 
A Illustre Casa de Ramires (1900), most Portuguese of his works, 
and A Cidade e as Serras (1901). The three fragments in Ultimas 
Paginas (1912) were probably written earlier. There are samples 
of all his phases in his Cantos (1902), and the short story gave 
scope for his powers of observation and insight without calling 
for an elaborate plot, in which he often failed. A Cidade e as 
Serras, after developing the earlier story A Civilisagdo, is but 
a fascinating succession of country scenes. All Ega de Queiroz' 
characters are caricatures, some more so, others less, but they are 
nevertheless true to a certain degree, that is to say, they are good 
caricatures, and living, and this is so especially in these later 
novels, which show how great a regionalist writer was lost in him 
through the influence of French schools. Yet no one can deny 
that his works have an originality of their own as well as power 
and personal charm, and all contain some striking character- 
sketches or delightful descriptions that are not easily forgotten. 
The dullness of the naturalistic novels of Julio LouRENgo 
Pinto (1842-1907) is not relieved by Ega de Queiroz' pleasant 
irony and definite characterization. These ' scenes of contem- 
porary life', while they display a praiseworthy restraint, give the 
idea rather of exercises in imitation of a French exemplar or of 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 319 

one of Ega de Queiroz' early novels than of living stories. Their 
style is slovenly, the development of the plot prolix and mono- 
tonous. A certain interest attaches to Margarida (1879) — 
although even here the author is too methodical in detailing the 
past lives of the four protagonists, the nonentity Luiz, the 
aspiring Adelina (a Portuguese Madame Bovary), Fernando, and 
Margarida, after they have been duly presented in the opening 
pages — and to the descriptions of a fair, a bull-fight, a flood, or 
provincial politics in Vida Atribulada (1880), Senhor Deputado 
(1882), Esbogos do Natural (1882), and Homem Indispensavel 
(1884). Snr. Jaime de Magalhaes Lima (born in 1857) i"^ 
Transviado{i8gg),NaPaz do Senhor {igo^), OandReinodaSaudade 
(1904), has written novels a these which are quite as interesting as 
naturalistic novels and more natural, but his art, especially in the 
presentation of contemporary politics, is a little too photographic. 
Snr. Luiz de Magalhaes (born in 1859), author of several 
volumes of verse, wrote a single novel, Brasileiro Soares (1886). 
It would offer little new in theme or treatment to distinguish it 
from other naturalistic novels were it not for the author's success 
in drawing in Joaquim Soares a natural and attractive portrait 
of the Portuguese returned rich from Brazil (the Brasileiro). 
None of these novelists can rival the reputation of Francisco 
Teixeira de Queiroz (1848-1919). He became prominent as 
a novelist of the realistic school over forty years ago when under 
the pseudonym of Bento Moreno he inaugurated the series 
of his Comedia do Campo (8 vols.), of which the last volume 
is Ao Sol e a Chuva (1916), followed by a second series : 
Comedia Burgueza (7 vols.), which began with Os Noivos 
(1879). The obvious defects of his work — its laborious realism, 
its insistence on medical or physical details, its vain load of 
pedantry ^ — need not obscure its real merits. The careful style 
has occasional lapses, the psychology is thin, the conversations 
commonplace. His art, like a winter sunshine, fails to penetrate. 
Yet even in the Comedia Burgueza, where the interest must 
depend on the psychology, he succeeds in D. Agostinho and 

' e.g. a girl, Rosario, in Amor Divino, is described — annihilated — with the 
assistance of Cybele, Goya, the Venus of Milo, Reynolds, Shakespeare. 
Cf. the names, from Descartes to Darwin, in Conto do Gallo. 



320 1816-191O 

A Morte de D. Agostinho (1895) in giving individuality to that 
strange rickety figure of the old fidalgo in his ruined Lisbon 
palacio. And in the Minho scenes of the Comedia do Campo his 
scrupulous descriptions obtain their full effects. In the romaria 
(pilgrimage),. the cantadeira (improvisator), the diligencia with its 
load of priests (in Amor Divino), the girl shepherdess, the abhade 
fond of hunting wolves and boars, the old women spinning, the 
lawsuit of centuries over the fruit of an orange-tree, the sexton 
Coruja and' his dog Coisa (in Vinganga do morto and Enterro de 
um Cdo), and especially some old familiar country-house, with 
Dona Maria and her preserves and receios infernaes, in Amor 
Divino and Amores, Amores (1897), Minho and the Minhotos are 
presented with naturalness and skill. Many of these scenes are 
from the short stories of Contos, Novas Contos (1887), A Nbssa 
Gente (1900),^ and A Cantadeira (1913),^ some of which have 
been collected in an attractive volume, Arvoredos (1895). 

Snr. Manuel da Silva Gayo (born in i860), poet and novelist, 
wrote in Peccado Antigo (1893) a short novela as it calls itself, 
or rather a conto, remarkable for its combination of colour and 
restraint. It describes country scenes and customs in a style 
that may not be spontaneous but is well subservient to the 
matter in hand, and has a vigour, purity, and concision too 
often lacking in modern Portuguese prose. Some of his early 
stories were collected in A Dama de Ribadalva (1904). In his 
later novels this style is not maintained. We will not quarrel 
with its abruptness in Ultimos Crentes (1904), a remarkable 
story of nineteenth-century Sebastianistas in a fishing village 
to the extreme north of Estremadura, but it is more slovenly in 
Os Torturados (1911), in which a certain originality of thought 
seems to have damaged the form in which it was expressed. 
There is a welcome Spanish directness in the work of the able 
journalist Snr. Carlos Malheiro Dias (deputy for Vianna do 
Castello in 1903-5) in his novels Filho das Hervas (1900), 
Os Telles de Albergaria (1901), and A Paixao de Maria do Ceo 
(1902). Frankly sensational in Grande Cagliostro (1905), he dis- 
plays his gift for the short story in A Vencida (1907), a volume 
of dramatic tales, of which A Consoada is especially effective. 

' Comedia do Campo, vol. vi. ^ Vol. vii. 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 321 

Snr. JoAO Grave (born in 1872) carefully elaborates his prose 
in A Eterna Mentira (1904) and Jornada Romantica (1913). 
It turns to marble in the musings of the marble faun in Ultimo 
Fauno (1906), but loses this unreality in studies of the poor in 
country, Gente Pobre (1912), and town, Os Famintos (1903), a 
tragic story of a workman's family at Oporto. More recently he 
has treated historical themes with success in Parsifal (1919) and 
A Vida e Paixao da Infanta (1921). In the historical novel 
Snr. Francisco de Rocha Martins has won a special place by 
picturesque works such as Os Tavoras (1917). He has an eye for 
dramatic episodes and has composed many a living picture of 
the past. 

AbelBotelho(i856-i9I7), a colonel in the Army, and for some 
years Minister of the Portuguese Republic at Buenos Aires, author 
of a volume of verse, Lyra Insubmissa (1885), showed an inter- 
mittent power of description in seven stories of his native Beira, 
collected under the title Mulheres da Beira (1898). In his series of 
novels published under the heading Pathologia Social : Barao 
de Lavos (1891), Livro de Alda (1898), Fatal Dilemma (1907), 
Prospera Fortuna (1910), he would seem to have laboured under 
a misapprehension, believing apparently that the introduction 
of physiology into literature might prove him an original writer.^ 
Sainte-Beuve may speak of the saletes splendides of Rabelais, 
a great stylist like Signor Gabriele d' Annunzio, except when his 
art fails, may redeem if he does not justify any theme. But 
Abel Botelho's style in these wearisome novels can only be 
described as worthy of their matter. They are a welter of shape- 
less sentences, long abstract terms, French words, gallicisms, 
expressions such as pathognomonico, autopsiagdo, neuro-arthritico, 
a etiologia dos hystero-traumatismos. This may be magnificent 
pathology, but it is not art or literature. As Farpas had come to 
an end some years before these novels began to appear, otherwise 

' Pathology, religious and social, crops up in the later novels of Snr. Vieira 
da Costa, Irmd Celeste (1904), A Familia Maldonado (1908) ; yet his earlier 
work, Entre Montanhas (1903), a story of contemporary life in the high- 
lying vine-lands of Douro written in 1899, was more original. The modern 
Portuguese novelists are nearly, although not quite, as numerous as the 
poets. Jose de Caldas is the author of Os Humildes (1900) and Cartas de um 
Vencido (1910), D. Joao de Castro of Os Malditos (1894) and A Deshonra, in 
which a strange situation is too long drawn out. 

2362 X 



322 i8i6-igio 

their defects might have been pilloried by an adept in ridicule 
who in contemporary literature occupies a place apart. As critic 
Jose Duarte Ramalho OrtigAo (1836-1915) took his share in 
the controversy of 1865, as a traveller he wrote a vivid, witty, 
and charming account of Holland, with malicious side-reflections 
on Portugal : A Hollanda (1883). Between these two dates 
a series of papers. As Farpas (1871-87), originally suggested by 
Alphonse Karr's Les GuSpes and begun in collaboration with his 
friend Ega de Queiroz, had made him famous. His clear and 
pointed style was an excellent instrument for the barbed shafts 
of his satire and irony and, having discovered how powerful 
a weapon he possessed, he wielded it to right purpose. With 
abundant good sense he ridiculed and undermined the foibles 
and follies of Lisbon life, obstinately determined to bring health 
to the minds and the bodies of his fellow-countrymen and suc- 
ceeding by his wit where a more sedate reformer might have 
failed. The range of subjects covered was very wide— the interest 
of many of them necessarily ephemeral — and his skill in brief 
character - sketches is remarkable. But although Ramalho 
Ortigao will always be remembered as the author of As Farpas 
it is perhaps A Hollanda that will be read. The former work 
was imitated by Fialho de Almeida in Os Gatos (1889-94), which 
achieved popularity in Lisbon. His is a more lumbering wit : the 
rapier of Ramalho Ortigao is exchanged for bludgeon or umbrella. 
But Os Gatos, despite much that is vulgar and much that is dull, 
contains some good literary criticism and successful descrip- 
tions, of places rather than of persons. A battling critic was 
Manuel Jose da Silva Pinto (1848-1911) in Comhates e 
Criticas (1882), Frente a frente (1909), and Na procella (1909). 
Equally vigorous and pure was the style of Joaquim de 
Senna Freitas (1840-1913) in Per agoa e terra (1903) and A Voz 
do Semeador (1908), as likewise that of Francisco Silveira 
DA MoTA in Viagens na Galliza (1889). The literature of travel 
is not extensive. Oliveira Martins published in the Jornal do 
Commercio of Rio de Janeiro in 1892 his A Inglaterra de hoje 
(1893) ; Ega de Queiroz showed a deeper acquaintance with Eng- 
land in his Cartas de Inglaterra (1905). Snr. Wenceslau Jose de 
SousA MoRAEs (born in 1854), sometimes called the Portuguese 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 323 

Pierre Loti, has skilfully described China and Japan in Tragos 
do Extremo Oriente (1905), Paisagens da China e do Japao (1906), 
and Cartas do Japao (three series, 1904-7). In a letter in 
French at the end of his Tragos he says : J'ai dit ce que je 
pensais, nai'vement, au gr& de mes souvenirs. 

Snr. Manuel Teixeira Gomes, versatile and gifted, traveller, 
diplomatist (Portuguese Minister at the Court of St. James), and 
author, is essentially an artist. With a clear, coloured, liquid 
style he excels in painting the blue seas, transparent air, and sun- 
burnt soil of Algarve in Agosto Azul (1904). His pagan and 
unconventional art has the power of impressing incidents on the 
mind, as of giving sharp relief to fantastic persons such as the 
Canon and his three witless sisters in Gente Singular (1909), 
the Danish literary lady in Inventario de jfunho (1899), or the 
avaricious Dona Maria and the inane Minister of Sabina Freire 
(1905). This ' comedyin three acts' contains sufficient shrewdness, 
humour, and clever characterization for a long novel instead of a 
short play. The tiny volumes Tristia (1893) and Alem (1895) by 
Snr. Antero de Figueiredo (born in 1867) were notable for their 
style, and in other works, Partindo da Terra (1897), the passionate 
letters of Doida de Amor (1910), the novel Comicos (1908), and the 
fascinating historical studies D. Pedro e D. Ines (1913) and Leonor 
Teles, Flor de Altura (1916), his prose maintains a restraint and 
charm which place him among the best stylists of the day. One 
of the noblest qualities of this prose is its precision, the scrupu- 
lous use of the right word, common or archaic. It is the more 
disconcerting to find good Portuguese words such as xstagao, 
kospedaria, comodo, bondade ousted by gare, hdtel, confortavel, 
bonomia. But these are only occasional blemishes in a style 
of rare distinction. It can paint a whole scene in a brief 
sentence, as os milheiraes amarellecem-se caladamente. This power 
of description gives excellence to his Recordagoes e Viagens 
(1905), whether the recollections be of Minho or of uma aldeia 
espiritual in Italy. It is really as a writer of short sketches and 
essays that he excels. In Senhora do Amparo (1920) and especially 
in the seventeen sketches of Jornadas de Portugal (1918) skill in 
the choice of indigenous words gives a forcible and original 
poetry to glowing descriptions redolent of the soil. 

X2 



324 1816-1910 

D. Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho (1847-1921) col- 
laborated with her husband, the poet Gonealves Crespo, in 
Contos para os nossos filhos, and in Seroes no Campo (1877), three 
stories, in one of which, A Engeitada, one may perhaps see 
reminiscences of Julio Diniz' A Casa Mourisca, and Contos e 
Phantasias (1880) treated slight themes with a delicate charm. 
But she is less well known as writer of contos or as poet, in Vozes 
do Ermo (1876), than as the author of a notable historical bio- 
graphy, Vida do Duque de Palmella (1898-1903), and of critical 
essays on Portuguese and foreign literatures. In the latter the 
English predominates, but French, German, and Italian, as in 
Arabescos (1880), are not forgotten. The sane judgement, sym- 
pathy, and insight of Alguns homens do meu tempo (1889), Figuras 
de Hoje e de Hontem (1902), Cerebros e Coragoes (1903), No Meu 
Cantinho (1909), Coisas de Agora (1913), and other volumes have 
been appreciated by countless readers in Portugal and Brazil. 
A writer who likewise combines literary and historical criticism 
with original work in verse {Poemetos, 1882) and prose is the 
CoNDE DE Sabugosa (bom in 1854), skilful and delicate recon- 
structor of the past in Embrechados (1908), Donas de Tempos 
Idos (1912), Gente d'Algo (1915), Neves de Antanho (1919), and 
A Rainha D. Leonor (1921), who collaborated with another 
stylist, the Conde de Arnoso^ (1856-1911), author of Azulejos 
(1886), in the volume of contos entitled De brago dado (1894). 
His historical portraits are full of life and charm, painted in the 
warm colours of knowledge and emotion. 

If we except D. Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho, the literary 
achievement of women in Portugal in recent years has not been 
remarkable. Like D. Claudia de Campos, author of the novels 
Elle (1898) and A Esfinge and short stories, D. Alice Pestana 
[Caiel) has cultivated with success both the novel, as in Desgar- 
rada (1902), and the conto, as in De Longe (1904), which contains 
stories of familiar life written with sincerity and truth. If 
D. Anna de Castro Osorio's Ambigoes (1903) gives the im- 
pression rather of a series of scenes than of a long novel, in her 
short stories Infelizes (1898) — especially A Terra — and Quatro 
Novelas (1908) she ably describes common family life in town 

' He wrote under the name Bernardo de Pindella or Bernardo Pinheiro. 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 325 

or country, or (in A Sacrificada) the lives, past and present, of 
aged nuns in a dwindling convent. D. Virginia de Castro 
E Almeida has written two novels concerning the development 
of the soil in Alentejo : Terra Bemdita (1907) and Trabalho 
Bemdito (1908).! They are frankly novels with a thesis to 
prove, but contain so much vigour and zest of living that they 
stand out from other more futile or anaemic novels of 
contemporary Portugal. 

The growing prominence of the conto is felt in the work of 
Castello Branco, Ega de Queiroz, Teixeira de Queiroz, Snr. 
Jaime de Magalhaes Lima (Via Redemptora, 1905, Apostolos 
da Terra, 1906, Vozes do Meu Lar, 1912), and many other 
novelists. Julio Cesar Machado (1835-90) showed talent in 
Contos ao luar (1861), Scenas da minha terra (1862), Quadras do 
campo e da cidade (1868), A' Lareira (1872). His skill in the 
description of rustic scenes would have been more convincing 
had he not thought it necessary to introduce touches of ex- 
traneous elegance and humour into his very real love of the 
country, so that the patent leather boot is ever appearing among 
the tamancos in these light humorous sketches and romantic tales. 
As slight but perhaps more natural are the Contos do Tio Joaquim 
(1861) by RoDRiGO Paganino (1835-63) ; the pleasant stories 
of village life, Contos (1874) and Seroes de Inverno (1880), written 
by Carlos Lopes (born in 1842) under the pseudonym Pedro 
Ivo ; and Contos (1894) and Azul e Negro^ (1897) by Afonso 
Botelho. The poet Augusto Sarmento (born in 1835) also wrote 
stories of village life, Contos do Soalheiro (1876), but stories 
a these, treating of emigration and other minhoto evils, among 
which he includes beatas, witches, and brasileiros de torna-viagem. 
A writer of contos as disappointing as Machado is Alberto 
Braga (1851-1911). He has a sense of style and technique, and 
some of his tales, especially Engeitado, are pathetic, but after 
reading his Contos da minha lavra (1879), Contos de aldeia, 
Contos Escolhidos (1892), Novos Contos, one has the perhaps 

' In novels intimately connected with the Portuguese soil such expressions 
as colorido gritante (criard) Junchay (to partake of luncheon) , endomingado (endi- 
manchi) are more than ever out of place. The authoress has written other 
stories : Capital Bemdito (1910), Fi (a Socialist novel), Inocente (1916), A Praga 

(1917)- 
" A conto written by Snr. Julio de Lemos in 1905 bears the same title. 



326 1S16-1910 

somewhat unfair impression that they are mainly concerned with 
viscondessas and canaries. The learned Conde de Ficalho 
in Uma Eleigdo Perdida (1888) evidently relates his own expe- 
riences, and this and the five accompanying cantos contain some 
charming descriptions of Alentejo, of the reisinho cacique Lopes, 
Paschoal the passarinheiro, the gossips of the village botica, the 
girls carrying bilkas, the scent of rosemary in morning dew. The 
same province supplies the background of the work of Jose 
Valentim Fialho de Almeida (1857-1912). Born at Villa de 
Frades, the son of a village schoolmaster, he spent seven years 
sadly against the grain as chemist's assistant before he was able 
to turn more exclusively to literature. No recent writer has had 
a greater vogue in Portugal. One must account for this by the 
fact that in the somewhat nerveless literature of the day he 
showed a virile and often brutal colour and energy. A few 
descriptions of Alentejo gave interest to his Cantos (1881) and 
A Cidade do Vicio (1882), an interest strengthened in Paiz das 
Uvas (1893). This collection of naturalistic stories of great 
variety and very unequal merit is, indeed, redeemed by the 
author's love for his native province. He sometimes obtains 
powerful effects when his subject is the wide spaces, the night 
silences, or the summer drought and midday zinc-coloured sky 
of Alentejo. The shepherdess with her distaff, the village crier, 
the small proprietor, the harvesters with their week's provision 
of coarse bread, goat's cheese, and olives, toiling in a temperature 
of 122 degrees, appear in his stories. His art is wholly external. 
One need not have complained of his lack of psychology had he 
been able to express what he saw in good Portuguese prose. But if 
we turn to his style we find uncouth constructions, the constant 
use of French words, and worse still, French words disguised 
as Portuguese : dehoche, coquettemente, crayonar. This is the 
more pity because, had he written in Portuguese, he might have 
left robust pictures of the Alentejan peasant's hfe in its grim 
reality which would have been read with pleasure. A sober and 
fastidious style, sometimes recalling that of the Spanish essayist 
Azori'n, marks the Cantos (1900) of the dramatist D. Joao da Ca- 
mara. The clear etching of the blind man and his grandson going 
through the streets on Christmas Eve in As Estrellas do Cego and, 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 327 

especially, the poignant sketch of the ruined old scholar fidalgo in 
Paquete show admirably what a skilful craftsman can make of 
the slightest of themes. This is true to an even greater degree of 
the best of all the Portuguese contistas, Jose Francisco de Trin- 
DADE CoELHO (1861-1908). His cofitos coUccted under the title Os 
Mens Amoves (1891), natural and deeply felt scenes of peasant 
life, are all marked by an exceptional delicacy of style and by 
a most alluring freshness and simplicity. The tinkling of the 
bells of flocks, the thin blue smoke above the roofs, the evening 
mists, the flight of doves are in these pages. And the peasants 
are treated with the same sympathetic insight as their surround- 
ings, the women singing at their work in the fields, the olive- 
gatherers at supper in the great farm kitchen ; vintage and harvest, 
tragedy and idyll. The sympathy is extended to the animals, 
donkey {Sultdo), goat [Mae), and hen {A Choca). The saudade of 
peasant soldiers for the land in Terra-Mater gives an opportunity 
for describing the life of the peasants with its hardy toil and many 
simple pleasures. In A' Lareira, the longest of these stories, 
a rustic serao of peasants ao borralho is pleasantly drawn out 
with quatrains, riddles, anecdotes, fairy-tales, only interrupted 
by the ringing of the angelus for the saying of prayer on 
prayer. Two little masterpieces stand somewhat apart from 
the rest : Abyssus Abyssum, the tragic story of two small boys, 
brothers, rowing to overtake the evening star, and Idyllio Rustico, 
which with its two ingenuous little shepherds and their flocks of 
sheep in the lonely places might almost be a chapter from Don 
Ramon Maria del Valle Inclan's Flor de Santidad (1904). Os 
Mens Amores shows realism at its best, that is to say, hand in 
hand with ideahsm. The author is not so enamoured of his 
delightful style that he does not make the peasants speak their 
natural language, and although he realizes keenly and expresses 
the poetry of their hfe, he never sacrifices truth to this perception 
any more than to the strange and essentially false propensities 
of the naturalistic school, nor refines his descriptions to a rose- 
colour insipidity. A good scent of the earth and of wild flowers 
pervades these realistic descriptions. On such lines, if this book 
influences younger writers, it might lead the way to many a de- 
lightful novel of the parfum du terroir of Portugal. Snr. Julio 



328 1816-I9IO 

Brandao (born in 1870), equally distinguished in prose and 
verse, is the author of Maria do Ceo (1902), mystic love letters 
in a chiselled style, only with the mystic writers of old the style 
flowed naturally from an inner fervour, here it has evidently been 
the chief consideration. If the effort is apparent it is sometimes 
very successful, and in Perfis Suaves (1903) and Figuras de Barro 
(1910), fantastic stories and fascinating fairy-tales, Jie occasion- 
ally achieves simplicity. Equally studied is the prose of Snr. 
JusTiNO DE MoNTALVAo's Os DesHnos (1904), twelve stories, of 
which Conto dos Reis relates the death of a peasant child as 
voices outside sing Sao chegados os tres Reis. The Visconde de 
ViLLA-MouRA (born in 1877) has shown in the five contos of 
Doentes da Belleza (1913), as in Bohemias (1914), that his sensitive 
plastic style is excellently suited to the short story. Snr. Antonio 
Patricio's Serao Inquieto (1910) contains two poignant contos : 
Precoce and Veiga. Os Pobres by Snr. Raul Brandao 
(born in 1869) is a succession of scenes, a striking analysis of suf- 
fering as exhibited in various strange types of the poor and of its 
beauty and necessity in the philosophy of Gabiru. Snr. Severo 
PoRTELA displays a tortured style in Os Condemnados (1906) 
and Agua Corrente (1909) ; smoother but equally artificial is 
that of Snr. Henrique de Vasconcellos in Contos Novos 
(1903) and Circe (1908), the former of which contains the 
slight sketch Caminheiro. Excentricos is the title of a volume 
containing some notable stories by Snr. Alberto de Sousa 
Costa, The large number of contos is a sign of the times, 
corresponding to the favour shown towards the brief revista 
in the drama and the host of sonnets which now replace the long 
romantic poems of the past. 

Anthero de Quental ^ (1842-91), the Coimbra student who 
waved the banner of revolt against a too complacent romanticism 
in 1865, was that rare thing in Portuguese literature, a poet who 
thinks. Powerfully influenced by German philosophy and litera- 
ture, his was a tortured spirit, and when in his sincerity he 
attempted to translate his philosophy into action the result was 
too often failure. Born at Ponta Delgada in the Azores, he 

» de Quental or do Quental. See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, Lifoes de Philo- 
logia Portuguesa (191 1), p. 125 ad fin. 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 329 

studied law at Coimbra from 1858 to 1864, became a socialist, 
worked for some time as a compositor in Paris, in spite of his 
independent means ; then, after a visit to the United States of 
America, settled at Lisbon for some years and figured as an 
active socialist. Weary and ill, he retired in 1882 to the quieter 
town in the north, Villa do Conde, but he could not escape from 
his own turbulent thoughts and nine years later he shot himself 
in a square of his native town. If his life was ineffectual in its 
series of broken, noble impulses, there is nothing vague or un- 
certain about the splendid sonnets of Odes Modernas (1865) and 
Sonetos (1881). They are the effect, often perfectly tranquil, of 
a previous agony of thought, like brimmed furrows reflecting 
clear skies after rain. His search was for truth, not for words 
to express it, far less for words to describe his own sensations. 
Indeed, he was far from considering poetry as an end in itself and 
destroyed more of his poems than his friends published. In his 
autobiographical letter addressed to Dr. Storck in 1887 he states 
that his poetry was written involuntariamente. That is to say, 
after much thought on the great problems of existence verse 
came to him unrhetorical and spontaneous, as it did to Joao de 
Deus without any thought whatever : 

Ja sossega depois de tanta luta, 
Ja me descansa em paz o coragam. 

Quental's poems owe their strength and intensity to the fact that 
they had passed through the fire of tanta luta. 

Totally different from Quental's was the genius of JoAo de 
Deus (1830-96), the most natural Portuguese poet of the nine- 
teenth century. Born at Messines in Algarve, he studied law at 
Coimbra, became a journalist, but did not come to live perman- 
ently at Lisbon until he was elected to represent Silves in the 
Chamber of Deputies in 1868. It is significant that many of his 
most perfect lyrics were contributed to provincial journals. 
They are written in the simple language of a peasant composing 
a quatrain. He sought his inspiration not in books or any of the 
rival schools of poetry but in his native soil and popular speech, 
and through him Portuguese poetry was renovated. His first pub- 
lished work, A Lata (Coimbra, i860), in oitavas, gives no measure 



330 i8i6-igio 

of his genius, but some of his best poems, such as A Vida, were 
widely known before Flores do Campo (1868) appeared, followed 
by Ramo de Flores (1875), Folhas Sottas (1876), and finally the 
collected edition, Campo de Flores (1893). His last years were 
spent in advertising and perfecting his special method for teach- 
ing children to read. If ever poet was born, not made, it was 
Joao de Deus. He is at his best when he does not attempt 
thought or philosophy or even give rein to his satire. His verse, 
clear and light as a leaf, a cloud, a stream — its favourite meta- 
phors—and entirely free from rhetorical effects, has a most 
spontaneous charm. Despite occasional defects, the use of luke- 
warm or unpoetical words, objectos, chaite, ajfavel, bussola, or 
such rhymes as gotta — dou-t-a, his work, which lacks the fire that 
more spacious times might have elicited, abounds in exquisite 
love lyrics. The popular inspiration is also evident in the Penin- 
sulares (1870) of Jose Simoes Dias (1844-99), many of whose 
poems are a mere string of quadras. 

GuiLHERME Braga (1843-76), who wrotc vigorous political 
verse against ' Jesuit reactionaries ' and the like in Os Fatsos 
Apostolos (1871) and Bispo (1874), proved himself a talented 
poet in Heras e Violetas {i86()), although even here are to be found 
words and expressions frequently out of tune. Like Alexandre 
DA C0NCE15A0 (1842-89), whose best-known volume of verses, 
Alvoradas (t866), belongs to the romantic school, Guilherme de 
AzEVEDO (1846-82) began with romantic verse in imitation of 
Garrett in Apparigoes (1861), wavered in Rafodiaes da Noite 
(1871), and succumbed to the new school in A Atma Nova (1874). 
JoAo Penha (1839-1919) in Rimas (1882) and NovasRimas (1905) 
shows a command of metre and harmony worthy of something 
better than his commonplace themes. Gongalves Crespo heard 
in his verse ' the plaining music of a guitar of Andalucia ', but 
Penha never cared to be serious. Cesario Verde (1855-86) 
was a Lisbon poet who in verse written between 1873 and 
1883, Livro de Cesario Verde (1886), showed a most promising 
gift of presenting reality in phrases limpidly clear without 
straining after effect. Another poet who died almost as young 
left a far more definite achievement, although his poems are 
scarcely more numerous than those of Verde. Few Portuguese 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 331 

writers have, indeed, published less than Antonio Candido 
GoNgALVES Crespo (1846-83), a Portuguese born at Rio de 
Janeiro. He studied at Coimbra University, and became a dis- 
tinguished journalist and a colonial member of the Portuguese 
Parliament from 1879 to 1881. Two tiny volumes of lyrics, Minia- 
turas (1870) and Nocturnos (1882), comprise his whole work, but 
his restraint and his fastidiously chiselled verse place him at the 
head of the Portuguese Parnassians. Portuguese in his hands 
becomes a pliant medium crystaUizing round an emotion, longes 
de saudade, or, more frequently, round a concrete image, a parting 
at sunset (Mater dolorosa) or a village in a summer noontide [Na 
Aldeia). The latter sonnet recalls a few hnes of Leopardi's 
// Sdbato del Villaggio, and in one respect, the perfection of form 
with which he describes quite ordinary scenes, the Portuguese 
poet need not fear the comparison. An old woman spinning, 
children at play, a peasant's song in the fields, an orange-grove 
at dawn musical with birds — these are incidental pictures in his 
poems, and by his combination of a vague dreaming temperament 
with a delicate, definite artistic sense they receive a new signifi- 
cance. An earlier Brazilian poet, Antonio Gon^alves Dias 
(1823-64), author of Primeiros Cantos (1846), Segundos Cantos 
e Sextilhas de Frei Antao (1848), and Ultimos Cantos (1851), 
made a name for himself by his sextilhas. 

It might be said of that marvellous poet Victor Hugo that he 
is not for exportation : the tendency has been for those who lack 
his genius to take shelter in his defects. Since one of his earhest 
followers, Claudio Jose Nunes (1831-75), ^xxhXish^id. Scenas Con- 
temporaneas (1873) his influence has been very marked in Portugal 
and manifests itself in the grandiloquence, over-emphasis, and 
love of antithesis of much of Snr. Abilio Manuel Guerra Jun- 
queiro's work. The greatest of Portugal's living poets was born 
at Freixo de Espada a Cinta in 1850 and was thus a small child 
when Hugo's poems Les Contemplations (1856) and La Legende des 
Siecles {z85g) appeared. After studying law at Coimbra he was 
returned to Parliament in 1878. Enthusiastically revolutionary 
until 1910, hebecame Portuguese Minister at Berne in the following 
year, but retired from the service of the Republic in 1914. His first 
verses were published at the age of fourteen, Dtias paginas dos 



332 1816-191O 

quatorze annos (1864), and before he was twenty he had written 
Mysticae Nuptiae (1866), Vozessem Echo (1867), and Baptismo do 
Amor (1868) , with a preface by Camillo Castello Branco. But it was 
A Morte de Dam Jodo (1874), a poem or series of poems in which 
Don Juan and Jehovah are attacked impartially, that brought him 
resounding success, a success followed up and increased by A 
Velhice do Padre Eterno (1885) and, under the influence of the 
pohtical crisis of 1890, Finis Patriae (1890) and the play Patria, 
in which his eager and vigorous patriotism found vent. In all these, 
as in the quieter volume A Musa em Ferias (1879), there is true 
poetry (as well as unfailing sincerity and passionate sympathy 
for the oppressed), but it has to be looked for. A weird ghostli- 
ness in Finis Patriae and in the doido's part in Patria is accom- 
panied by a strange and impressive lilt in the rhythm^ which 
correspcJnds to the haunting refrains of some of the shorter poems. 
But there seemed a danger that on the wings of applause, in 
political invective, and turgid rhetoric the poet might allow his 
genius to be totally misdirected, and it is his most remarkable 
achievement that in Os Simples (1892) he laid all that aside and 
returned to the simpler themes of peasant life which cast a spell 
over some of the lyrics in Finis Patriae : harvesters, the linda 
hoeirinha guiding her great oxen, the old shepherd with his flute 
and crook on the scented hills, the cavador going to his work at 
cockcrow beneath the red morning star. A Caminho, the inimi- 
table opening poem, has a delicate inspiration which is masterly 
in its restraint and ingenuous charm. It was well to rest on such 
laurels. In two subsequent odes, Oragao ao Pao (1902) and Oragao 
a Luz (1904), filled with a vague music, Snr. Guerra Junqueiro's 
poetry merges into a mystic philosophy which he intends to 
express in prose. Some early poems appeared in Poesias 
Dispersas (1921). A victim of Victor Hugo to whom it 
is not easy for a critic to do justice, is the Lisbon poet 

' e.g. Tive castellos, fortcUezas pelo mundo. . . . Nao tenho casa, nao tenho 
pao. The cadence here, as in many of Snr. Guerra Junqueiro's lines, is 
singularly arresting. The tendency to morbid repetition is exaggerated in 
Patria and has influenced many younger poets, as Snr. CorrSa de Oliveira and, 
especially, Antonio Nobre. The reader is credited with no imagination and 
the effect is diminished. For instance, in Patria : deixa-me dormir, Dormir em 
paz . . . dormir/ That is excellent ; but the word dormir is then again thrice 
repeated, until the reader sleeps. 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 333 

Antonio Duarte Gomes Leal (1849-1921). His capacity 
is felt to be so much greater than his achievement. The 
grandiloquence and declamatory character of the verse in his 
first volume, Claridadesdo Sul (1875), are accentuated in subse- 
quent works: A Fame de Camoes (1880), A Historia de Jesus 
(1883), Fim de um Mundo (1900), A Mulher de Luto (1902). 
His satire here, as in Satyras Modernas (1899), or the biting 
sonnets of Mefistofeles em Lisboa (1907), is sincerely indignant 
but too often based on ignorance. In Anti-Ckrisio (1884) it 
voices the eternal revolt against false civilization and material- 
ism. This, the most celebrated of his works, presents a strange 
medley of persons, from Barabbas to Tolstoi and Huysmans, 
who have this in common that they all declaim in hollow sonorous 
Alexandrines. Science, saints, Hebrew prophets, Chinese philo- 
sophers, the eleven thousand Virgins pass in a vision before the 
Anti- Christ and converse with him. It is as if a Goethe without 
genius had written the second part of Faust. But Claridades do 
Sul contains poems in a totally different kind, poems like De 
Noute and Os Lobos, which seem to have caught something of the 
pathos and simplicity of Les Pauvres Gens, satire and humorismo 
forgotten. In his descriptions of homely scenes his verse becomes 
quiet, natural, and effective ; after reading the restrained and 
skilful tercetos of De Noute one is inclined to wonder whether the 
secret of his comparative failure is that here was an excellent 
Dutch genre-painter striving to be a high-flown Velazquez. But 
certainly he has no lack of talent, imagination, and power of 
expression in resonant verse. 

The cult of saudade has been deliberately revived by a group 
of poets in the north who have founded the school of Saudosismo, 
and in their monthly A Aguia and the Renascenga press seek 
to foster all that is native in Portuguese literature. Their creed 
is a vague pantheism, their poetry is often equally vague and 
lacking in individuality, but they have the advantage of being 
remote from Lisbon and of not concerning themselves with foreign 
schools, and can therefore be natural and Portuguese. At the head 
of these poets Snr. Joaquim Teixeira de Pascoaes (born in 
1877) sings musically in an enchanted land of mists and shadows 
of pantheism, saudade, and his native Tras-os-Montes. Merging 



334 1816-1910 

itself entirely in Nature, his poetry beconies a wavering symphony ^ 
woven of night and silence. The vagueness present in the 
lyrics of Sempre (1897), Terra prohibida (1899), Jesus e Pan 
(1903), Vida Etherea (1906), As Sombras (1907), is more marked 
in his longer poems Mardnos (1911), in eighteen c&ntos, and 
Regresso ao Paraiso (1912), in twenty-two cantos of mono- 
tonous blank verse. But Nature is justified of her child, and 
Mardnos, like a mountain-stream threading its transparent pools, 
shows abundantly that the author has also the power of con- 
densing a picture into a single line. To this group belong Snr. 
Mario Beirao (born in 1891), whose verse in Ultimo Lusiada 
(1913) and Ausente (1915) is strong and concrete ; Snr. Afonso 
DuARTE (born in 1896), Snr. Augusto Casimiro, author of 
Para a Vida (1906), A Victoria do Homent (1910), and A Evoca0o 
da Vida (1912), and other young writers of promise. 

Few if any of the younger poets have found in Portugal so 
ready a reception for their work as Antonio Nobre (1867-1900), 
whether this be due to the all-pervading melancholy, saudades 
de tudo, to the metrical skill, or to the haunting intensity of his 
verse. In a series of poems written between 1884 and 1894 he 
combined the dreams of a student at Coimbra, a lendaria Coimbra, 
the home-sickness of a Portuguese in Paris, and a real sympathy 
for the poor and miserable. In these poems of suffering and 
disillusion, published under the title So (1892), a strange alter- 
nation of ingenuousness and satanism, fantastic visions and 
serene simplicity, genuine poetry and sheer prose, refrains of 
rustic gaiety and of morbid sentiment, produces a certain 
measure of originality. He can fit his pliant metres to his will, 
mould them like wax, and if the book contains no perfect poems 
this is partly due to a deliberate intention to reflect his own 
incoherent moods and to an evident pleasure in incongruous 
effects. A second volume, of poems written between 1895 and 
1899, Despedidas (1902), appeared posthumously. 

The permanent Secretary of the Lisbon Academy of Sciences, 
Colonel Cristovam Ayres (born in 1853), has won distinction 
in many fields. Well known as an historian of the army [Historia 
Organica e Politica do Exercito Portuguez, 8 vols., 1896-1908) and 

' In details his ear is not faultless. Cf . the unscannable line E que na corda 
do remorso enforcou Judas (unless this is deliberately onomatopoeic). 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 335 

as a critic, he has also written short stories and volumes of verse 
which have placed him in the front rank of the living Parnassian 
poets of Portugal. In Indianas (1878), Intimas (1884), Anoitecer 
(1914), and Cinzas ao Vento (1921), he displays great technical 
skill, especially in the reproduction of still scenes as in the 
sonnets Paizagem, Aguarella, or Ao luar. The Parnassian verse 
of JoAQUiM DE Araujo (1858-1917) in Lyra Intima (1881) 
Occidentaes (1888), and Flores da Noite (1894) has a narcotic 
spell, a slow lulling music. And there is real opium in the pliant 
melodies of Antonio Feijo (1862-1917), during sixteen years 
Portuguese Minister at Stockholm, in Lyricas e Bucolicas (1884) 
and Ilha dos Amores (1897). The words are heavy with sleep hke 
cistus flowers : Astros das noites limpidas velae-vos or A neve cae 
na terra lentamente {les lourds flocons des neigeuses.annees). This 
perfection of metre is seen at its highest in his Cancioneiro Chinez 
(1890), translations from the French Livre de Jade (1867), itself 
a translation by Judith Gautier from various Chinese poets. The 
poems of JoAO Diniz, in Aquarellas (1889) ; Manuel Duarte de 
Almeida (1844-1914), in Estancias ao Infante Henrique (1889), 
Ramo de Lilazes (1887), and Terra e Azul; Snr. Manuel 
da Silva Gayo, in Novos Poemas (1906) ; Snr. Juho Brandao, 
in Saudades (1893), in which he weaves the linho luarento das 
saudades, Jardim da Morte (1898) and Nuvem de Oiro (1912) ; 
Snr. Fausto Guedes Teixeira (born in 1872), in his remarkable 
Men Livro, i8g6-igo6 (1908) ; Snr. Luiz Osorio, in Nehlinas 
(1884), Poemas Portuguezes (1890), and Alma lyrica (1891) ; 
Snr. Guilherme de Santa Rita in Vacillantes (1884) and 
Poema de um Morto (1897), and indeed of a great caterva 
vatum,^ belong to this school. The chiselling of faultless sonnets 
has become a mannerism, but the critic who recalls the vague 
and often shpshod difluseness of earlier romantic poems pauses 
before condemning. Perhaps it may be possible in time to 
combine the cunning artifice of the verse-cutter with thought 
and a breath of life and Nature. 

The CoNDE DE Monsaraz (1852-1913) wrote some pleasant 

• Without counting those of Brazil, which had an exquisite word-chiseller 
in the poet Olavo Bilac (1865-1918), author *of Panoplias and other verse 
published in Poesias (1888, Nova ed. 1904). 



336 1816-1910 

regional verse in Musa Alemtejana (1908), in which he describes 
life in the charnecas (moors) and herdades (estates) of Alentejo : 
the sound of the well-wheel among orange-trees, the ringing of 
trindades, the long lines of women hoeing, the old herdsman 
singing melancholy fados, the smoking agorda of the workmen's 
meals, the storks fleeing from the July heat, the processions 
to pray for rain. The same out-of-door air and fullness of 
treatment pervade the work of Snr. Augusto Gil, with a more 
popular strain, in Musa Cenila (1894), Versos (1901), Luar de 
Janeiro (1909), Sombra de Juno (1915), Alba Plena (1916), Snr. 
Jose Coelho da Cunha's Terra do Sol (1911) and Vilancetes 
(1915),^ and D. Branca de Gonta CoLLAgo's Cangoes do Meio 
Dia (1912). A more vigorous talent, also, is that of Snr. JoXo de 
Barros in Algas (1899), Entre a Multidao (1902), Dentro da Vida 
(1904), Terra Florida (1909), and Anteu (1912). At the head of 
the Portuguese Symbolists (their symbolism has been rather ex- 
ternal than philosophic) stands Snr. Eugenio de Castro (born 
in 1869). He wished, while retaining perfection of form, to fill 
it with a new imagery and colour, and that his verse in describing 
Nature through his sensations should remain detached and 
impersonal : the poet is uma sombra saudosa d'outras sombras. 
The success achieved in Oaristos (1890) was strikingly maintained 
in Sagramor (1895), Rei Galaor (1897), Constanga (1900), Depois 
da Ceifa (1901), A Sombra do Quadrante (1906), Annel de 
Polycrates (1907), Filho Prodigo (1910), and the twenty-one 
sonnets of Camafeus Romanos (1921). His versification is not 
sufficiently varied (a defect naturally less apparent in the shorter 
poems), his rare words and rhymes often have a cumbrous air, 
but a real fire occasionally runs through the cold monotony of 
his verse, lighting up its heavy jewels with a glow almost of life. 
If it is sometimes an echo of Baudelaire, it is a Baudelaire 
thoroughly acclimatized.^ His debt was not wholly to French 
Parnassian or Symbolist, for he had also drunk deep of Greek and 

' He is the son of Snr. Alfredo Carneiro da Cunha (born in 1863), 
whose Versos (1900) contains the poignant lines A uma creanfa morta, which 
recall Coventry Patmore and the pathos of Dr. Robert Bridges' On a Dead 
Child. The earlier edition, Endeixas e Madrigaes, appeared in 1891. 

^ The word Nepheli'mias ( = Cloud-treaders), formerly applied to poets of 
the decadent school in Portugal, is now seldom heard. 



THE REACTION AND AFTER 337 

German literature. His originality in modern Portuguese poetry 
is a very real one. Yet it is a pleasure to pass from verse often so 
perfect, always so artificial, to the more natural poems of two 
younger writers. Snr. Antonio Correa de Oliveira (born in 
1880) in his Auto do Fim do Dia (1900), Raiz (1903), and Auto 
de Junho (1904) shows a true lyrical gift, an inspiration of the 
soil, of the quatrains of popular poetry : 

Passou Maio taful, Maio magano, 
E por onde passou nasceram rosas. 

In his later works, Alma Religiosa (1910), Auto das Quatro 
Estagoes (1911), Os Teus Sonetos (1914), A Minha Terra (1916), 
the effect is sometimes strained or marred by an almost morbid 
iteration. Snr. Afonso Lopes Vieira (born in 1878) displays 
a genuine talent in Naufrago (1898), Encoberto (1905), 
Ar Livre (1906), and Pao e as Rosas (1908). Ilhas de Bruma 
(1918) is filled with the rhythm of the sea and with the traditions 
and native poetry of Portugal. There is a certain strength as 
well as a subtle music about his verse which is of good promise 
for the future. Whatever that future may be for Portuguese 
literature, Portugal will join the more worthily in the great 
literary age which will eventually spring from years of terrific 
upheaval if she studies and utilizes her full heritage of prose 
and verse. There is the less excuse now for its neglect since the 
devoted labour of many Portuguese scholars is rendering it yearly 
more accessible. 



2362 



APPENDIX 

§ I 
Literature of the People 

Side by side with literature proper there has always existed 
in Portugal a literature of the people. Indeed, before Portuguese 
.poetry was written it flourished on the lips of the people, in 
the songs of the women. Sometimes this popular literature 
almost coalesced with written literature, as in the case of the 
cossantes in the thirteenth century. Its poetry lent a glow and 
magic to the work of Gil Vicente and later to some of the 
lyrics of Camoes ; its proverbial lore was reproduced in Jorge 
Ferreira de Vasconcellos' prose pfays and later by D. Francisco 
Manuel de Mello ; in indigenous folk-tales Trancoso found part 
of his material. Eighteenth-century writers neglected it, but 
FiUnto Elysio returned to popular sources, and in the nineteenth 
century they inspired two great poets, Almeida Garrett and Joao 
de Deus. Literature and iUiteracy have often gone hand in hand. 
In Ferreira de Vasconcellos' Eufrosina (Act iii, sc. ii) we read of 
the workwoman [lavrandeira) who ' sings de solao, composes 
songs, loves to learn trovas by heart, gives a schoolboy farthings 
to buy cherries in return for reading autos to her ' ; and the 
Pratica de Tres Pastores gives us a picture of an old peasant 
reading out from the Bible ^ of an evening to the whole village: 

Esse velhinho 
Tinha hum cartapolinho 
Feito de letra de mao 
Em papel de pergaminho, 
E chamava-se o feitinho 
Do livro da creagao. 

' The whole Bible in Portuguese was not translated until the eighteenth 
century, by Joao Ferreira de Almeida, Novo Testamento (Amsterdam, 
1681), Do Velho Testamento, 2 vols. (Batavia, 1748, 53). This is the version 
still commonly in use. Another translation, entitled Biblia Sagrada, was 
made from the Vulgate at the end of the eighteenth century by Antonio 
Pereira de Figueiredo {1725-97), author of some fifty theological and 
historical works in Latin and Portuguese, and a paraphrase (Historia Evan- 
gelica, 1777, 78, Historia Biblica, 1778-82) by Frei Francisco de Jesus 
Maria Sarmento (1713-90). See C. MichaSlis de Vasconcellos et S. Berger, 
Les Bibles Portugaises in Romania, xxviii (1899), pp. 543-8 : La littirature 
portugaise est en matiire de traductions bibligues d'une pauvreti disespirante. 
The Parocho Perfeito ( 1 67 5) speaks of os parochos que nao tiverem Biblias (p. 1 9) . 
See also G. L. Santos Ferreira, A Biblia em Portugal, 1495-1850 (L. 1906). 



LITERATURE OF THE PEOPLE 339 

E entao 

Que sempre cada serao 

A noyte depois da cea 

Com oculos i candea 

O lia por devogao 

A toda a gente d'aldea. 

The popular appetite for autos, simple Christmas plays, legends 
of saints, and for long vague romances never flagged, and some 
of the literature written to satisfy it, by Balthasar Diaz and 
others, is reprinted and hawked about the country in folhas 
volantes at the present day, as Diaz' Historia da Imperatriz 
Porcina (Porto, 1906) — a romance of some 1,500 octosyllables in 
-ia — and his Tragedia do Marques de Mantua. The prose 
Verdadeira Historia do Imperador Carlos Magno (Porto, 1906) is 
the last descendant of Nicolas Piamonte's Spanish translation 
(from the French original) Carlomagno, printed at Seville in 
1525 and at Alcala in 1570, or rather of Jeronimo Moreira de 
Carvalho's Portuguese version (2 pts., 1728, 37). It is an instance 
of the Portuguese delight in strange, even fantastic, but in any 
case foreign, themes. The Verdadeira Historia da Donzella 
Theodora (Porto, 1911), daughter of a merchant of Babylon, 
was introduced from the East and was translated by Carlos Fer- 
reira from the Spanish (1524) and published at Lisbon in 1735. 
The Verdadeira Historia do Grande Roberto Duque de Normandia 
e Imperador de Roma (Porto, 1912) is a belated echo of the 
French story of Robert le Diable, which also came to Portugal 
through Spain (Burgos, 1509). The Verdadeira Historia da 
Princeza Magalona (Porto, 1912) has a similar derivation from 
France (14th or 15th c.) through Spain (Sevilla, 1519), and 
retains its popularity as a record of unswerving constancy na fe 
e na virtude. The Verdadeira Historia de Joao de Calais, 
reprinted at Oporto in 1914, is also undisguisedly foreign. The 
story of Flores e Branca Fror, last offshoot (a ' vile extract ' 
Menendez y Pelayo called it) of the charming Greek tale which ' 
came originally from the East,^ was mentioned by several poets 
(King Dinis, Joan de Guilhade, the Archpriest of Hita) in the 
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries ^ and In the Gran Conquista 

• See Floire et Blancheflor. Poimes du xiW sUcle. PublUs d'apris les 
manuscrits . . . -par E. du Mini, Paris, 1856. In the original story Flores 
in a basket of roses enters the tower where Brancaflor is imprisoned. 
Senor Bonilla y San Martin (La Historia de los dos Enamorados Flores y Blanca- 
flor, Madrid, 1916) attributes an Italian origin to the Spanish prose story. The 
Spanish translation probably dates from the fifteenth century. 

^ For its popularity with the Provencal troubadours see Raynouard, Choix, 
e.g. ii. 297, 304, 305. 

Y 2 



340 APPENDIX 

de Ultramar (13th c), and was condemned by Luis Vivas. The 
prose story copied by Boccaccio in his Filocolo is still popular 
in Portugal and Galicia. There is an edition printed at Oporto in 
1912 : Historia de Flores e Branca-Flor, sens amores e perigos que 
passaram por Flores ser mouro e Branca-Flor christa. Garcia 
Ferreiro refers to a historia de Branca Fror as recited at a 
Galician escasula}- Most of these popular threepenny leaflets are 
very quaintly illustrated on the title-page. The woodcut on the 
1912 edition of Flores e Branca-Flor is worth many an epic.^ 
The portrait of Robert le Diable (1912 ed.) represents no less a 
person than Napoleon III, and the ' true likeness of the beautiful 
Princess Magalona' ^ (1912 ed.) is Queen Alexandra. These folhas 
volantes of the literatura de cordel with many farsas, such as Manoel 
Mendes by Antonio Xavier Ferreira de Azevedo (1784-1814), 
reprinted at Oporto in 1878, and various progeny of the ingenious 
Bertoldo, as Astucias de Mengoto, Industrias de Malandrino (both 
Porto, 1879), Astucias de Zanguizarra (Porto, 1878), Vida de 
Cacasseno (Porto, 1904), contain little of the real people and 
less of literature. More indigenous, but still attracting by 
virtue of its foreign episodes, is the Auto, Livro (1554.?), 
Historia or Tratado do Infante D. Pedro que andou as quatro 
(sete) partidas do mundo, which is attributed to Gomez de Santo 
Estevam, one of the prince's attendants in his long travels, and 
of which the first known edition (1547) is in Spanish. It 
has been constantly reprinted and, with romances of chivalry, 
formed the education of the notary in Hyssope.^ Nor do the 
Trovas do Bandarra belong to literature, although these verses 
of the cobbler prophet of Trancoso, Gonqalo Annez Bandarra 
(11556.?), which caused him to figure in one of the earliest trials 
before the Inquisition (1541) and were subsequently interpreted 
as referring to the return of King Sebastian, exercised the fancy 
of the people and even the wits of the educatedfor some^three 
centuries. Forbidden in Portugal, they were printed abroad, 
probably at Paris in 1603, at Nantes in 1644, Barcelona 1809, 
London 1810 and 1815. It was not until 1852 (Porto) that an 
Explicagao of them could be published in Portugal. Their interest 
was then much diminished, since the thirty scissors of the verse, 

* A historia de Branca Fror Outra saca a relocer (Chorimas (1890), p. 148). 

^ It has been reproduced, from an earlier edition, in T. Braga, Os Livros 
Populares Portuguezes (Era Nov(i, vol. i, 1881). 

' At either side explanatory verses, the only verse in the leaflet, tell us 
that ' Magalona was the most beautiful of all contemporary princesses, 
beloved daughter of the King of Naples, and her heart full of goodness. She 
was a model of virtues, of pure beliefs and a loving heart, married with Pierres, 
Pedro of Provence, a noble knight and virtuous man.' 

« One of the Elvas Chapter was homem versado Na HfSo de Florinda e Carlo 
Magna. 



LITERATURE OF THE PEOPLE 341 

Augurai gentes vindouras 
Que o Rey que de vos ha de hir 
Vos ha de tornar a vir 
Passadas trinta tesouras, 

had been thought to signify the year 1808, i.e. thirty closed 
scissors = 30 X 8 : 240 years after King Sebastian began to reign 
(1568). A more reasonable computation would have been from 
Alcacer Kebir [de vos ha de hir) = 1818, or, if the scissors were 
open: ^Xo (10)1 = 1878. Many sought to connectwithBandarra's 
prophecies the sayings of Simao Gomez (1516-76), the ' Holy 
Cobbler ', and his biography, written by the Jesuit Manuel da 
Veiga (1567-1647), Tratado da Vida, Virtudes e Doutrina 
Admiravel de Simdo Gomes, vulgarmente chamado Qapateiro 
Santo (1625), a book in more than one respect singular and 
charming, was burnt by the public hangman at Lisbon in 1768 
in ' Black Horse Square '. The 1759 edition had received the 
ordinary licengas. But farther afield, deeper in the heart of the 
people and far more ancient, exists another literature. Writers 
who have gone to this source have never come away unrewarded. 
Their work has gained a freshness and a charm ^ which the most 
successful disciples of imported learning and latinity have in 
vain attempted to rival, and gives the reader the impression 
that if he is not plucking the bough of gold he is not far from the 
tree on which it grows. And the reason is, perhaps, that the 
Portuguese people still retains an element pre-Christian, even 
pre-Roman, an element which goes back to solar myths and 
pagan beliefs, and about which hangs a primaeval mystery and 
wonder, av glamour and enchantment born of direct contact 
with the forces of Nature, and the worship, fear, and pro- 
pitiation of many unseen powers and divinities. A great part 
of the people still inhabits a region of fiery dragons and apples 
of gold, and with ready imagination peoples streams and woods, 
sea and air with spirits. December and June are connected with 
the birth and supremacy of the sun's power, and paganism, 
thinly disguised, survives in several of the ceremonies of the 
Christian Church, and serves to increase the Church's hold on 
the minds of the people. Both the songs and the dancing with 
which it was accompanied were no doubt originally religious. 

' This charm hangs over many anonymous lyrics of popular inspiration, 
as the Trovas da Menina Fermosa, seventeenth or eighteenth century 
variations of n. sixteenth century song : Menina fermosa Dizei do que vem 
Que sejais irosa A quern vos quer hem ; Forque se concerta Rosto e condifam 
Dais por galardam A pena mui certa. Sendo tam fermosa Dizei, &c. Even 
less genuinely popular are the Trovas do Moleiro (1602), written by an 
obscure native of Tangier, Luis Brochado, and others. 



342 APPENDIX 

The movements of the dance seem to have influenced the song, 
so that its metre was divided by real feet. When the Archbishop 
of Braga, Frei Bartholomeu dos Martyres, was visiting his 
diocese in the sixteenth century he was met by Minhoto peasants 
with dangas e folias and with cantigas que entoavam entre as 
voltas e saltos dos bailes,'^ songs evidently similar to those in the 
works of Gil Vicente, with leixapren and refrain [aaxhbx'^ or 
abxhcx).^ The volta would correspond in action to the leixapren * 
of the song, the salto to the refrain. The origin of the refrain 
was perhaps the pause (preceded by a final leap into the air) 
made by the breathless dancers, as in the words no penedo of 
this version of ' The House that Jack Built ' : Quaes foram os 
perros que mataram os lobos que comeram as cobras que roeram 
bacello que poser a Joao preto no penedo. '^ The phrase ver cantar, 
' to see these songs sung ', might be defended.^ 

In modern times the refrain has not been entirely lost, it 
occurs occasionally, e.g. Valhame Deus, or Valhame Deus e 
a Virgem Maria, but the usual song is a refrainless quatrain 
rhyming in the second and fourth lines, perhaps originally 
a distich broken up into four lines like the sixteen-syllable lines 
of the old romances, and from which the refrain has disappeared. 
It is essentially a love song : instead of the song of the people, 
sung to the tread of dancing feet, the song of the love-lorn 
individual, sung to the strumming of his guitar or of the pro- 
fessional cantadeira at a rustic pilgrimage. But they are also sung 
by the people generally, often by women' who can neither read 
nor write but have a large stock of these cantigas, which, indeed, 
are almost innumerable. They may be read in their thousands 
in Antonio Thomaz Pires' Cantos Populares Portugueses (4 vols., 
Elvas, 1902-10), Dr. Theophilo Braga's Cancioneiro Popular 
Portuguez (2 vols., Lisboa, 1911, 1913), Snr. Jaime Cortesao's 

' Luis de Sousa, Vida, 1763 ed., i. 462. 

^ e. g. Em Belem vila do amor (i. 183). 

' e.g. Que no guiero estar en casa {i.73) (which is coma laa cantaes co' gado, 
essentially a peasant's song). 

* The leixapren occurs in most of the songs accompanied by dance in Gil 
Vicente : e. g. Quern i a desposada (chacota, i. 147), Pardeus bem andou Castella 
(em folia) (ii. 389), Ja nab quer minha senhora (ii. 439, Esta cantiga cantarao 
e bailarao de terreiro os folioes). Nao me firaes madre (ii. 440, em chacota), 
Mor Gonfalves (ii. 509, bailSo ao som desta cantiga), Por Mayo era, por Mayo 
(ii. 525, a vozes bailardo e cantarao u cantiga seguinte : i.e. a romance with 
leixapren and refrain). They are thus a combination of glee and dance. 

= Gil Vicente, Obras (ii. 448). 

» Nao nas quero ver cantar (Gil Vicente) is, however, probably a misprint, 
for which D. Carolina MichaSlis de Vasconcellos suggests quer" eu. 

' Cf. J. Leite de Vasconcellos, Ensaios Ethnographicos, ii. 264 : povo 
{principalmente as mulheres) canta-as [cantigas soltaS] em qualquer occasidh. 



LITERATURE OF THE PEOPLE 343 

Cancioneiro Popular (Porto, 1914), and in other collections, and 
hundreds of thousands die uncollected and unknown. Although 
it is perhaps a pity that all the popular poetical talent should 
tend to adapt itself to one mould — the quatrain — their brevity 
is excellent in that it imposes concision. Their thought has to 
be_ expressed in some twenty words, although they are rarely 
epigrammatic in the sense of the modern epigram. Some are 
geographical, or local, in praise of some town or village, river 
or fountain. Many are religious, that is, they combine love and 
religion in honour of the Lady of the Hills, the Star, the Snows, 
the Rosary, the Sands, Pity, Affliction, Health, Hope, or in 
honour of saints, and especially of the three popular saints of 
June : St. Anthony, St. John, and St. Peter. Others are devoted 
to special festivals : Christmas {Natal), the New Year {Anno 
Bom), the Epiphany {Os Reis), the Resurrection.^ The majority 
are concerned with Nature, either generally or in detail. Some- 
times they are frankly pantheistic, more often they content 
themselves with singing the praises of a favourite flower, 
rosemary, myrtle, the rose, and especially the carnation— the 
red cravos which glow in doorway or window-ledge of countless 
houses and cottages in June. Among the birds the swallow,^ 
' the bird of the Lord ', as the peasants call it, is rare — perhaps 
its rhyme is disdained as too easy — the parrot, the dove, 
and the nightingale are far commoner. Numerous cantigas are 
concerned with the sea, fewer with the sun, the stars, super- 
stitions, witches, sirens ; many with dancing and various 
occupations — the herdsman {ganadeiro), yokel {ganhao), shepherd 
{pastor), harvesters {ceifeiros, ratinhos, malteses, mondadeiras). 
But of course the principal subject is love, jealousy, separation, 
constancy, saudade, satire. The occasional presence of a French 
word, e. g. negligi or cache-nez, is not necessarily a proof that the 
cantiga in question is not of popular origin, but merely that it is 
urban. Of many cantigas the first line consists simply of a long- 
drawn Ails {aiKivov, alKivov uiri, Tb h' eS viK&Tm) or Ai lari lari 
loli (where the fanatic of Basque can find il { = dead) as easily 

' Jd OS campos reverdecem, J a o alecrim tern flor, 

Jd cantam os passarinhos A resurreigao do Senhor. 
(Now to the fields returns the green and the rosemary 's in flower, and the 
little birds are singing the Lord's Resurrection hour). 
^ d triste da minha vida, O triste da vida minha, 

Quem me dera ir contigo Onde tu vaes, andorinha. 
(O how sad my life is, O how sad my plight ! 
Would I might go with thee, swallow, in thy flight !) 
recalls the French Si j'Mais hirondelle Que je pusse voler, Sur voire sein, ma belle, 
J'irais me reposer (A swallow I Would be to fly And take my rest Upon thy 
breast). 



344 APPENDIX 

as in the refrain of C. V. 415), so that they really consist of 
three lines, the aiU being introductory. 

Some of the quatrains rise to real poetical beauty, and most 
of them are charmingly spontaneous, forming in their unpre- 
meditated art the natural song-book of a nation of poets. The 
number in print already approaches fifty thousand. In the mass 
they perhaps produce a monotonous effect, being mostly of the 
one pattern, despite the variety of their contents : 
Tudo o que 6 verde se seca Em vindo o pino do verao : 
So meu amor reverdece Dentro do meu cora^ao.^ 
Inda que o lume se apague Na cinza fica calor : 
Inda que amor se ausente No coragao fica a dor.^ 
Os tres reis foram guiados For uma estrella do ceu : 
Tambem tens olhos guiaram Meu coragao para o teu.^ 

A few links in these modern cantigas carry us back to the songs 
in Gil Vicente's plays and beyond : a dialogue between mother 
and daughter, a reference to dancing de terreiro, balho, dance and 
song, to the casada, mas mal casada, or i-a sequence, as Filho da 
Virgem Maria [Sagrada). Other links in the popular literature 
throughout the ages are the riddles {adivinhas) at which Gil 
Vicente's shepherds played in the Auto Pastoril Castelhano (the 
example given in Joao de Barros' Grammatica (1540) is : 

Ainda o pae nao e nado 

Ja filho anda pelo telhado (1785 ed., p. 176) 

— the father is still unborn and the son is on the roof : a fire and 
its smoke ; modern instances are printed in Dr. Theophilo Braga's 
Cancioneiro Popular Portuguez, vol. i (1913), pp. 363-70) ; the 
lullabies (cf.-the modern Rd r6, meu menino, Dorme e descansa, 
Tu es meu alivio E a minha esperanga with Gil Vicente's Ro, ro, 
ro, Nuestro Dies y Redentor, No lloreis, &c., i. 57) ; the cantigas 
de Anno Bom ; the ' pagan janeiras ', as Filinto Elysio called 
them ; the cantigas dos Rets, the alvoradas, the maios. The alva 
or alvorada should properly contain the word alva in the refrain, 
as in C. V. 172, or Guiraut de Bornelh's 

Qu'el jorn es apropchatz, 

Qu'en Orien vey I'estela creguda 

Qu'adutz lo jorn, qu'ieu I'ai ben conoguda, 

Et ades sera I'alba. 

' All green things in summer Their freshness lose : Only my heart Its love 
renews. 

* When the light of the fire is dead The ashes its heat retain : When love 
is over and fled In the heart abides the pain. 

" To the three kings was given A star in heaven for sign : And thy eyes 
have guided My heart unto thine. 



LITERATURE OF THE PEOPLE 345 

(For day is near, and high in the East appears the star that 
brings in the day : I know it well, and soon it will be dawn.) 
The theme is the parting of lovers at dawn : 

Wilt thou be gone ? it is not yet near day. . . . 

A Catalan alba-cossante is given in Mila y Fontanals' Romancerillo 
Catalan ^ : 

Marieta lleva't lleva't de mati 

Que I'aygua es clara, el sol vol sortir. 

Como m'en Uevar^ si gipo no tinch } 

Marieta lleva't, de mati lleva't, 

Que el sol vol sortir, que I'aygua es clara. 

Como, &c. 

An example of a Galician mayo, that is, a song introducing the 
Mayo or May-boy (corresponding to our Queen of the May), is 
given in Mila's article in vol. vi of Romania. It closely resembles 
that of Gil Vicente {Este i Mayo, Mayo e este) in the Auto da 
Lusitania : 

Este e o Mayo que Mahiiio 6, 

Este e o Mayo que anda d'o pe. 

noso Mayo anque pequeniiio 

Da de comer a Virxen d'o Camino. 

Velay Mayo cargado de rosas, 

Velay o Mayo que las trae mas hermosas. 

It then breaks into a muineira (in Castilian) : 

Angeles somos, del cielo venimos (bajamos), 

Si nos dais licencia a la Reina le pedimos (la cantamos). 

To the janeiras more than one classical author alludes. Mello 
[Epan. i) thus notices them at Evora on New Year's Eve, 1638, 
before the house in which the Conde de Linhares was lodged : 
a fim de se Ihe cantarem certas Bengoens & Rogatiuas [costume de 
nossos anciaos que com nome de Janeiras entoavam placidamente 
pelas portas dos mais caros amigos) se congregou grande numero 
de pouo.^ Some romances (also xacara, xacra, and in the Azores 
arabia) have been printed direct from the lips of the people 

■ Reprinted in his article in Romania, vol. vi, and by Dr. Braga. Aygua in 
the second line is probably a corruption from alua (dawn) to agua (water). 

' Femam Rodriguez Lobo Soropita, speaking of the noites pHvilegiadas — 
the eves of New Year and Epiphany — refers to os villoes ruins que essas 
noutes vos perseguem and to their pandeirinhos , musica de agua-pi que toda 
a nouie vos zune nos ouvidos como bizouro, e sobre tudo isto haveis de Ihe 
offertar os vossos quatro vintens, e quando Ih'os entregais a candeia vos descobre 
o feiiio dos ditos musicos i um mocho com sombreiro com mais chocas que 
um corredor de folhas . They thus resembled Christmas ' waits '. 



346 APPENDIX 

by Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos in his Romanceiro Portuguez 
(1886). The degenerate, more modern, and subjective form of 
the romance is the f ado, a ballad (melancholy as the old solao^), 
composed by the professional fadistas of the towns. The fado 
is even more modern than the modinha (end of eighteenth and 
beginning of the nineteenth century). It dates from the first 
third of the nineteenth century, and has not even now penetrated 
to the south, being indeed largely a Lisbon product. It may be 
composed in verses of four {quadras), five {quintilhas), or ten 
{decimas) lines. 

The individual in the favourite quadras expresses his personal 
sorrow and his love ; the immemorial lore of the Portuguese 
people as a whole survives less in them than in the no less 
numerous proverbs — um bosque de muitas e varias maneiras de 
adagios. There is scarcely a Portuguese writer whose works do 
not furnish a goodly crop of these proverbs, often in evidently 
popular form, sometimes betraying their Spanish origin in 
the rhyme. They have been collected in Antonio Delicado's 
Adagios Portugueses (1651), in Adagios (1841), Philosophia Pro- 
verbial (1882), and elsewhere. The language is full of proverbial 
phrases, and most Portuguese could at will conceal their meaning 
from a foreigner in a maze of idiomatic expressions. The variety 
of their names is sufficient proof of the extraordinary number 
of the proverbs. They are crystallizatjons of some forgotten 
fable or event {adagios) ^ or of a more personal anecdote {anexins), 
or the refrain of a long-lost song {rifoes).^ Or they are moral 
{maximas and sentengas), biblical {proverbios), satirical {dictados 
or ditados, ditos). Many of them embody the wisdom of the 
ages in a form admirably concise and forcible, e. g. Quern muito 
abarca pouco abraga (which is the very reverse of Portuguese 
history : e nulla stringe e tutto 7 mondo abbraccia), or Ate ao 
lavar das cestas e vindima. Many of course correspond more 
or less closely to those of other countries, e. g. Muitas enfei- 
tadores estrag&o a noiva (Too many cooks spoil the broth), Gato 
escaldado de agua fria ha medo (The burnt child fears the fire) ; 
Manhan ruiva, ou vento ou chuva { = Alba gorri, hegoa edo uri) ; 

' The Spanish translator of Eufrosina apparently derived this name from, 
musical notes (= a sung romance), since he translates un romance de sol la, 
Eufr. i. 3 ; iii. 2 {Orig. de la Novela, iii. 77 and no), but even he would not 
derive it from the selah of the Psalms (T. Braga, Hist, da Litt. Port, i (1914), 
p. 205). In the Spanish solao in Obras de Dom Manoel de Portugal (1605), 
Bk. XII, pp. 282-7, each singer takes three lines, of which the last two rhyme 
together. 

' Formerly verbos (e. g. in the Cane, da Vat.) and exemplos (enxem^ros). 

' The word rifao does not now mean the refrain or burden (estribilho) 
of a song but proverb, like the Spanish refrdn. 



LITERATURE OF THE PEOPLE 347 

Pedra movediga ndo cria holor { = Pierre qui route n'amasse pas 
mousse).^ Many of these saws as well as the contos (folk-tales) 
have their birth at fiandoes as the women sit spinning, or as 
nossas velhas sit at their cottage doors and gossip in the sun 
{soalheiro), or as all gather round the spacious lareira. After 
the day's work on the farm, in field and granary, to the sound of 
singing, legend and tradition come into their own of an evening 
round the great fire of logs and scented brushwood. The contos 
have been collected by Z. Consiglieri Pedroso, Portuguese Folk 
Tales (London, 1882) ; F. Adolpho Coelho, Contos Populares Portu- 
guezes (Lisboa, 1879) ; Dr. Theophilo Braga, Contos Tradicionaes 
do Povo Portuguez (2 vols., Porto, 1883) ; F. X. de Athaide Oli- 
veira, Contos Tradicionaes do Algarve (2 vols., Tavira, 1900, 5). 
As was to be expected, they have their equivalents in the folk- 
lore of other nations, a fact which does not prevent them from 
possessing an indigenous character, a charm and flavour of 
their own. The glowing imagination of the peasants spins out 
fairy and allegorical tales with marvellous facility. Thus old 
Mother Poverty {Tia Miseria) owned a pear-tree in front of her 
cottage, and had obtained the privilege that whoever went up 
it to steal her pears should be unable to come down. When 
• Death comes she asks him to fetch her one more pear. Once 
up the tree all the priests and lawyers cannot bring him down, 
and only when he agrees to the bargain that Poverty shall never 
die is she willing to release him. 

A great part of the popular literature has been set down in 
cold print during the last half-century. Much remains un- 
garnered. In every province there are peculiar words, phrases, 
traditions, heirlooms of times prehistoric, waiting to be gathered 
in, and both the Portuguese literature and the Portuguese 
language of the future will owe a debt of gratitude to their 
collectors, and find rich material in the pages of the Revista 
Lusitana. 

§ 2 

The Galician Revival 

For over four hundred years — with the exception of a few 
poems by Padres Jose Sanchez Feijoo and Martin Sarmiento^ 
in the eighteenth century — the Galician language held aloof 
from literature. It was peculiarly fitting that at a time when 

' There is another proverb Mentras a pedra vae e vem Deus dard de seu hem 
(While the [mill ?] stone doth come and go God his blessing shall bestow). 

2 See Antolin L6pez Peldez, Poesias Iniditas del P. Feijoo . . . seguidas 
de las poesias gailegas ' Dialogo de 24 RusHcos ' y '0 Tio Marcos da Portela ' 
por el P. Sarmiento, Tuy, 1901. 



348 APPENDIX 

Portugal was recovering for her own literature the early Galician 
lyrics, which are now one of its most precious possessions, a new 
company of poets should have sprung up in the region now, 
as of old, fertil de poetas ^ — Galicia. They were no doubt multi- 
plied and encouraged by the discovery of the Cancioneiros, but 
began independently of these, in the wake of that regionalism 
which manifested itself so vigorously in the second half of the 
nineteenth century, for instance in Provence, , Catalonia, and 
Valencia. Besides their general character — the mingling of 
irony and sentimental melancholy — and a few conscious imita- 
tions, the new poets and the ancient Cancioneiros present several 
striking similarities. It is now some three-quarters of a century 
since regionalism in Galicia assumed its first literary pretensions. 
In 1861 the poets had become sufficiently numerous and distin- 
guished to warrant the holding of Juegos Florales [xogos froraes) 
at La Coruna. Juan Manuel Pintos (1811-76) had published 
eight years earlier a small volume of verses, A Gaita Gallega 
(Pontevedra, 1853), and Francisco Anon (1817-78) had con- 
tributed poems to various local newspapers. Anon led the life 
of a wandering jogral of old, and his occasional verses soon won 
him popularity, so that he came to be regarded as the father of 
modern Galician poetry. He could express his love for his' 
native province in the tender and melancholy stanzas {abhcdeec) 
A Galicia, and in his other poems, at once ingenuous and satirical; 
he is also thoroughly Galician and foreshadowed the poetry that 
was to follow. A leaflet of his verses appeared in the year after 
his death, Poesias (Noya, 1879), ^^'^ ^ more satisfactory collec- 
tion ten years later : Poesias Castellanas y Gallegas (1889). 
Jose MarIa Posada y Pereira (1817-86), born at Vigo, the 
son of a Vigo advocate, published his first volume of verses in 
1865 and others were collected in Poesias Selectas (1888). The 
second part of this collection (pp. 11 1-250) is written in Spanish, 
but the Galician poems include a series of letters in octosyllabic 
verse, the wistful humour of which is attractive. Born in the same 
year as Anon, he survived Rosalia de Castro, twenty years his 
junior. He survived in disillusion, for he had been one of the 
pioneers and now felt himself neglected in the changed con- 
ditions. When the first floral games were celebrated the most 
talented of these early poets, Alberto Camino (1821-61), had 
but a few months to live. Another generation passed before his 
poems were published : Poesias Gallegas (1896). Camino was 
not a prolific writer, and this tiny book contains but twelve 
of his poems ; but there is not one of them that we would 

' Cf. A. Ribeiro dos Santos, Ohras (MS.), vol. xix, f. 21 : Galicia . . . muito 
dffeita desde alta antiguidade ao exercicio de trovas e cantares. 



THE GALICIAN REVIVAL 349 

willingly miss, whether he is giving harmonious form to a 
poignant theme, as in Nai Chorosa and Desconsolo, or in 
lighter verses describing with a contagious glow and spirit some 
scene of village merriment, as in A Foliada de San Joan or 
Repique. 

Galician patriots, indignant at the neglect or contempt 
habitually meted out to their region, might persevere in their 
belief that the language which had produced the cantigas of 
King Alfonso X, the Portuguese Cancioneiros, and the poems of 
Macias was capable of revival as an instrument of poetry ; 
but it was for the most part by scattered poems, manuscript or 
printed in periodicals (especially the Coruna paper Galicia, 
1860-6), that they justified their faith, until in 1863 appeared 
Cantares Gallegos by Ro3al{a de Castro ^ (1837-85). The 
authoress, born at Santiago, was but twenty-six when this 
collection of poems gave her a wider celebrity than has been 
granted to any Galician writer since Macias Emilio Castelar 
wrote a preface for her second volume, Follas Novas (1880), 
and hailed her as ' a star of the first order '. Indeed, so great 
was her fame as a Galician singer that until recently it obscured 
her Spanish poems, En las orillas del Sar (1884). It was an 
unsought fame. Rosalia de Castro wrote much more than she 
published and destroyed much that was worth publishing. 
She sank herself in Galicia ; her voice is that of the Galician 
gaita in all its varying moods. In her preface to Cantares Gallegos 
she wrote : ' I have taken much care to reproduce the true spirit 
of our people.' That she succeeded in this all critics are agreed. 
A favourite method in the Cantares Gallegos is to take a popular 
quatrain and develop it at some length, as, for instance, in the 
beautiful variations on the lines Airinos, airinos, aires, Airinos 
da mina terra, Airinos, airinos, aires, Airinos, levaime a ela.^ 
Here, as throughout the book, there is such yearning passionate 
sadness that we may say, in her own words, non canta que cKora. 
The sadness is of soedade and brooding over her country's 
plight. She has felt all the peasants' sorrows, the longing of the 
emigrant for his country, the fate of the women at home who 
find no rest from toil but in the grave,^ above all the neglect 
and poverty in which those sorrows centre — with the result 
of sons torn from their families and scattered abroad to Castile 

1 Or Rosalia Castro de (or y) Murguia. Her husband, Don Manuel de 
MuEGUiA (bom in 1833), author of Los Precursores (1886), Diccionario de 
Escritores Gallegos (1862), and other works devoted to the study of Galicia, 
its ethnology and history, is still alive. 

2 O winds of my country blowing softly together. Winds, winds, gentle 
winds, O carry me thither ! (1909 ed., pp. 95-8). 

' Follas Novas : Duas palabras d'a autora, 1910 ed., p. 31. 



350 APPENDIX 

and Portugal and across the seas in search of bread. Her themes 
are thus often homely ; their treatment is always plaintive and 
musical. The metres used are very various. The book opens 
with a chain of muineiras singing Galicia frorida, and the rhyth- 
mical beat of the muineira constantly recurs throughout. Nothing 
could serve better to express, as she so marvellously expresses, 
the very soul of the Galician peasantry in its gentle, dreaming 
wistfulness and tearful humour. Her style is so thin and dehcate, 
yet so flowing and natural, that it is more akin, almost, to music 
than to language. Few writers have attained such perfection with- 
out a trace of artifice. It is Galician — esta fala mimosa ^ — seen 
at its best; clear, soft, and pliant, rising in protest or reproach to a 
silvery eloquence. In Follas Novas the melancholy note is accen- 
tuated, without becoming morbid : the new leaves are autumnal. 
The music of her sad and exquisite poetry had been forged 
in the crucible of her own not imaginary suffering and grief, and 
in these lyrics she utters her inmortales deseios (immortal long- 
ings) as well as the woes of the peasant women of Galicia, 
' widows of the living and widows of the dead '. New metres 
are introduced, the old skill and perfection of form is main- 
t-ained. A few poems in the second half even succeed in repeat- 
ing that identification between the poet and the genius of the 
people which makes much of Cantares Gallegos almost anony- 
mous and assures its immortality. 

Midway between the publication of Cantares Gallegos and 
Follas Novas appeared the first volume of Galician verse by the 
blind poet of Orense, Valentin Lamas Carvajal (1849-1906). 
This book, Espinas, Follas e Frores (1871), has remained the 
most popular of his works. ^ He is a true poet of the soil {poeta 
del terruno), the soil of Galicia which he sings with melancholy 
charm, and his verse is filled with soedades. He complains of 
the peasant's lot, protests against its injustice and the tyranny 
of the caciques, laments the drain on Galicia's best forces through 
emigration and military service, and his later work especially 
betrays a rustic cynicism and disillusion. But the value both 
of his first book and of Saudades Gallegas (1889) and A Miisa 
d'as Aldeas [iSgo) is that in them speak the voices of the peasants. 
Only occasionally does Aesop or Macias intrude to dispel the 
charm, and even sophisticated touches — as when he speaks of 
' this century of enlightenment ', of Galicia as ' a poetical 
garden ', or of the tamborileiro as ' the inseparable companion ' 

» Follas Novas (1910 ed.), p. 254. 

" A sixth edition appeared in 1909, whereas most books of Galician verse 
cling to the obscurity of their first edition or at best obtain a second in the 
hospitable Biblioteca Gallega. 



THE GALICIAN REVIVAL 351 

of the gaiteiro — are not out of keeping, since the peasant; to 
whom a long word is a sign of education, will in ambitious 
moments use such phrases. The Galician peasants are shown 
in their sadness and superstitions, at their common tasks and 
festas. When Lamas Carvajal is describing an escasula^ or 
a fiadeiro,'^ a dance in the beaten space before the doors {baile 
de turreiro), a foliada^ in honour of some saint, a ruada or 
rueiro (street courting), a summer romaxe oxromaria (pilgrimage), 
or autumn magosto (feast of chestnuts), his melancholy almost 
deserts him, and he can sing, in his own phrase, 

Algun ledo cantar d'a sua terrina. 

The toil often becomes a, festa, in which, he says, there is more 
mirth than in all the city's joys. In Ey, boy, ey he admirably 
reproduces the thoughts of the slow-footed, slow-reasoning 
peasant as he trudges along to market in front of his droning 
and shrieking ox-cart. And, generally, all the life of the pro- 
vince of Orense is in his poems : witches, exercisers, beatas, 
curandeiros (to whom the peasants turn in place of the doctor), 
pilgrims, blind singers, santeiros selling images of saints, the 
wailing alalaa, the evening litany or rosario, the angelus [Ave 
Maria or as animas, or tocar as or acids). The gaiteiro, of course, 
is a prominent figure, for without his bagpipe (the gaita gallega) 
and the accompanying drum [tamboril), cymbals (ferrinas, 
conchas), tambourine (pandeiro, pandeireta), and castanets 
{castanolas),^ no village fSte would be welcome or complete, and 
his alborada or his rhythmical dance-song, the muineira, is the 
emblem of all the peasant's pleasures. Melancholy pervades 
the Rimas (1891) of D. Juan BArcia Caballero (born in 1852), 
but it is no longer the melancholy of the peasant, but of the 
poet. His verse is more artificial and subjective, and expres- 
sions such as the ' bed of Aurora ', ' Olympic disdain ', ' the 
Nereids ', carry us far away from the peasant scenes so pleasantly 
described by Lamas Carvajal. Yet in his lyrics lives a faint 
music which raises them above the commonplace. He writes 
of moonlight, the fall of the leaves, a flowing stream, tears, 
death, and admires Heine and Leopardi ; but in his slight 
fancies, often built into a single brief sentence, he has a natural 
charm of his own. 

' Esfolhada or desfolla : gathering to husk the maize. 

' Fiada, fiandon : a rustic tertulia (evening party) of women to spin. 

^ Fuliada, afidiada, folion. 

» In Tras-os-Montes potatoes are called castanholas, i.e. large chestnuts, 
which recalls the fact that Andrea Navagero, eating potatoes for the first 
time at Seville in 1526, considered them to taste like chestnuts. In parts 
of Galicia they are called castafias d'a terra. 



352 APPENDIX 

Benito Losada (1824-91) gained great popularity in Galicia 
with his Continos (1888), epigrammatic and often far from 
edifying stories in verse which mostly do not exceed ten lines. 
He is said to have had them printed on matchboxes ad maiorem 
gloriam, but for this he was probably not responsible. More 
interesting and equally racy of the soil are the poems of his 
Soaces d'un Velio (1886), of which the continos d'a terra form only 
Part 3. The first part consists of a long legend in octosyllabic 
verse, and in the second some thirty poems give a coloured, 
homely, delightful picture of peasant life in Galicia : 

En fias e espadelas, 
En festas, en foliadas^ 

— song and dance, the pot of chestnuts [zonchos] over the lareira 
fire on the night of All Saints' Day, the ox-girl quietly singing, 
the girl with spindle and distaff keeping the cows, the sorrowful, 
hard-working peasant women, the priests exorcising those 
possessed by the Devil. The gay notes of the gaita with its 
plaintive undertone sound from his pages. The language, 
a garrida lengua nosa, has rarely been written more idiomatically 
or with a surer instinct for the force and fascination of the 
native word used in its rightful place. To turn from Losada 
to Eduardo Pondal (1835-1917), the poet of Ponteceso, a 
small village in the district of Corufia, is to go from a village 
praga to a high mountain-top. He stands quite apart from the 
other Galician poets. ^ Their irony and scepticism, sorrows and 
mirth, are mostly of the peasant. But here we have no dance 
or rustic merriment. The pipe and the drum give place to the 
wind blowing through an Aeolian harp. The poet 

Sofia antr'as uces hirtas 
Na gentil arpa apoyado 
En donde vento suspira.* 

He is a lonely, martial spirit, disdainful but never arrogant, 
hating all servitude and looking upon a comfortable inertness as 
a kind of servitude. There is no pettiness in him, although 
details of Nature he may notice and love. The most learned of 
Galician poets, and not sparing of classical allusions, he is yet 
entirely merged in the forces of Nature and becomes a voice, 
a mystery. Some of his poems are a single sentence of perhaps 
twenty words, a musical cry borne slowly away on the wings 

' Soaces, p. 156. The espadela is the task of braking flax. 
' Perhaps the only poem that might have been written by Pondal is that 
on p. 177 (the first verse) of Rosalia de Castro's Follas Novas (1910 ed.). 
' Queixumes dos Finos (1886), p. lOi. 



THE GALICIAN REVIVAL 353 

of the wind. He sings of mists (the Gallegan britoma) and 
pregnant silences, the whispering of the pines, the great chestnut- 
trees and Celtic oaks, of the swift daughter of the mists and the 
' intrepid daughter of the noble Celts ', of old forgotten far-off 
things, battles long ago. One must go to Ireland for a parallel. 
It has been noticed of him that he is entirely pre-Christian ; 
he is almost prehistoric. His long epic on the discovery of 
America, in twenty-seven cantos, Os Eoas, remained unpublished 
at his death. Nor would it be easy to account for his popularity 
were it not for the poem by which he won early fame : A Campana 
d'Anllons. It is full of music and melancholy, a plaintive fare- 
well addressed to his native village by a Galician peasant 
imprisoned at Oran. His subsequent verses, collected in Rumores 
de los Pinos (1879) ^'^d Queixumes dos Pinos (1886), if they 
could not increase his popularity, brought him a wide recognition 
among all lovers of poetry. The undefinable fascination of 
many of these poems is due to their aloofness, tenderness, and 
sorrowful music. He is a genuine Celtic bard, child of the wind 
and the rain, with Rosalia de Castro the truest poet produced 
by modern Galicia. 

The most prorpinent of the later Galician poets was Manuel 
CuRROS Enriquez (1851-1908), whose work Aires d'a mina 
terra (1880) was condemned by the Bishop of Orense and repub- 
lished in the following year. Born at Celanova in the middle 
of the nineteenth century, he studied law at Santiago de Com- 
postela and became a journalist. His advanced opinions caused 
him to emigrate, first to London, then to South America.' His 
anticlericalism was pronounced in Aires d'a mina terra, and 
even more so in a forcible satire describing a pilgrimage to 
Rome, written in triadas^ and entitled Divino Sainete (1888). 
He writes of dogma assassinating liberty, heaps abuse on Ignacio 
de Loyola, hails the advent of the railway to Galicia as bringing 
not priests but progress. All this has caused his poems to be 
widely read. But the reader has the agreeable surprise to find 
that many of them deal quite simply with the legends [A Virxe 
d'o Cristal) or customs ( Unha Boda en Einibo, Gueiteiro, &c.) 
of his native country, and show a true poetic power and a quiet 
and accurate observation of Nature. We forget all about anti- 
clericalism and the Pope in reading of spring in Galicia, of the 
xentis andurinas, the anemas ringing, and the children who 
come singing a mayo and asking for chestnuts. Curros Enriquez 
would not be a Gahcian were not his work of amelancholy cast, 
and the charm of some of his poems is also indigenous. The 

• For an earlier example of the same kind of tercets (abacdcefe) see R. de 
Castro, Follas Novas, 1910 ed., p. 158. 
2362 Z 



354 APPENDIX 

torch of Galician poetry burnt on after Curros Enriquez had 
ceased to write. D. Evaristo Martelo Pauman (born c. 1853) 
in his Liricas Gallegas (1891) showed that he possessed the 
traditional charm and satire of Gahcian verse, but a charm 
and satire that in his case had become all individual and sub- 
jective. Aureliano J. Pereira (-f-igoe), author of Cousas 
d'a Aldea (1891), displayed a rustic humour in sketching with 
many a gay note the life of the Galician peasantry, and, in his 
more subjective poems, a very real and delicate lyrical gift. A 
sly humour also marks the work of Alberto GARcf a Ferreiro « 
(1862-1902) in Volvoretas (1887) and Chorimas (1890). It is 
sometimes marred by the bitterness of his anticlerical and 
anti-Spanish feeling. In the stream's voice he hears a murmur 
against the mayor and the judge, the cacique is ' dragon, tiger 
and snake ', the monks and priests are greedy and ignorant. 
On the other hand, when they describe a fair {N'a feira) or a 
pilgrimage or the woes of the Galician emigrant, his poems are 
moving, vivid, and full of local colour. In a slight volume of 
poems, Salayos (1895), Manuel NtjNEz Gonzalez (1865-1917) 
shows true lyrical power. They are poems in Galician rather 
than of Galicia, telling in a plaintive music qf night, autumn, 
morrma, soedades. For all the author's love of his smaller 
country, it is Galicia seen from without,-^ or sung from 
memory. The ' vintage songs and the gay din of chestnut 
gatherings' are no longer, as with Losada and Lamas, a part of 
life, but ' a dream in the ideal realm of thought',^ a subject of 
disillusion and regret. Folerpas^ (1894) by D. Eladio Ro- 
driguez Gonzalez (born in 1864) is also essentially not of the 
people. In its less elaborate poems it often describes, attrac- 
tively and with much colour, popular customs and dances, the 
night of St. John, as festas d'a mina terra. Yet after recording 
the pleasant superstition that on St. John's Day the sun rises 
dancing, the author must needs pause to say ' away with these 
fanatical beliefs, unworthy of a civihzed region ', to which the 
answer is that such reflections may be sincere but are unworthy 
of poetry, and should be elxpressed in prose. But the author 
of these verses can, when he wishes, identify himself with the 
peasants whose life he depicts,* and is capable of writing poems 

• The very word morrifla is more common (in the sense of saudade) at Madrid 
than in Galicia. 

" Salayos, p. 65. 

' Also flepa, fokpa, folepifia, Portuguese folheca—floco, froco, copo{= 
' flake ') . 

' The passage {Folerpas.-p. 182) in which a peasant, refusing alms to an old 
woman, bids her beg of the rich, is scarcely drawn from life. 



THE GALICIAN REVIVAL 355 

of great delicacy. The general impression is that he has not 
grown up among these scenes but is observing them keenly as 
might a stranger. The edict of the Archbishop of Santiago 
(June 26, 1909), which made it a deadly sin to read Fume de 
Palla (1909), by ' Alfredo Nun de Allariz ', as containing 
impious, blasphemous, and heretical propositions, gave these 
poems a wider publicity than they might otherwise have attained, 
and they received a second edition in the same year. It certainly 
savours of blasphemy and is bad criticism to call Curros Enriquez 
the Galician Christ, but it is to be feared that the excommunica- 
tion of the author will only encourage him to abandon ' simple 
verses written without art ', as in his preface he describes these, 
for more studied poems with a thesis to prove. It is perhaps 
disquieting to find that three poets in most respects so different, 
agree in this, that between them and popular poetry a gulf is 
fixed, owing to the sensitive aloofness of a true poet (for Nunez 
Gonzalez was undoubtedly the most talented of the younger 
Galicians), or owing to the adoption of the superior standpoint 
of the rationalist or the anticlerical. Younger poets of remark- 
able promise and achievement are D. Gonzalo Lopez Abente 
(born in 1878), a relative of Eduardo Pondal, whom he some- 
times recalls in the original inspiration of Escumas da Ribeira 
(1914) and Alento da Raza (1917) ; D. Antonio Noriega Varela 
(born in 1869), whose deep love for his native moors and moun- 
tains gives an eternal magic to Montanesas (1904) and D'O 
Ermo (1920) ; D. Ramon Cabanillas, who voices the sorrows 
and aspirations of Galicia in Vento Mareiro and Da Terra Asobal- 
lada (1917) ; and D. Antonio Rey Soto, who, however, writes 
chiefly in Castilian. D. Xavier Prado expresses the very soul 
of the peasantry in A Caron do Lume (1918). The poets of the last 
half-century have unquestionably justified the literary revival of 
the Galician language, and even if in the future no poetry of 
the highest order be written in Galicia, it is unthinkable that so 
musical an instrument should be allowed to perish. Galician 
poetry may be a thin, an elfin music, a scrannel voice, as of 
a wind blowing through tamarisks, but it has a natural charm, 
a raciness, a native atmosphere which give it a peculiar flavour 
and attraction. Literary contests, veladas, certames, xogos 
froraes, keep the flame of poetry alive in Galicia, but in its 
anonymous form it is a very vigorous growth which needs no 
fostering, and flourishes now as it flourished in the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries, as it flourished in the time of the Romans. 
Hundreds of anonymous quadras (cantiga, cantor, cantarino, 
cantilena, cantiguela, cantiguina, copra, or cancid) have been 
collected in the Cancionero Popular Gallego (Madrid, 3 vols., 

z 2 



356 APPENDIX 

1886) by Jose Perez Ballesteros (figiS). The peasant women 
compose and sing their songs to-day^ as when Fray Martin Sar- 
miento (1695-1772) noticed that en Galicia las mujeres no solo 
son poetisas sino tambien mAsicas naturales,^ or the Marques de 
Montebello hstened to los tonos que a coros cantan con fugas y 
repeticiones las mozuelas, or the Archpriest of Hita watched the 
cantaderas dancing (as well as singing) in neighbouring Asturias.^ 
The ancient muineira rhythm continues, and the parallel- 
strophed songs of the early Cancioneiros have their echoes in 
the anonymous poetry of to-day. It is, indeed, of interest to 
note how the poets of the revival fall quite naturally into the 
same parallelism and the same repetition.* Besides these 
muineiras the popular poetry consists principally of quadras.^ 
Traditional romances are nearly non-existent. This popular 
poetry (soft, musical, malicious, satirical) connects by a thread 
of anonymous song the Galicia of to-day with the whole of its 
past life, and the revivalists are likely to prosper in proportion 
as they seek their inspiration in popular sources, as di4 Rosalia 
de Castro. For the Galician peasants, living in a land of mists 
and streams, inlet arms of sea, dark pinewoods, deep-valleyed 
mountains, green maize-fields, and grey mysterious rocks, a 
land of spirits and fairies and witches, of legends and ruins, have 
the Celt's instinct and love of poetry. Poetry is their natural 
expression. For prose in Galician literature there is less genius, 
and perhaps less incentive, since the country has been described 
with intimate knowledge and charm in the Castilian novels of Dona 
Emilia Pardo Bazan (1851-1921) and Don Ramon Maria del 
Valle-Inclan (born in 1870), and more recently by Don Jaime Sola 
(born in 1877). But the value and possibilities of Galician prose 
have been shown by D. Aurelio Ribalta (born in 1864) in 

' Cf. Cancionero, i. 50 : Canlade, nenas, caniade ; G. Ferreiro, Chonmas, 
p. 76, as cantiguifias das mofas ; R. de Castro, Cant. Gail., p. 102, As 
meninas cantan, cantan. Cf . also E. Pardo Bazdn, De mi tierra (1888), p. 122 : 
las [coplas'] gallegas de las cuales buena parte debe ser obra de hembras. 

" Memorias para la historia de la poesia y poetas espanoles (Obras Postumas, 
vol. i, Madrid, 1775, p. 238, § 538). 

' See C. da Ajuda, ed. C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos (1904), ii. 902. 

* Cf. R. de Castro, Cantares Gallegos (1909 ed.), p. 18 (mantelo, refaixo), 
p. 19 (mar, rio), pp. 20-1 (e-a), p. 27 (terras, vilas), p. 29 (pousaban, vivian), 
p. 85 (vestira, calzara) ; Follas Novas (1910 ed.), p. 229 (a-e) ; Aires d'a 
mirla terra (ed. 191 1), p. 35 (queria, pensaba), p. 139 (i-a), p. 249 (d miles, 
d centos) ; Chorimas, p. 36 (estrevidos, ousados) ; A. Camino, Poesias Gallegas, 
p. 19 : Qui noite aquela en que eu a vin gemindo ! {chorar /). 

* Quatrains of which lines 2 and 4 are in rhyme or assonance, e.g. Rulina 
que vas volando Sin facer caso d ninguen, Vai e dille a aquela nena Que sempre 
a quixen ben. Tercetos are rarer (aba). Sometimes the quadra is really 
a tercet with line i repeated (aaba). 



THE GALICIAN REVIVAL 357 

Ferruxe (1894) and by D. Manuel Lugris y Freire (born in 1863) 
in Contos de Asieumedre (1909). It is, indeed, in the conto tliat 
especial success has been won, and Heraclio Perez Placer, 
whose novel Prediccion appeared in 1887, is widely known for 
his Contos, Leendas e Tradicios de Galicia (1891), Contos da 
Terrina (1895), and Veira do Lar (1901). Contos da Terrina, 
thirty-four stories in some two hundred brief pages, are various 
and unequal in value. Most of them are sad, even the harmless 
St. Martin magosto ends in a death. They contain many in- 
timate descriptions of Galicia and the life of the villages about 
Orense. There is much pathos in Vellina, mina vellina !, in 
Rapanota de Xasmis, and especially in Follas Secas, an exquisite 
picture of an old peasant dying alone in a dark room — its walls 
are black with smoke, yellow maize-cobs hang from the ceiling — 
while through the open door come all the gay sounds and colours 
of a GaHcian vintage. The poetess Francisca Herrera, author 
of Almas de Muller (1915) and Sor-risas e Bdgoas (1918), has 
recently turned to prose with remarkable success in NSveda 
(1920). Few Galician poets have published volumes of prose, 
although many have contributed as journalists to the local 
press, but it would be difficult to find a prose-writer who is not 
also a poet.^ And it is by its poetry that Galicia has won for 
itself a notable place in modern literature and added another 
leaf to the literary laurels of the Peninsula. 

' D. Aurelio Ribalta is author in verse of Os meus votos (1903) and 
Libra de Konsagrazidn (1^10) ; D. Manuel Lugris of Soidades (1894), Noitebras 
(1910) ; Snr. Perez Placer of Cantares Gallegos (1891). D. Florencio Vaa- 
MONDE (bom in i860), author of a Resume da Historia de Galicia (1898), 
also wrote, in verse, Os Calaicos (1894). Recently Galician lij^rature has 
found a keen historian in D. Eugenic Carr£ Aldao, whose Literatura 
Gallega (2nd ed., 1911) also contains an anthology. 



INDEX 



Aboim (D. Joan de), 46, 52. 
Abranches, Conde de, 88. 
Abreu Mousinho (Manuel de), 203. 
Academia das Sciencias de Portugal, 

284. 
Academia dos Esquecidos, 261. 
Academia dos Generosos, 261. 
Academia dos Singulares, 261. 
Academia Real da Historia, 270. 
Academia Real das Sciencias de Lis- 

boa, 14, 15, 284, 294. 
Acenheiro. See Rodriguez Azinheiro. 
Ados dos Aposiolos, 59. 
Adagios, 346. 
Addison (Joseph), 290. 
Aesop, 60, 350. 
Afonso I, 188, 211, 305, 307. 
Afonso III, 38, 42, 46, 52. 
Afonso IV, 38, 87. 
Afonso V, 82, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92, 93, 

100, III, 211, 261. 
Afonso VI, 260, 268, 295, 311. 
Afonso, Infante [xiii c], 67. 
Afonso, Infante [xiv c], 67, 70. 
Afonso, Infante [xv c], 88, 100, loi, 

103. 
Afonso, Mestre, 220. 
Afonso (Gregorio), 124. 
Afonso (Martim), Mestre, 220. 
Aguia, A, 333. 
Agustobrica, 234. 
Airas (Joan), 52. 
Aires (Francisco), 247. 
Alarc6n (Pedro Antonio de), 297. 
Alarte (Vicente) pseud. See Gomez de 

Moraes. 
Albuquerque (Afonso de), 57, 88, 99. 

107, 108, 116, 127, 190, 191, 194, 

198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 209, 220, 

228-9, 260, 312, 
Albuquerque (Bras de), 201-2. 
Albuquerque (Jeronymo de), 204. 
Albuquerque (D. Jorge de), 218. 
Alcoba9a (Bernardo de), 59, 95- 
Alcoforado (Marianna), 263-4, 3°7- 
Aleandro, Cardinal, 126. 
Aleixo, Vida de Santo, 60. 
Alexandra, Queen, 340. 
Alfieri (Vittorio), 290. 
Alfonso X, 13, 26, 28, 30, 37, 40, 41-6, 



.53. 34. 55. 56, 59. 61, 69, 91, 98, 
103, 124, 126, 349. 

Alfonso XI, 38, 42, 90. 

Alfonso Onceno, Poema de, 73. 

Almeida (Cristovam de), 245. 

Almeida (Diogo de), 192. 

Almeida (Fortunato de), 307. 

Almeida (D. Francisco de), 92, 98. 

Almeida (D. Leonor de), 276. 

Almeida (Lopo de), 92, 128. 

Almeida (Manuel de), 205. 

Almeida (Rodrigo Antonio de), 163. 

Almeida (Theodoro de), 285. 

Almeida e Medeiros (Lourengo de), 
301. 

Almeida Garrett (Joao Baptista da 
Silva Leitao), Visconde de, 21, 33, 
74, 186, 242, 261, 277, 279, 287- 
92, 293, 294, 299,300, 302, 309, 338. 

Alorna, Marquesa de [D. Leonor de Al- 
meida Portugal Lorena e Lencastre, 
Condessa de Assumar, Condessa de 
Oeynhausen], 274, 276-7, 294. 

Alvarengo Peixoto (Ignacio Jose de), 
274. 

Alvarez (Afonso), 157. 

Alvarez (Francisco), 33, 219-20, 224. 

Alvarez (Joao), 89. 

Alvarez (Luis), 245. 

Alvarez de Andrade (Fernam), 239. 

Alvarez de Lousada Machado (Gas- 
par), 62. 

Alvarez de Villasandino (Alfonso), 77, 

79. 125- 
Alvarez do Onente (Fernam), 152, 

253. 255- 
Alvarez Pereira (Nuno), 50, 62, 81, 

84, 86, 92, 155, 291, 306, 307. 
Amadis de Gaula, 64, 65-71, 119, 225. 
Amaral (Antonio Caetano do), 292. 
Amaral (Francisco do), 245. 
_Amaro, Vida de Santo, 60. 
Ambrogini (Angelo). See Poliziano. 
Amigo (Pedro) de Sevilha, 51. 
Amorim. See Gomes de Amorim. 
Andrade (Antonio de), 204. 
Andrade (Francisco de), 189, 209, 

224, 239. 
Andrade (Thom6 de). See Jesus 

(Thom6 de). 
Andrade Caminha (Pero de), 143, 

149-50, 213. 



36o 



INDEX 



Andrade Corvo (Joao de), 295. 
Andrade e Silva (Jos6 Bonifacio de), 

274. 
Anez Solaz (Pedro), 29. 
Angeles (Juan de los), 250. 
Angra, Bishop of, 287. 
Anjos (Luis dos), 247. 
Anjos (Manuel dos), 247. 
Annunzio (Gabriele d'), 321. 
Anon (Francisco), 348. 
Anrique. See Henrique. 
Anriquez (Luis), 100, 102-3. 
Antonio, Mestre, 125. 
Antonio, D., Prior of Crato, 145, 195, 

229, 236, 263. 
Antonio (Nicolds), 68, 93, 130, 169, 

192, 197, 207, 212. 
Antunes (Joao), 249. 
Aquinas (Thomas). See Thomas. 
Araujo (Joaquim de), 335. 
Araujo de Azevedo (Antonio de), 273. 
Arcadia, A Nova, 270. 
Arcadia Ulyssiponense, 270, 271, 272, 

273- 
Archivo Hisiorico Poriuguez, 308. 
Argote de Molina (Gonzalo), 77. 
Arias Montano (Benito), 209. 
Ariosto (Lodovico), 139, 140, 146, 

152, 164, 180, 197, 260. 
Aristotle, 85, 90, 92, 119, 163, 193. 
Arnoso, Bernardo Pinheiro CorrSa 

de Hello, Conde de, 324. 
Arquivo. See Archivo. 
Arquivo Hisiorico PortuguSs. See 

Archivo Hisiorico Portuguez. 
Arraez (Jeronimo), 238. 
Arraez de Mendofa (Amador), 16, 

227, 232, 235, 237-8. 
Arie de Furtar, 125, 264-5, 272. 
Asenjo Barbieri (Francisco), 36, 123. 
Athaide (Catherina de), 175, 179. 
Athaide Oliveira (Francisco Xavier 

de), 347. 
Augustine, Saint, 26, 56, loi, 115. 
Austen (Jane), 316. 
Auto da Fome, 162. 
Auto da Forneira de Aljubarroia, 163. 
Auto da Gerafao Humana, 156. 
Auio das Padeiras, 162. 
Auio de Deus Padre, 156-7. 
Auto del Nascimiento de Christo, 155. 
Auio de Santa Genoveva, 162. 
Auio do Dia de Juizo, 157. 
Auio do Escudeiro Surdo, 125. 
Auto Figurado da Degolagdo dos 

Inocentes, 162. 
Aveiro, D. Joao de Lencastre, Duqne 

de, 221. 
Aveiro, Dukes of, 71. 
Aveiro (Pantaleam de), 220. 



Avellar Brotero (Felix de), 17. 
Avicenna, 85. 

Avis, Mestre de. See Joao I. 
Ayres de Magalhaes Sepulveda (Cris- 

tovam), 223, 334-5. 
Ayres Victoria (Anrique), 165. 
Azevedo (Briolanja de), 142. 
Azevedo (Guilherrae de) . See Azevedo 

Chaves. 
Azevedo (Joao Lucio de), 307. 
Azevedo (Luis de), 100. 
Azevedo (Manuel de), 17. 
Azevedo (Maximiliano Eugenio de), 

310. 
Azevedo (Pedro A. de), 13, 81, 211, 

308. 
Azevedo Chaves (Guilherme Avelino 

de), 330. 
Azevedo Tojal (Pedro de), 274. 
Azinheiro. See Rodriguez Azinheiro. 
Azorin pseud. [Don Jose Martinez 

Ruiz], 134, 326. 
Azurara. See Zurara. 



Bacellar (Antonio Barljosa). See 

Barbosa Bacellar. 
Bacon (Francis), 209. 
Bahia (Jeroniino), 256. 
Baiao (Antonio), 13. 
Baist (Gottfried), 65, 70. 
Balzac (Honors de), 299. 
Bandarra (Gongalo Annez), 265, 268, 

340-1- 
Bandello (Matteo), 231. 
Barata (Antonio Francisco), 272. 
Barbieri (Francisco Asenjo). See 

Asenjo Barbieri. 
Barbosa (Ayres), 106. 
Barbosa (Duarte), 198, 219, 227. 
Barbosa Bacellar (Antonio), 256. 
Barbosa de Carvalho (Tristao), 247. 
Barbosa Machado (Diogo), 87, 168, 

192, 197, 217, 220, 232, 236, 240, 

250, 284. 
Barcellos, Conde de. See Pedro 

Afonso. 
Barcia Caballero (Juan), 351. 
Baretti (Giuseppe), 270. 
Barlaam e Josaphai, Lenda dos Santos, 

59- 
Barradas (Manuel), 205. 
Barreira (Jfoao da), 203. 
Barreiros (Gaspar), 219. 
Barreiros (Lopo), 219. 
Barreto (Francisco), 177, 178, 195. 
Barreto (Pedro), 178. 
Barros (Bras de), 95. 
Barros (Guilherme Augusto de), 295. 
Barros (Joao de), 20, 69, 75, 86, 88, 



INDEX 



361 



95, H3, 169, 180, 181, 184, 190, 
192-5. 196, 197, 198, 201, 206, 207, 
208, 215, 216, 218, 220, 232, 233, 

243. 344- 
Barros (Joao de), of Oporto, 68, 125, 

253- 
Barros (Joao de), poet, 336. 
Barros (Lopo de), 192. 
Baudelaire (Charles), 336. 
Beatriz, Infanta, mother of King 

Manuel, in. 
Beatriz, Infanta, daughter of King 

Manuel, 120, 133, 291. 
Beauvais (Vincent de), 44. 
Beccari (Camillo), 205. 
Beckford (William), in, 277, 296. 
Beirao (Mario), 334. 
Beja, Bishop of. See Villas-Boas. 
Belchior, Padre, 223. 
Bembo (Pietro), 39, 140, 212. 
Bento, Regra de S., 59. 
Berceo (Gonzalo de), 43. 
Beresford (William Carr), Viscount, 

290. 
Berger (S.), 338. 
Bermudez (Geronimo), 165. 
Bernard, St., 94, 207. 
Bemardes (Manuel), 14, 16, 20, 224, 

245, 249-50, 261. 
Bemardes (Maria), 249. 
Bernardez (Diogo), 14, 143, 145-7, 

148, 149.153, 181, 183, 184, 185, 272. 
Bezerra (Branca), no. 
Bible, The, 59, 94, 95, 113, 128, 170, 

246, 251, 338. 
Biester (Ernesto), 314. 
Bilac (Olavo), 335. 

Bingre (Francisco Joaquim), 270. 

Bluteau (Raphael), 284-5. 

Bocage (Manuel Maria de Barbosa 
du), 186, 275, 277-8, 281. 

Bocarro (Antonio), 198. 

Boccaccio (Giovanni), 132, 231, 340. 

Boccalini (Traiano), 255. 

Boileau (Nicolas), 274. 

Bonamis, 122. 

Bonaval (Bernaldo de), 28, 29. 

Bonifazio II, 41. 

Bonilla y San Martin (Adolfo), 339. 

Boosco Delleytoso, 93-4. 

Bordallo (Francisco Maria), 316. 

Borges (Gonpalo), 176. 

Bornelh (Guiraut de), 48, 344. 

Boron [=Borron] (Robert de), 64. 

Boscdn Almogaver (Juan), 58, 136, 
140, 143, 154, 160, 172, 181. 

Bosco Deleitoso. See Boosco Delley- 
toso. 

Bosque (Dimas), 226. 

Boswell (James), 302. 



Botelho (Abel Acacio de Almeida), 
311, 321-2. 

Botelho (Afonso), 325. 

Bouterwek (Friedrich), 14, 137. 

Braamcamp Freire (Anselmo), 14, 15, 
81, 84, 112, 115, 308. 

Braga (Alberto Leal Barradas Mon- 
teiro), 325-6. 

Braga (Guilherme), 330. 

Braga (Joaquim Theophilo Fer- 
nandes), 14, 15, 23, 24, 37, 65, 70, 
74. 75. 76, 90, III, 112, 133, 137, 
142, 231, 253, 304, 309, 342, 344. 

345. 347- 
Braganza. Ferdinand, Duke of, 97. 
Braganza, Isabella, Duchess of, 149. 
Braganza, James, Duke of, 103, 120. 
Braganza, John, Duke of. See 

Joao IV. 
Braganza, Theodosio, Duke of, 147, 

153- 
Brancuti, di CagH, Paolo Antonio, 

Conte, 37. 
Brandao (Antonio), 73, 207, 208, 216. 
Brandao (Diogo), 102, 103-4. 
Brandao (Francisco), 62, 208. 
Brandao (Hilario), 241. 
Brandao (Julio), 327-8, 335. 
Brandao (Maria), 137. 
Brandao (Raul), 328. 
Braunfels (Ludwig von), 65. 
Bridges (Robert), 336. 
Brito (Bernardo de), 18, 72, 139, 206- 

8, 215, 216, 251. 
Brito (Duarte de), 104, 118, 124, 127. 
Brito Aranha (Pedro Wenceslau de), 

308. 
Brito de Andrade (Balthasar de), 207. 
Brito Pestana (Alvaro de), 100, loi, 

127. 
Brito Rebello (Jacinto Ignacio de), 

112, 168. 
Brochado (Luis), 341. 
Brul§ (Gace), 48. 
Bruno pseud. See Pereira de Sam- 

paio. 
Buchanan (George), 106. 
Bulhao Pato (Raimundo Antonio), 

302-3. 
Bunyan (John), 249. 
Buonarroti (Michelangelo), 230. 
Burgos (Andr6 de), 18, 203. 
Bussinac (Peire de), 47. 
Byron, George Gordon Noel, Lord, 

183, 302. 



Caamooes. See Camoes. 
Caballero (Ferndn) pseud. [Cecilia 
Bohl de Faber], 316. 



362 



INDEX 



Cabanillas (Ramon), 355. 

Cabedo de Vasconcellos (Jos6de), 109. 

Cabral (Paulo Antonio), 278. 

Cabral (Pedro Alvarez), 107. 

Cacegas (Luis de), 242. 

Caceres (Louren9o de), 191, 192. 

Caiel pseud. See Pestana (Alice). 

Cairel (Elias), 112. 

Caldas (Jos6 de), 321. 

Caldeira (Fernando Afonso Geraldes), 

310. 
Calder6n de la Barca (Pedro), 129, 

130, 249. 
Calvo (Pedro), 244. 
Camacho (Diogo), 256. 
Camara (D. Joao Gon9alves Zarco 

da), 311, 326, 327. 
Caminha (Antonio Louren9o), 147. 
Caminha (Joao), 149, 150. 
Camino (Alberto), 34S-9. 
Camoes (Luis de), 14, 16, 20, 77, 130, 

139. 147. 148. 149. 150. 152, 153. 

155, 158, 166, 167, 174-86, 193, 

197, 204, 206, 216, 217, 226, 229, 

256, 258, 259, 260, 261, 272, 277, 

278, 281, 338. 
Campancho (Airas). See Carpancho. 
Campos (Agostinho de), 231. 
Campos (Claudia de), 324. * 

Campos Moreno (Diogode), 204. 
Cancioneirinho de Trovas Antigas, 36, 

37. 39- 
Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti, 27, 36, 

37. 38, 63, 66, 69, 70, 140. 
Cancioneiro da Ajuda, 36, 37, 38, 39, 

56, 61. 
Cancioneiro da Vaticana, 13, 36, 37, 

38. 50. 73. 96, 98, 125, 344. 

Cancioneiro del Rei D. Dinis, 36, 37. 

Cancioneiro de Resende. See Can- 
cioneiro Geral. 

Cancioneiro Galhgo-Castelhano, 36, 

67. 76. 77- 

Cancioneiro Geral, 13, 33, 36, 79, 96- 
105, 118, 122, 123, 124, 125, 128, 
129, 140, 141, 167, 184, 225, 256. 

Cancionero de Baena, 36, 66, 77, 79, 96. 

Cancionero General, 36, 98, 104. 

Cancionero Musical. See Asenjo Bar- 
bieri. 

Cancionero Popular Gallego, 36, 355-6. 

Cantanhede, Conde de, loi. 

Canzoniere Portoghese Colocci-Bran- 
cuti. See Cancioneiro Colocci-Bran- 
cuti. 

Canzoniere Portoghese delta Biblioteca 
Vaticana. See Cancioneiro da 
Vaticana. 

Cardim (Antonio Francisco), 217. 

Cardim (Fernam), 205. 



Cardoso (Joao), 245. 
Cardoso (Jorge), 71. 
Carlos Magna'', Verdadeira Historia do 

Imperador, 339. 
Carneiro da Cunha (Alfredo), 336. 
Carpancho (Airas), 29. 
Carr6 Aldao (Eugenio), 357. 
Cartagena (Alonso de). Bishop of 

Burgos, 91. 
Cartas que os Padres . . . escreveram, 

205. 
Carvalho de Parada (Antonio), 266. 
Casimiro (Augusto), 334. 
Casquicio (Fernam), 77, 78. 
Castanheda (Fernam Lopez de). See 

Lopez de Castanheda. 
Castanheira, Conde de [or da], 141, 

214. 
Castanhoso (Miguel de), 196, 203. 
Castelar (Emilio), 349. 
Castello Branco (Camillo), Visconde 

de Correa Botelho, 109, 134, 187, 

243, 256, 286, 295, 297-9. 304, 325, 

332. 
Castello Rodrigo, Marquesas de, 21 r. 
Castiglione (Baldassare), 154. 
Castilho (Antonio de), 203. 
Castilho (Antonio Feliciano), Visconde 

de, 292, 299-300, 302, 304, 316. 
Castilho (Joao de), 203. 
Castilho (Julio), second Visconde de, 

278, 304. 
Castillejo (Cristobal de), 33. 
Castro (Augusto de), 314. 
Castro (Eugenio de), 336-7. 
Castro (In6s de), 75, 84, 97, 165, 273, 

282, 284, 304, 310, 312. 
Castro (D. Joao de), 158, 187, 190, 

199, 227-8, 243, 266. 
Castro (D. Joao de), novelist, 321. 
Castro (Joao Baptista de), 248. 
Castro (Publia Hortensia de), 107. 
Castro de Murguia (Rosalia de), 348, 

349-50. 352. 353. 3.56. 
Castro e Almeida (Virginia de), 325. 
Castro Osorio (Anna de), 324-5. 
Catherina, Queen, 120. 
Catherine 11, Empress of Russia, 286. 
Cava, Poema da, 72. 
Caxton (William), 60. 
Ceita (Joao da), 17, 244-5. 
Celestina, La, 65, 124, 159, 167, 169, 

254, 262. 
Ceo (Maria do) [Maria de E^a], 257. 
Ceo (Violante do) [Violante Monte- 

sino], 35, 235, 256-7. 
Cervantes (Miguel de), 78, 116, 130, 

152, 233, 241, 262, 265, 284. 
Cerveira (Afonso), 86. 
Chagas (Antonio das), 221, 248-9, 261. 



INDEX 



363 



Chamilly, Noel Bouton, Marquis de, 

263, 264. 
Charino {Pai Gomez). See Gomez 

Charifio. 
Charles V, Emperor, 121, 212, 215, 

229. 
Chatillon, Due de, 233. 
Chiado. See Ribeiro Chiado. 
Child Rohm de Moura (Francisco), 

257- 
Chrisfal, Trovas de. See Crisfal. 
Christina, Queen of Sweden, 268. 
Chronica. See, Cronica. 
Cicero, 86, 87, 90, 91, 92, 94, 209, 

214, 280. 
Cid, Poema del, 23, 46, 63. 
Claro (Joao), 59. 
Claudian, 277. 
Clenardus (Nicolaus), 106, 125, 215, 

251- 
Cleynarts (Nicholas). See Clenardus. 
Clusius. See iScluse. 
Codax (Martin), 29. 
Coelho (Estevam), 30, 52. 
Coelho (Francisco Adolpho), 15, 112, 

231, 308, 347. 
Coelho (Jorge), 180. 
Coelho da Cunha (Jos6), 336. 
Coelho Rebello (Manuel), 163. 
Coimbra (Leonardo de), 20. 
Coincy (Gautier de), 43, 44. 
Colocci (Angelo), 37, 39. 
Colonna (Egidio), 66. 
Colonna (Vittoria), 140, 230. 
Conceigao (Alexandre da), 330. 
Conestaggio (Girolamo Franchi di), 

210. 
Congreve (William), 224. 
Conquista de Ultramar, Gran, 339. 
Consciencia (Manuel), 250. 
Cousiglieri Pedroso (Zophimo), 307, 

347- 
Cordeiro (Antonio), 138, 206. 
Cordeiro (Luciano), 307. 
Comu (Jules), 59. 

Corpancho (Airas). See Carpancho. 
Corpancho (Manuel Nicolds), 29. 
Corpus Illustrium Poetarum Lusi- 

tanorum, 18. 
Coronica do Cpndestahre de Purtugal. 

See Cronica. 
CorrSa (Gaspar), 14, 20, 88, 177, 194, 

198-201, 226. 
Corr&a (Jeronimo), 112. 
Corrga (Luis Franco), 186. 
Correa de Oliveira (Antonio), 332, 

337. 
CorrSa Gar9ao (Pedro Antonio Joa- 

quim), 271-2. 
Correa Pinto (Roberto), 85. 



Correggio (Antonio AUegri da), 134. 

Correia. See Corrga. 

Corte Imperial, 94, 113. 

Corte Real (Jeronimo), 181, 187-b. 

Cortesao (Jaime), 314, 342. 

Costa (Antonio da), 286. 

Costa (Bras da), 99. 

Costa (Claudio Manuel da), 274, 

279. 
Costa (Diogo da), 163. 
Costa (D. Francisco da), 239, 240. 
Costa (Leonel da), 144. 
Costa (Manuel da), 180. 
Costa Lobo (Antonio de Sousa da 

Silva), 307, 312. 
Costa Perestrello (Pedro da), 147-8. 
Cota (Rodrigo), 23. 
Coudel Mor, O. See Silveira (Fernam 

de). 
Coutinho (Fernando de), 99. 
Coutinho (D. Francisco), Conde de 

Redondo, 17S, 220. 
Coutinho (D. Gon^alo), 140, 206. 
Couto (Diogo do), 138, 177, 178, 184, 

190, 192, 195-8, 216, 218, 225, 

254- 
Couto Guerreiro (Miguel de), 285. 
Craveiro (Tiburcio Antonio), 54. 
Crisfal, Trovas de, 136-9. 
Cristoforus, Dr., 82. 
Cronica Breve do Archivo Nacional. 

60. 
Cronica da Conquista do Algarve, 

61. 
Cronica da Fundafam do Mosteiro de 

S. Vicente, 61. 
Cronica da Ordem dos Frades Menores, 

60. 
Cronica do Cardeal Rei D. Henrique, 

210. 
Cronica do Condestabre de Portugal, 

84-5- 
Cronica dos Vicentes. See Cronica da 

Fundafam. 
Cronica Troy ana, 61. 
Cronicas Breves, 60. 
Cruz (Agostinho da), 145, 148. 
Cruz (Bernardo da), 209. 
Cruz (Gaspar da), 220. 
Cunha (Joao LourenfO da), 31. 
Cunha (Jose Anastasio da), 274. 
Cunha (Nuno da), iSi, 176, igg. 
Cunha (D. Rodrigo da), 243. 
Cunha (Tristao da), 97, 116. 
Cunha Rivara (Joaquim Heliodoro 

da), 292. 
Curros Enriquez (Manuel), 353-4, 

355- 
Curvo Semedo Torres Sequeira 
(Belchior Manuel), 278. 



364 



INDEX 



Daniel (Samuel), 164. 

Danse macabre, 123. 

Dantas (Julio), 313. 

Dante Alighieri, 19, 54, 123, 139, 146, 

179, 188, 197, 257. 
Danza de la Muerte, 123. 
De Imitatione Christi, 240. 
Delicado (Antonio), 346. 
Demanda do Santo Graall, 63, 64, 67, 

71- 
Denis, King. See Dinis. 
Denis (Jean Ferdinand), 19, 307. 
Deslandes (Venancio), 231. 
Desmond, Maurice, first Earl of, 289. 
Destroyfam de Jerusalem. See Ves- 

peseano, Estorea de. 
Destruction de Jerusalem, 64. 
Deus ( Joao de) . See Nogueira Ramos. 
Dias (Epiphanio). See Silva Dias. 
Dias Gomes (Francisco), 20, 21, 269, 

285. 
Diaz (Balthasar), 158-9, 289, 339. 
Diaz (Bartholomeu) , 98. 
Diaz (Henrique), 218, 279. 
Diaz (D. Lopo), 51. 
Diaz (Nicolau), 215. 
Diaz (Ruy), El Cid, 92. 
Diaz de Landim (Gaspar), 88. 
Dickens (Charles), 315. 
Dinis, King, 13, 14, 28, 30, 37, 38, 39, 

48. 51. 52, 53. 54-7. 58. 59. 60, 61, 

67. 69, 70, 105, 140, 208, 294, 339. 
Diniz, King. See Dinis. 
Diniz (Joao), 335. 
Diniz (Julio) pseud. See Gomes 

Coelho. 
Diniz da Cruz e Silva (Antonio), 186, 

273-4. 340- 
Dioscorides, 226. 
Ditos da Freira. See Gama (D. Toana 

da). 
DoUinger (Johann Joseph Ignaz von), 

295- 
Dornellas (Afonso de). 307. 
Dozy (Reinhart), 22. 
Drake (Sir Francis), 150. 
Dryden (John), 209. 
Duarte, Infante [ti576], 150. 
Duarte, Infante [■|-I540], brother of 

Joao III, 164, 167, 215. 
Duarte, Infante, brother of Joao V, 

307- 
Duarte, King, 13, 38, 46, 55, 59, 63, 

79, 81, 82, 83, 86, 87, 88, 90-2, 93, 

124, 211. 
Duarte (Afonso), 334. 
Duarte de Almeida (Manuel), 335. 
DUrer (Albrecht), 212. 



Eanez (Rodrigo). See Yannez. 
Eanez de Vasconcellos (D. Rodrigo), 

54- 
Eanez de Zurara (Gomez). See 

Zurara. 
Eannez. See Eanez. 
Eannez (Rodrigo). See Yannez. 
iSbrard (Aym6ric d'), 54. 
E9a (Maria de). See Ceo (Maria do). 
E9a de Queiroz (Jose Maria de), 97, 

314, 316-18, 322, 325. 
Eccos que Clarim da Fama dd, 

256. 
Ecluse (Charles de 1'), 226. 
Edward I, of England, 41. 
Egas Moniz. See Moniz Coelho. 
Elizabeth, Queen of England, 209. 
Eloy, Lenda de Santo, 60. 
Elysio (Filinto). See Nascimento. 
Encarna5ao (Antonio da), 242. 
Ennes (Antonio), 18, 310, 314. 
Enzina (Juan del), 19, 109, 113, 122, 

123, 124. 
Erasmus (Desiderius), 130, 212, 215. 
Ericeira, Conde da. See Meneses. 
Esguio (Fernando), 29. 
Esopo, Livro de, 60. 
Espelho de Prefeyfam, 95. 
Espelho de Christina. See Pisan 

(Christine de). 
Esperan9a, Visconde de, 187. 
Esperan9a (Manuel da), 243. 
Espinola (Fradique), 247-8. 
Espirito Santo (Antonio do). See 

Ribeiro Chiado. 
Esplandian. See Sergas. 
Espronceda (Jos6 de), 301. 
Esquio (Fernando). See Esguio. 
Estajo (Achilles), 106. 
EstafO (Balthasar), 151. 
Esta90 (Caspar), 151. 
Este (Joao Baptista d'), 245. 
Esteves Negrao (Manuel Nicolau), 

273- 
Esteves Pereira (Francisco Maria), 14, 

60, 64, 84, 90, 308. 
Estorea de Vespeseano. See Ves- 

peseano. 
Estrella (Antonio da), 162, 338. 
Eufrosina, Vida de, 59. 



Falcao (Cristovam de Sousa), 105, 

137-9. 197- 
Falcao de Resende (Andr6), 2i, 150-1. 
Faria (Antonio de), 222. 
Faria (Pedro de), 222. 



INDEX 



365 



Faria e Sousa (Manuel de), 18, 20, 68, 

130, 140, 145, 147, 153, 176, 180, 

184, 187, 204, 209, 216, 224, 282. 
Faria Severim (Manuel de), 215. 
Feij6 (Antonio Joaquim de Castro), 

335- 
Feijoo (Jose Sanchez), 347. 
Felipe, Infante, 120. 
F^nelon (Franfois de), 285. 
Fenix Renascida, 155, 256, 276. 
Fee (Antonio), 17, 156, 244. 
Ferdinand, King. See Fernando. 
Fernandes Thomaz Pippa (Annibal), 

308. 
Fernandez (Alvaro), 217. 
Fernandez (Antonio), 230. 
Fernandez (Diogo) [xv c], 92. 
Fernandez (Diogo) [xv c. poet], 112. 
Fernandez (Diogo) [xvi c], 234. 
Fernandez (Lucas), 124. 
Fernandez (Roy), 30. 
Fernandez Alemao (Valentim), 95. 
Fernandez de Lucena (Vasco), 87, 88. 
Fernandez Ferreira (Diogo), 89, 229. 
Fernandez Galvao (Francisco), 244. 
Fernandez Torneol (Nuno), 28, 31. 
Fernandez Trancoso(Gon9alo), 231-2, 

338. 
Fernando, Infante [son of Joao I], 

81, 89. 
Fernando, Infante [son of King 

Manuel], 230. 
Fernando, King Consort, 292, 293. 
Fernando I, of Portugal, 84, 210. 
Fernando III, of Castile, 40, 41, 51. 
Ferrandez de Gerena (Garci), 78-9. 
Ferreira (Antonio), 13, 67, 103, 145, 

148-9, 165, 166, 272. 
Ferreira (Carlos), 339. 
Ferreira de Almeida (Joao), 338. 
Ferreira deAzevedo (Antonio Xavier), 

340- 
Ferreira de Figueiroa (Diogo), 262. 
Ferreira de Lacerda (Bernarda), 18, 

257- 
Ferreira de Vasconcellos (Jorge), 14, 

16, 74, loi, 130, 155, 164, i65, 167- 

73. 232. 251, 338, 346. 
Ferreira de Vera (Alvaro), 182. 
Ferrer (Miguel), 234. 
Ferrus (Pero), 66, 67. 
Feuillet (Octave), 299. 
FiaUio de Almeida (Jose Valentim), 

32a, 326. 
Ficalho, Francisco Manuel Carlos 

de Mello, third Conde de, 226, 308, 

326. 
Fielding (Henry), 255. 
Figueira (Guilherme), 32. 
Figueiredo (Antero de), 323. 



Figueiredo (Antonio Candido de), 308. 
Figueiredo(FidelinodeSousa), 16, 308. 
Figueiredo (Manuel de), 282, 290. 
Fitzmaurice-Kelly (James), 16. 
Flaubert (Gustave), 235, 319. 
Flores e Branca Flor, Historia de, 65, 

339, 340- 
Florida. See Relofam Verdadeira dos, 

trahalhoi. 
Flos Sanctorum, 94, 225, 259. 
Fonseca (Balthasar Luis da), 163. 
Fonseca (Joao da), 249. 
Fonseca Soares (Antonio da), 248. 
Fontaines, Baron de, 233. 
Forner (Juan Pablo), 281. 
Fradique, Infante, 83. 
Franco (Luis). See CorrSa (Luis 

Franco) . 
Franfois I, 212. 
Frederick III, Emperor, 93. 
Freire (Antonio), 262. 
Freire (Francisco Jose), 285. 
Freire de Andrade (Jacinto), 256, 

261, 266-7. 
Froissart (Jean), 81, 83. 
Fructuoso (Gaspar), 138, 206. 
Furtado de Mendoza (Diego), 22. 



Galaaz, Livro de, 63. 

Galen, 226. 

Galhegos (Manuel de), 58, 74, 258. 

Galvam (Antonio), 190, 191, 202-3, 

219. 
Galvam (Duarte), 88, 180, 202, 219. 
Galvam (Francisco), 147-8. 
Galvam de Andrade (Antonio), 17. 
Gama (Arnaldo de Sousa Dantas da), 

295- 
Gama (D. Cristovam da), 203. 
Gama (D. Estevam da), 196. 
Gama (D. Joana da), 241. 
Gama (Jose BasiUo da), 279. 
Gama (Leonarda Gil da). See Gloria 

(Maria Magdalena Euphemia da). 
Gama (D. Vasco da), Conde de Vidi- 

gueira, 99, 107, 175, 190, 191, 192, 

196, 200, 301, 312. 
Gama Barros (Henrique), 307. 
Gandavo. SeeMagalhaes deGandavo. 
Garcia (Fernan), Esgaravunha, 52. 
Garcia (Pero) de Burgos, 51. 
Garcia de Castrogeriz (Johan), 66. 
Garcia de Guilhade (D. Joan), 51. 
Garcia deMascarenhas (Bras), 259-60. 
Garcia Ferreiro (Alberto), 340, 354. 
Garcia Peres (Domingo), 18, 151. 
Garret (B.), Chariteo, 289. 
Garrett. See Almeida Garrett. 
Garrido (Luiz Guedes Coutinho), 308. 



366 



INDEX 



Gautier (Judith), 335. 

Gavaudan, 40. 

Gavy de Mendonja (Agostinho de), 

203. 
Gayangos y Arce (Pascual de), 65. 
Gibbs (James), 209. 
Gil (Augusto), 336. 
Gil y Carrasco (Enrique), 316." 
Ginzo (Martin de), 29. 
Giraldez (Afonso), 73. 
Giraldi (Giambattista), 231. 
Giraldo, Mestre, 17. 
Glareanus (Henricus), 212. 
Gloria (Maria Magdalena Euphemia 

da) [Leonarda Gil da Gama], 257. 
Godinho (Cristovam), 238. 
Godinho (Manuel), 221, 240, 254. 
Goes (Damiao de), 14, 15, 39, 83, 86, 

88, 92, 113, 194, 202, 209, 211-14, 

215. 265. 
Goethe (Johann Wolfgang von), 290, 

300. 333- 
Goldsmith (Oliver), 277. 
Gomes (Joao Baptista), 273. 
Gomes Coelho (Joaquim Guilherme) 

[Julio Diniz], 314-16, 317, 324. 
Gomes de Amorim (Francisco), 290, 

301-2, 306, 309, 310. 
Goilies de Brito (Jos6 Joaquim), 308. 
Gomes de Carvalho (Theotonio), 273. 
Gomes Leal (Antonio Duarte), 332-3. 
Gomez (Simao), 341. 
Gomez Charino (Pai), 29-30. 
Gomez de Briteiros (Rui), 46. 
Gomez de Brito (Bernardo), 217. 
Gomez de Moraes (Silvestre), 17. 
Gon9alves Crespo (Antonio Candido), 

324, 330-1. 
Gon^alves Dias (Antonio), 331. 
Gon^alves Lima (Augusto Jose), 300. 
Gonjalves Vianna. See Gon9alvez 

Viana. 
Gon9alvez (Ruy), 229. 
Gongalvez de Seabra (Fernan), 47, 

48. 
Gongalvez Lobato (Balthasar), 234. 
Gon^alvez Viana (Aniceto dos Reis), 

18, 294, 30S. 
G6ngora (Luis de), 74, 155, 258. 
Gonta Collago (Branca de), 336. 
Gonzaga (Thomaz Antonio), 274, 

279. 
Gonzalez de Sanabria (Ferrant). See 

Gon9alvez de Seabra. 
Gouv&a (Andre de), 106. 
GouvSa (Antonio de), 106, 206. 
Gouveia. See Gouvga. 
Gower (John), 89, 90. 
Gracidn (Baltasar), 19, 154, 253. 
Granada (Luis de), 243. 



Grao Para, Bishop of. See S. Joseph 

Queiroz. 
Grave (Joao), 321. 
Gray (Thomas), 277. 
Gregory, St., 90. 
Grinalda, A, 300. 
Guarda (Stevam), 51. 
Guarda, Foros da, 17. 
Guedes Teixeira (Fau.sto), 335. 
Guerra Junqueiro (Abilio Manuel), 

331-2. 
Guilhade (Joan de), 28, 51, 339. 
Guilherme (Manuel), 13. 
Guimaraes (Delfim), 136. 
Gusmao (Alexandre de), 286. 
Gusmao (Alexandre de), Jesuit, 249. 

H 

Halifax (John of), 227. 
Hallam (Henry), 294. 
Heine (Heinrich), 351. 
Henrique, Cardinal, King, 106, 150, 
164, 210, 214, 219, 227, 238, 250, 

251. 311- 
Henrique, Infante, 18, 86, 88, 89, 90, 

92, 307- 
Henriques (Guilherme J. C), 214. 
Henry VIII, of England, 212. 
Henry the Navigator, Prince. See 

Henrique, Infante. 
Henry, of Burgundy, Count, 210, 271. 
Henryson (Robert), 60. 
Herberay des Essarts (Nicholas), 71. 
Herculano de Carvalho e Araujo 

(Alexandre), 5i, 87, 97, 127, 208, 

243, 277, 285, 287, 292-5, 296, 303, 

305, 315- 
Herodotus, 226. 

Herrera y Garrido (Francisca), 357. 
Historia dos Cavalleiros da Mesa 

Redonda. See Demanda do Santo 

Graall. 
Historia Tragico-Maritima, 196, 217- 

8. 
Historia Tristani, 63. 
Historias abreviadas do Testamento 

Velho, 59. 
Hita, Archpriest of. See Ruiz. 
HoUanda (Antonio de), 229. 
HoUanda (Francisco de), 229-30, 

237- 
Homem (Pedro), 105. 
Homer, 19, 143, 174, 180, 182, 183, 

233. 277, 280, 281. 
Horace, 72, 143, 148, 258, 272, 275, 

277. 
Horta. See Orta. 
Hugo (Victor), 293, 306, 308, 310, 331, 

332. 333 



INDEX 



367 



Humboldt (Alexander von), 177. 
Hurtado (Luis), 234. 
Huysmans (J. K.), 333. 



Ichoa (Martim), 89. 

Idanha (Pedro de Alca90vaCarneiro), 

Conde de, 182. 
Ignacio de Loyola, San, 353. 
Isabel, Empress, 121. 
Isabel, Infanta, 121. 
Isabel, Queen Consort of Afonso V, 

80, 95. 
Isabel, Queen Consort of Dinis, 54, 

60, 247. 
Isabel, Queen of Spain, 127. 
Isabel, Vida de Santa, 60. 
Ivo (Pedro) pseud. See Lopes 

(Carlos) . 

J 
Jardin (G. du). See Orta. 
Jeanroy (Alfred), 29. 
Jerome, St., 85. 
Jesus (Francisco de). See Sa de 

Meneses (F. de). 
Jesus (Raphael de), 208. 
Jesus (Thome de), 14, 20, 189, 237, 

238-40. 
Joana, Infanta, 215. 
Joao I, 14, 68, 81, 82, 84, 89-90, 94, 

no, 211. 
Joao II, 88, 89, 93, 96, 100, 102, 103, 

108, 125, 148,221, 227,246,305,312. 
Joao III, 98, 103, 106, 107, no, 117, 

H9, 132, 140, 141, 158, 167, 175, 

189, 192, 193, 195, 208, 209, 211, 

215, 226, 232, 233, 237, 296. 
Joao IV, 216, 242, 244, 253, 259, 265, 

267, 268. 286. 
Joao V, 270. 
Joao, Infante [xvi c], 106, 143, 150, 

151, 166, 168, i6g, 176, 179. 
Joao de Calais, Verdadeira Historia 

de, 339. 
Joao Manuel (D.). See Manuel 

(D. Joao) . 
John, Prester, 219, 225. 
Johnson (Samuel), 282. 
Jorge, D., 221. 
Jorge (Ritardo), 153. 
Jose I, 276, 296. 
Josep ah Arimatia, Livro de, 64. 
Josephine, Empress, 281. 
Juan I, 78, 84. 
Juan de Austria, Don, 188. 
Juan Manuel, Infante Don, 91, 94. 
Juana, Infanta, 151. 
Juana, la Loca, Queen, 133. 
Juromenha, Joao Antonio de 



Lemos Pereira de Lacerda, Vis- 
conde de, 176, 30S. 
Justinianus (Laurentius), 94. 

K 

Karr (Alphonse), 322. 
Keats (John), 138, 281. 



La Bruyfere (Jean de), gi. 
Lacerda (Augusto), 314. 
Lafoes, Duque de, 284. 
Lafoes, third Duque de, 311. 
La Fontaine (Jean de), 117. 
Lamartine (Alphonse de), 275, 277. 
Lamas Ca,rvajal (Valentin), 350-1. 
Lamennais (Hugues F^licite Robert 

de), 292. 
Lancastre (D. Lourengo de), 273. 
Lang (Henry Roseman), 23, 24, 37, 

76, 79, 123. 
Lara (Joao Carlos de), 273. 
Lasso de la Vega (Garci), 140, 141, 

143, 147, 172, 181, 260. 
Latino Coelho (Jose Maria), 201, 307. 
Lavanha (Joao Baptista), 195, 218. 
Lazarillo de Tormes, 115, 125, 160, 

265. 
I^eam (Caspar de), 241. 
Lear, King, 62. 
Leitao de Andrade (Miguel), 72, 73, 

263. 
Leite (Solidonio), 266. 
Leite de Vasconcellos Cardoso Pereira 

de Melo (Jose), 15, 33, 34, 60, 308- 

9, 342, 346. 
Leite Ferreira (Miguel), 67, 68, 69, 71, 

148. 
Lemos (Jorge de), 203. 
Lemos (Julio de), 325. 
Lemos Seixas Castello Branco (Joao 

de), 300, 301. 
Lencastre (D. Philippa de), 80, 94. 
Leo X, 97. 
Leon (Luis de), 133, 236, 238, 239, 

253. 258. 

Leonor. See Lianor. 

Leonor, successively Queen of Por- 
tugal and France, 233. 

Leopardi (Giacomo), Count, 331, 351. . 

Lettres Portugaises. See Alcoforado. 

Levi (Juda), 94. 

Lianor, Empress, 93. 

Lianor, Queen Consort of Duarte, 90. 

Lianor, Queen Consort of Joao II, 93, 
95, III, 112, 113, 114, ng, 120, 229. 

Lima (Alexandre Antonio de), 274. 

Lima (D. Rodrigo de), 219. 

Lima Pereira (Paulo de), 197. 



368 



INDEX 



Linhares, second Conde de. See 

Noronha (D. Francisco de). 
Linhares, Conde de[xvii c], 252, 345. 
Linhares, Violante, Condessa de, 239. 
Lipsius (Justus), 255. 
Lisboa (Antonio de), 162. 
Lisboa (Cristovam de), 245. 
Lisboa (Joao de), 227. 
Livro da Noa, 60. 
Livro das Aves, go. 
Livro das Heras, 60. 
Livro de Josep ab Arimatia. See 

Josep. 
Livro Velho, 61. 
Livro Vermelho, 17. 
Livros de Linhagens, 61. 
Livy, 193, 194. 
Lobato (Gervasio), 314. 
Lobeira (Gon9alo de), 70. 
Lobeira (Joan de), 68, 69, 70, 159. 
Lobeira (Pedro de), 68, 70, 71. 
Lobeira (Vasco de), 67, 68, 69, 70. 
Lobo (Alvaro), 210. 
Lobo(D. Francisco Alexandre), Bishop 

of Viseu, 285. 
Lobo (Francisco Rodriguez). See 

Rodriguez Lobo. 
Lollis (Cesare de), 45. 
Lopes (Carlos), 325. 
Lopes (David de Melo), 308. 
Lopes (Francisco), 155, 162. 
Lopes de Mendonfa (Antonio Pedro), 

297. 
Lopes de Mendon^a (Henrique), 

, 312-13- 
Lopes de Moura (Caetano), 37. 
Lopes Vieira (Afonso), 337. 
Lopez (Afonso), 160. 
Lopez (Anrique), 159. 
Lopez (Diogo), 84. 
Lopez (Fernam), 14, 19, 61, 62, 68, 

77, 81-5, 87, 88, &9, 97, 117, 180, 

212, 255. 
Lopez (Martinho), 81. 
Lopez (Thome), 204. 
Lopez Abente (Gonzalo), 355. 
Lopez de Ayala (Pero), 66, 67. 
Lopez de Bayan (D. Afonso), 53. 
Lopez de Camoes (Vasco), 77. 
Lopez de Castanheda (Fernam), 180, 

181, 190-1, 192, 193, 194, 197, 198, 

200, 201, 206, 209. 
Lopez de Sousa (Pero), 225. 
Lopez de Ulhoa (D. Joan), 52. 
Lopo, jogral, 29. 
Losada (Benito), 352. 
Loti (Pierre) pseud. [Julien Viaud], 

89. 323. 
Louis XI, 8g. 
Louren^o, jogral, 29. 



Lucan, 99. 

Lucena (Joao de), 16, 75, 243. 

Lucena (Vasco Feriiandez de). See 

Fernandez I^ucena. 
Lucian, 99. 

Ludolph of Saxony. See Sachsen. 
Lugris y Freire (Manuel), 357. 
Luis, Infante, 106-7, ^^^1 17O1 185, 

19I1 195. 209, 227, 228. 
Luis (Nicolau), 2S4. 
Lull (Ram6n), 94. 
Luther (Martin), 126, 212. 
Luz (Andre da), 163. 
Luz (Philipe da), 17, 244, 245. 
Luz Soriano (Simao Jose da), 292. 

M 

Macedo (Anna de). See Si e Macedo. 
Macedo (Jos6 Agostinho de), 17, 99, 

182, 183, 187, 224, 237, 244, 250, 

277, 278, 279-82, 288. 
Machado (Julio Cesar), 325. 
Machado (Simao), 18, 161. 
Machado de Azevedo (Manuel), 77, 

142. 
Macias, 76-77, 78, 98, 104, 132, 349, 

350. 
Magalhaes (Fernam de), 219. 
Magalhaes (Luiz Cypriano Coelho de), 

319- 
Magalhaes de Gandavo (Pedro de), 

193, 204, 279. 
Magalhaes Lima (Jaime de), 319, 325. 
Magalona, Verdadeira Historia da 

Princeza, 65, 339, 340. 
Malheiro Dias (Carlos), 320, 
Mallarm^ (St6phane), 86. 
Malory (Sir Thomas), 85. 
Mangancha (Diogo Afonso), 90. 
Manrique (Gomez), 76, 100, 104. 
Manrique (Jorge), 76, 100, 102, 104. 
Mantua (Bento), 314. 
Manuel I, 88, 89, 96, loi, 103, 107, 

no. III, 112, 115, 117, 118, 120, 

121, 126, 129, 133, 145, 175, 192, 

200, 201, 202, 208, 209, 211, 214, 

221, 228, 295, 312. 
Manuel, Infante, 116, 121. 
Manuel (D. Joao), 98, loi. 
Maranhao, Jornada do, 204. 
Marcabrun, 39. 
Marcos, Frei, 59. 
Maria, Infanta, 15, 107, no, 121, 193, 

233. 
Maria, Consort of King Manuel, 118. 
Maria da Gloria, Queen, 288. 
Maria Egipcia, Vida de, 59. 
Marialva, second Conde de, 241. 
Marialva, Marques de, 313. 



INDEX 



369 



Mariana (Juan de), 208. 

Marie Antoinette, Queen, 277. 

Marinho de Azevedo (Luis), 18. 

Mariz (Antonio de), 206. 

Mariz (Pedro de), 206, 207. 

Marot (Clement), 233. 

Martelo Pauman (Evaristo), 354. 

Martial, 125. 

Martim Afonso, Mestre. See Afonso 

(Martim). 
Martinez de Resende (Vasco), 13. 
Martinez Salazar (Andres), 61. 
Martinho, de Alcoba9a, 98. 
Martorell (Pedro Juan), 65. 
Martyres (Bartholomeu dos), 195, 242, 

243. 342- 
Marueil (Arnaut de), 35. 
Mascarenlias (D. Fernando de), 267. 
Mascarenhas (D. Joao de), 187. 
Mascarenhas (D. Pedro de), 126. 
Mattos (Joao Xavier de), 278-9. 
Medina e Vasconcellos fFrancisco de 

Paula), 186. 
Meendinho, 29, 52. 
Melanchthon (Philip), 212, 227. 
Mello (Carlos de). See Ficalho. 
Mello (D. Francisco Manuel de), 14, 

74, 108, 164, 170, 205, 252-5, 261, 

263, 267, 269, 338, 345. 
Mello (Garcia de), loi. 
Mello (Martim Afonso de), 82. 
Mello Breyner (D. Theresa de), Con- 

dessa de Vimieiro, 273. 
Mello Franco (Francisco de), 274. 
Meua (Juan de), 77, 104, 197. 
Menander, 130. 

Mendes de Vasconcellos (Luis), 263. 
Mendes dos Remedios (Joaquim), 16, 

256. 
Mendes Leal (Jose da Silva), 301. 
Mendez (Afonso), 205. 
Mendez (Manuel), 60. 
Mendez de Sa (Gon9alo), 139. 
Mendez de Vasconcellos (Diogo), 

215. 
Mendez Pinto (Fernam), 151, 203, 

220, 221-5, 243. 
Mendez Silva (Rodrigo), 255. 
Mendo9a (Jeronimo de), 210. 
Mendo^a (Joana de), 196. 
Mendonfa (Francisco de), 245. 
Mendon^a (Jeronimo). See Mendo9a. 
Mendon9a Alves (Vasco de), 314. 
Men6ndez Pidal (Ram6n), 73. 
Men6ndez y Pelayo (Marcelino), 19, 

65, 83, 112, 133, 135, 140, 151, 168, 

169, 233, 252, 278, 291, 339. 
Meneses. (D. Aleixo de), 206. 
Meneses (D. Duarte de), 86. 
Mencses (D. Fernando de^, 177. 



Meneses (D. Fernando de), second 

Conde da Ericeira, 266-7. 
Meneses (D. Francisco Xavier de), 

fourth Conde da Ericeira, 270-1. 
Meneses (D. Henrique de), 195. 
Meneses (D. Joao de), loi, 103, 104. 
Meneses (D. Luis de), third Conde da 

Ericeira, 69, 261, 267. 
Meneses (t>. Pedro de), 86. 
Meneses (D. Sebastiao Cesar de), 266. 
Menina Fermosa, Trovas, da, 341. 
Menino (Pero), 17, 78. 
Meogo (Pero), 29. 
Merlim, 63. 
Mesquita (Marcellino Antonio da 

Silva), 311-12. 
Mesquita Perestrello (Manuel de), 

217. 
Meyer (Paul), 44. 
Michaeiis (Gustav), 15. 
MichaeHs de Vasconcellos (Carolina), 

14, 15, 22, 23, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 

39, 50. 53. 62, 65, 75, 76, &o, 104, 

112, 136, 180, 184, 308, 338, 342. 
Michelangelo. See Buonarroti. 
Mickle (William Julius), 14. 
Miguel I, 280, 288. 
Mild y Fontanals (Manuel), 41, 345. 
Milton (John), 127, 184. 
Miranda (Afonso de), 226. 
Miranda (Jeronimo de), 226. 
Miranda (Martim Afonso de), '252, 

262. 
Misterio de los Reyes Magos, 123. 
Moleiro, Trovas do, 341. 
Molifere (Jean-Baptiste Poquelin), 

116, 130, 164. 
Molteni (Enrico Gasi), 38. 
Monaci (Ernesto), 13, 37. 
Moniz Barreto (Guilherme), 21. 
Moniz Coelho (Egas), 72. 
Mons (Nat de), 42. 
Monsaraz, Antonio de Macedo Pa- 

pan9a, Conde de, 335-6. 
Montaigne (Michel de), 83, 106, 212. 
Montalvao (Justino de), 328. 
Montalvo. See Rodriguez de Mon- 

talvo. 
Montebello, Marques de, 356. 
Monteiro (Diogo), 246-7. 
Montemayor (George de). SeeMonte- 

mor (Jorge de). 
Montemor (Jorge de), 17, 151-2. 
Montesino (Violante). See Ceo (Vio- 

lante do). 
Montesquieu (Charles Louis de Se- 

condat), 182. 
Montoia (Luis de), 239. 
Montoro (Anton de), 23, 127. 
Moogo (Pero). See Meogo. 



2-562 



A a 



370 



INDEX 



Moraes (Cristovam Alao de), 109, 

286. 
Moraes Cabral (Francisco de), 65, 76, 

152, 161, 204, 232-4. 
More (Sir Thomas), 254. 
Moreira (Julio), 308. 
Moreira Camello (Antonio), 338. 
Moreira de Carvalho (Jeronimo), 339. 
Moreno (Bento) pseud. See Teixeira 

de Queiroz. 
Moura (Miguel de), 210. 
Mousinho de Quevedo (Vasco), 261. 
Murguia (Manuel de), 349. 



N 



255- 



Napier (Sir William), 

Napoleon I, 281. 

Napoleon III, 340. 

Nascimento (Francisco Manuel do), 

263, 274-5, 290, 304, 338, 344. 
Navagero (Andrea), 351. 
Newton (Sir Isaac), 281. 
Niebuhr (Barthold Georg), 294. 
No figueiral figueiredo, 72. 
Nobiliario do Collegia dos Nobres, 61. 
Nobiliario do Conde. See Pedro 

Afonso, Conde de Barcellos. 
Nobre (Antonio), 332, 334. 
Nobrega, Padre, 45. 
Nogueira Ramos (Joao de Deus), 249, 

250, 329-30, 338. 
Noriega Varela (Antonio), 355. 
Noronha (D. Anna de), 242. 
Noronha (D. Antonio de), 175, 177, 

179. 
Noronha (D. Francisco de), second 

Conde de Linhares, 175, 232, 239. 
Noronha (D. Lianor de), 107. 
Noronha (D. ThomEis de), 256. 
Novaes (Francisco Xavier de), 112, 

302. 
Nun' Alvarez. See Alvarez Pereira 

(Nuno). 
Nun de AUariz (Alfredo) pseud., 355. 
Nunes (Claudio Jos6), 331. 
Nunes (Jos6 Joaquim), 26, 60, 308. 
Nunes Ribeiro Sanches (Antonio), 

286. 
Nunez (Airas), 23, 31, 47, 52-3. 
Nunez (Joao), 210. 
Nunez (Pedro), 18, 107, 226-7, 251. 
Nunez (Philipe), 230. 
Nunez da Silva (Manuel), 231. 
Nunez de Leam (Duarte), 39, 55, 56, 

68, 210-11, 252. 
Nufiez del Area (Gaspar Esteban), 

295- 

Nufiez Gonzdlez (Manuel), 354, 355. 



Oeynhausen, Count of, 276. 
Olanda (Francisco de). See HoUanda. 
Olivares, Conde-Duque de, 252. 
Oliveira (Fernam de), 109, 220, 227. 
Oliveira (Francisco Xavier de), Cava- 

Iheiro de Oliveira, 74, 285-6. 
Ohveira Marreca (Antonio de), 295. 
Ohveira Martins (Pedro Joaquim 

de), 305-6. 322. 
Orta (Garcia da), 178, 225-6, 308. 
Orta (Jorge da), 225. 
Ortigao (Ramalho). See Ramalho 

Ortigao. 
Osborne (Dorothy), 20. 
Osmia. See Mello Breyner. 
Osorio (Luiz), 335. 
Osorio da Fonseca (Jeronimo), 18, 

209, 224, 228, 263. 
Ossian, 301. 
Ovid, 85. 



Pacheco (Joao), 248. 

Pacheco Pereira (Duarte), 191, 227. 

Paez (Balthasar), 245. 

Paez (D. Maria), 22. 

Paez (Pedro), 205. 

Paganino (Rodrigo), 325. 

Paiva (Isabel de), 239. 

Paiva de Andrade (Diogo de) [xvi 

c], 239, 244. 
Paiva de Andrade (Diogo de) [xvii 

c], 215, 239, 253. 
Palmeirim (Luiz Augusto), 3QO-1. 
Palmeirim de Inglaterra. See Moraes 

(F. de). 
Palmerin de Ohva, 234. 
Pardo Bazdn (Emilia), Condesa de, 

356. 
Patmore (Coventry), 336. 
Pato Moniz (Nuno Alvares). See 

Pereira Pato Moniz. 
Patricio (Antonio), 328. 
Paixam de Jesu Christo, A, 94, 95. 
Paul III, Pope, 212, 2ig. 
Paulo (Marco). See Polo. 
Payne (Robert), 90. 
Pedro I, of Portugal, 80, 84, 312. 
Pedro II, of Portugal, 268, 288. 
Pedro V, of Portugal, 293. 
Pedro Afonso, Conde de Barcellos, 

38, 57, 61-2. 
Pedro, Duque de Coimbra, 71, 79, 80, 

86, 88, 90, 92, 94, 100. 
Pedro, O Condestavel D., 38, 77, 79- 

80, 86, 92, 95, 100. 
Pedro, King of Aragon. See Pedro, 

O Condestavel D. 



INDEX 



371 



Pedro, Tratado do Infante D., 340. 
Pelagia, Vida de Santa, 60. 
PenfiaFortuna (JoaodeOliveira), 330. 
Pereda (Jos6 Maria de), 318. 
Pereira (Antonio Nunalvarez), 141. 
Pereira (Aurelianb J.), 354. 
Pereira (Nunc), 98, 102, 143. 
Pereira Brandao (Luis), 188-9. 
Pereira de Castro (Gabriel), 258-9. 
Pereira de Castro (Luis), 258. 
Pereira de Figueiredo (Antonio), 338. 
Pereira de Novaes (Manuel), 20. 
Pereira de Sampaib (Jose) [Bruno], 

308. 
Pereira Pato Moniz (Nuno Alvarez), 

187. 
Pereira Pinheiro (Bernardino), 295-6. 
Pereira iTeixeira de Vasconcellos ( Joa- 

quim). See Teixeira de Pascoaes. 
P6rez Ballesteros (Jos6), 356. 
P6rez Gald6s (Benito), 298. 
P6rez^ Placer (Heraclio), 357. 
Perez de Camoes (Vasco), 77, 78, 174. 
Perez de Oliva (Hernan), 165. 
Pestana (Alice), 324. 
Petrarca (Francesco), 139, 146, 147, 

148, 152, 161, 181, 185, 186, 197, 

237, 280, 281. 
PhiUp II, of Spain, 146, 151, 195, 

216, 223, 224, 230, 236, 237, 238, 

250, 263. 
Philip III, of Spain, 155. 
Philip IV, of Spain, 216, 243. 
PhiUppa, Queen Consort of Joao I, 

84, 85, 89, 305. 
Piamonte (Nicolas), 339. 
Picaud (Aimeric), 25. 
Pierres de Provence, 65. 
Pimenta (Agostinho). See Cruz 

(Agostinho da). 
Pimentel (Manuel), 228. 
Pina (Fernam de), 87. 
Pina (Ruy de), 87-9, 97, no, 125, 180. 
Pindella (Bernardo de). See Arnoso. 
Pinheiro (D. Antonio), 214, 244. 
Pinheiro (Bernardino). See Pereira 

Pinheiro. 
Pinheiro (Bernardo). See Arnoso. 
Pinheiro Chagas (Manuel), 304, 306-7. 
Pinheiro da Veiga (Thome), 265. 
Pinto (Heitor), 14, 16, loi, 230, 236- 

7. 238. 
Pinto (Joao Lourengo), 318-19. 
Pinto (Jorge), 159. 
Pinto Ribeiro (Joao), 265. 
Pintos (Juan Manuel), 348. 
Pires (Antonio Thomaz), 69, 308, 342. 
Pires de Rebello (Gaspar), 262. 
Pirez Lobeira (Joan). See Lobeira 

(Joan de). 



Pisan (Christine de), 85, 95. 

Pisano (Mattheus de), 85. 

Pius IV, Pope, 193. 

Platir, 234. 

Plato, 119, 237. 

Plautus, 108, 130, 164, 167. 

Pliny, 226. 

Poema da Perda de Espanha. See 

Cava. 
Poema del Cid. See Cid. 
Poetica, 48, 49, 58, 66. 
Poitou, Guillaume, Comte de, 39. 
Poliziano (Angelo [Ambrogini]), 103, 

139, 141- 
Polo (Marco), 95. 
Pombal, Sebastiao Jos6 de Carvalho 

e Mello, Marques de, 272, 273, 276, 

291, 307. 
Ponce {Bartolom^) , 151. 
Pondal y Abente (Eduardo), 352-3, 

355- 
Ponte (Pero da), 28, 51. 
Pope (Alexander), 50, 209, 274, 277. 
Portela (Severe), 328. 
Porto Carreiro (Lope de), 78. 
Portugal (D. Anrique de), 103. 
Portugal (D. Francisco de) [xvi c], 

203. 
Portugal (D. Francisco de) [xvii c], 

18, 70, 129, 258. 
Portugal (D. Francisco de), Conde de 

Vimioso, 100, 103-4, 122, 126, 145, 

ISO- 
Portugal (D. Joao de), 241, 242. 
Portugal (D. Manuel de), 145, 180, 

346- 
Portugaliae Monumenta Historica. 

See Herculano (Alexandre). 
Posada y Pereira (Jose Maria), 348. 
Potter (Maria), 315. 
Potter (Thomas), 315. 
Poyares (Pedro de), 109. 
Prado (Xavier), 355. 
Prazeres (Joao dos), 269. 
Presenta9ao (Cosme da), 239. 
Prestage (Edgar), 14, 15, 214, 252, 

308. 
Prestes (Antonio), 19, 160-1, 166. 
Primlaeon, 119, 234. 
Primor e honra da vida soldadesca, 

262. 
Ptolemy, 193. 

Purificafam (Antonio da), 18. 
Purser (WilUam Edward), 233. 

Q 

Queimado (Roy), 52. 
Quental (Anthero Tarquinio de), 304, 
328-9. 



372 



INDEX 



Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco Gomez 

de), 169, 252, 253, 255. 
Quinet (Edgar), 19. 
Quintilian, 247. 
Quita (Domingos dos Reis), 272-3. 



Rabelais (Fran9ois), 321. 

Rabello (Gabriel de), 203. 

Racine (Jean), 182. 

Raleigh (Sir Walter), 228. 

RamaUio Ortigao (Josd Duarte), 304, 

318, 321-2. 
Ramos Coelho (Jcs6), 307. 
Ramusio (Giovanni Battista), 204. 
Rebello da Silva (Luiz Augusto), 296. 
Redondo, Conde de. See Coutinho 

(D. Francisco). 
Regras e Cautelas, 241. 
Rdagam verdadeira dos trabalhos. Sec, 

203. 
Renan (Ernest), 240. 
Resende (Garcia de), 75, 88, 89, 96-8, 

99, 100, no, 113, 123, 124, 127, 

140, 150, 199. 
Resende (Lucio Andre de), 13, 39, 

130, 150, 180, 206, 215, 216. 
Revista de Hisioria, 308. 
Revista Lusitana, 309, 347. 
Rey Soto (Antonio), 355. 
Ribalta (Aurelio), 356-7. 
Ribeira Grande, Conde da, 311. 
Ribeiro (Bernardim), 14, 19, 105, 

132-9, 141, 152, 154, 291, 300. 
Ribeiro (Jeronimo), 161. 
Ribeiro (Joao), 204. 
Ribeiro (Joao Pedro), 292. 
Ribeiro (Mattheus de), 261. 
Ribeiro Chiado (Antonio), 157-8, 161. 
Ribeiro de Macedo (Duarte), 265-6. 
Ribeiro de Sousa (Salvador), 203. 
Ribeiro dos Santos (Antonio), 285. 
Ribeiro Ferreira (Thomaz Antonio), 

302. 
Ribeiro Sanches (Antonio Nunes). 

See Nunes Ribeiro Sanches. 
Ribeiro Soarez (Jeronimo). See 

Ribeiro (Jeronimo). 
Richardson (Samuel), 170. 
Riquier (Guiraut), 42, 55. 
Roberto, Verdadeira Historia do Grande , 

339. 
Rocha Martins (Francisco de), 321. 
Rodrigues (Jose Maria), 180. 
Rodrigues Cordeiro (Antonio Xavier) , 

300. 
Rodriguez (Fernan), 78. 
Rodriguez (Gonzalo), Archdeacon of 

Almazan, 78. 



Rodriguez (Gonzalo), Archdeacon of 

Toro, 78, 123. 
Rodriguez (Melicia), no. 
Rodriguez Azinheiro (Cristovam), 

211. 
Rodriguez de Calheiros (Fernan), 52. 
Rodriguez de Escobar (Gon9alo), 78. 
Rodriguez de la Cdmara (Juan), 63, 

77, 104, 132. 
Rodriguez de Montalvo (Garci), 65, 

66, 67, 69, 119. 
Rodriguez de Sd e Meneses (Joao), 

103. 
Rodriguez de Sousa (Gongalo), 78. 
Rodriguez del Padron (Juan). See 

Rodriguez de la Cdmara. 
Rodriguez Gonzilez (Eladio), 354-5. 
Rodriguez Leitao (Manuel), 266. 
Rodriguez Lobo (Francisco), 74, 153- 

5, 170, 185, 232. 
Rodriguez Lobo Soropita (Fernam), 

229, 345- 
Rodriguez Silveira (Francisco), 229, 

307- 
Roiz. See Rodriguez. 
Roland, Chanson de, 53. 
Rolim de Moura. See Child Rolira. 
Romances, 74-6, 124, 161, 172. 
Romero (Sylvio), 17. 
Roquette (Jos6 Ignacio), 91. 
Rousseau (Jean- Jacques), 264. 
Rucellai (Giovanni), 140. 
Rudel (Jaufre), 47. 
Rueda (Lope de), 112, 130. 
Ruiz (Juan), Archpriest of Hita, 23, 

38, 53. 90, 113, 124. 125, 339, 356. 
Ruiz de Toro (Alvar), 78. 



Sd (Antonio de), 269. 

Sd. (Diogo de), 228. 

SA (Gongalo de), 143. 

SA (Mem de), 143. 

Sd de Meneses (Francisco de), epic 

poet, 260. 
Si de Meneses (Francisco de) ; Conde 

de Mattosinhos, 13, 150, 260. 
Sd de Miranda (Francisco de), 13, 19, 

39. 53. 77. 104. 105. 117. 120, 138, 

139-45. 146, 149, 164, 165, 166, 

174, 176, 206, 260, 263, 276. 
Si e Macedo (Anna de), 174, 179. 
Si Sottomaior (Eloi de), 153. 
Sabugal, Conde de, 256. 
Sabugosa (Antonio Maria Tos6 de 

Mello Silva Cesar e Meneses), Conde 

de, 121, 158, 324. 
Sacchetti (Franco), 231. 
Sachsen (Ludolph von), 90, 95. 



INDEX 



373 



Sacramental. See Sanchez de Vercial. 
Sacro Bosco (Joannes de). See 

Halifax (Jolin of). 
Sadoletto (Jacppo), Cardinal, 212. 
Sainte-Beuve (Charles- Augustin), 91, 

321. 
Saint-More (Benoit de), 61. 
Saint Victor (Adam de), 24. 
San Pedro (Diego de), 124, 132. 
Sanches de Baena Farinha Augusto 

Romano, Visconde, in. 
Sanchez (D. Afonso), 30, 57. 
Sanchez (Francisco), 20. 
Sanchez de Badajoz (Garci), 104. 
Sanchez de Vercial (Clemente), 95. 
Sancho I, of Portugal, 22, 27, 34, 39, 

87, 122. 
Sancho II, of Portugal, 17, 53, 296. 
Sannazzaro (Jacopo), 140, 152. 
Santa Catharina (Lucas de), 152, 242, 

271. 
Santa Maria (Francisco de), 269. 
Santa Rita (Guilherme de), 335. 
Santa Rita Durao (Jos6 de), 279. 
Santa Rosa de Viterbo (Joaquim de), 

285. 
Santarem (Manuel Francisco de Barros 

e Sousa de Mesquita Leitao « Car- 

valhosa), Visconde de, 292. 
Santarem, Foros de, 17. 
SantUlana, Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, 

Marqufe de, 22, 32, 38, 41, 48, 49, 

77, 79, 80, 104. 
Santo Antonio (Pedro de), 247. 
Santo Antonio (Sebastiao de), 280. 
Santo Estevam (Gomez de), 340. 
Santos (Joao dos), 220. 
Santos (Manuel dos), 208. 
Santos e Silva (Thomaz Antonio de), 

187. 
S. Bernardino (Gaspar de), 221. 
S. Boaventura (Fortunato de), 285. 
S. Joseph Queiroz (D. Joao de), 286. 
S. Luis (D. Francisco de). Cardinal 

Saraiva, 285. 
Saraiva, Cardinal. See S. Luis. 
Sarmento (Augusto Cesar Rodrigues), 

325- 
Sarmento (Francisco de Jesus Maria), 

338- 
Sarmiento (Martin), 347, 356. 
Savoy, Duke of, 120, 133. 
Schwalbach Lucci (Eduardo), 314. 
Scott (Sir Walter), 293. 
Sebastian, King. 146, 150, 168, 179, 

181, 187, 188, 209, 210, 226, 227, 

239, 241, 247, 261, 263, 307, 340, 341. 
Semmedo (Alvaro), 204. 
Semmedo (Curve). See Curvo Se- 

medo. 



Seneca, 92, 94, 161, 280. 

Senna Freitas (Joaquim de), 322. 

Sepulveda (D. Lianor de). See Sousa 

(D. Lianor de). 
Sergas de Esplandian, Las, 65, 68. 
Serpa Pimentel (Jos6 Freire de), 300. 
Serrao de Castro (Antonio), 256. 
Servando (Joan), 29. 
Severim de Faria (Manuel), 107, 180, 

184, 192, 193, 197, 215-16, 245. 
Sevilha (Pedro Amigo de). See 

Amigo. 
Shakespeare (William), 19, 108, 118, 

129, 130, 160, 164. 
Sigea (Angela), 107. 
Sigea (Luisa), 107. 
Siglar (Pierres de), 43. 
Silius Italicus, 41. 
Silva (Antonio Jose da), 282-4. 
Silva (Innocencio Francisco da), 61, 

14S, J63, 192, 193, 220, 237, 308. 
Silva (Nicolau Luis da). See Luis 

(Nicolau) . 
Silva Dias (Augusto Epiphanio da), 

308. 
Silva Gayo (Manuel da), 320. 
Silva Mascarenhas (Andre da), 260. 
Silva Pinto (Manuel Jos6 da), 322. 
Silva Souto-Maior (Caetano Jos6 da), 

306. 
Silveira (Fernam da) [ti489], loi. 
Silveira (Fernam da), O Coudel Mor, 

loo-i, 102. 
Silveira (Franciso Rodriguez). See 

Rodriguez Silveira. 
Silveira (Jorge da), 102. 
Silveira da Motta (Francisco), 322. 
Simoes Dias (Jos6), 330. 
Scares de Brito (Joao), 52, 68, 182, 

207, 224, 258. 
Soares de Passes (Antonio Augusto), 

293. 301- 
Soarez (Martin), 52. 
Soarez Coelho (D. Joan), 52. 
Soarez de Paiva (D. Joan), 48, 76. 
Soarez de Sousa (Gabriel), 205. 
Soarez de Taveiroos (Pai), 22. 
Sold (Jaime), 356. 
Sophocles, 165. 
Soropita. See Rodriguez Lobo Soro- 

pita. 
Soto (Hernando de), 203. 
Sotomaior (Luis de), 130. 
Sousa (D. Antonio Caetano de), 284. 
Sousa (Diogo de), 256. 
Sousa (Francisco de) [xvi c], 98, 105. 
Sousa (Francisco de) [xvii c], 244. 
Sousa (D. Lianor de), 188, 217. 
Sousa (Luis de), 14, 16, 203, 209, 215, 

241-3, 269, 291, 298, 



374 



INDEX 



Sousa (Manuel Caetano de), 280. 

Sousa {Martim Afonso de), 225, 227. 

Sousa (Philippa de), 150. 

Sousa (Rui de), 122. 

Sousa Costa (Alberto de), 328. 

Sousa Coutinho (Lopo de), 196, 203. 

Sousa Coutinho (Manuel de). See 

Sousa (Luis de). 
Sousa de Macedo (Antonio), 56, 68, 

74, 130, 209, 224, 258, 260-1. 
Sousa Falcao (Cristovam de). See 

Falcao. 
Sousa Farinha .(Bento Jose de), 244. 
Sousa Monteiro (Jos6 de), 311. 
Sousa Moraes (Wenceslau Jose de), 

322-3- 
Sousa Sepulveda (Manuel de), 187, 

196, 217. 
Sousa Viterbo (Francisco Marques 

de), 13, 307. 
Southey (Robert), 15, 19, 282. 
Souto-Maior (Caetano Jose da Silva). 

See Silva Souto-Maior. 
Souto Maior (Eloi de Si). See Si 

Sottomaior. 
Souvestre (fimile), 299. 
Spinoza (B.), 20. 
Stanley of Alderney, Lord, 315. 
Storck (Wilhelm), 174, 176, 178, 329. 
Straparola (Giovanni Francesco), 231. 
Stuart (Charles), Lord Stuart of 

Rothesay, 37. 
Sylvia de Lisardo, 139. 



Tacitus, 266. 

Taucos (Hermenegildo de), 90. 

Tasso (Bernardo), 71, 181. 

Tasso (Torquato), 146, 180, 181, 

280. 
Tavares (Manuel), no. 
Tavares Zagalo (Joana), 133. 
Teive (Diogo de), 106. 
Teixeira de Pascoaes (Joaquim), 

333-4- 
Teixeira de Quieroz (Francisco), 319- 

20, 325. 
Teixeira Gomes (Manuel), 323. 
Tellez (Balthasar), 204-5. 
Tellez (Lianor), Queen Consort of 

Fernando I, 84. 
Tellez (Maria), 84. 
Tellez de Meneses (Aires), 148. 
Tello, Vida de D., 60. 
Tennyson (Alfred), Lord, 64, 301. 
Tenreiro (Antonio), 220. 
Terence, 130, 164. 
Testament de Pathelin, 123. 
Theocritus, 272. 



Theodora, Verdadeira Historia da 

Donzella, 339. 
TheotocopuU (Domenico), El Greco, 

114, 282. 
Thierry (Augustin), 294. 
Thomas (Henry), 65. 
Thomas Aquinas, St., 86, 90, 92, 94. 
Thomson (James), 277. 
Tilly (John), 204. 
Timoneda (Juan de), 231. 
Tinherabos nam tinherabos, 72. 
Tirant lo Blanch, 65. 
Tolentino de Almeida (Nicolau), 272, 

274, 276. 
Tolstoi (Leo), Count, 333. 
Tolomei (Lattanzio), 140, 230. 
Torcy (Claude Blosset de), 233. 
Toro, Archdeacon of. See Rodriguez 

(Gonzalo) . 
Torres (Alvaro de), 241. 
Torres (Domingos Maximiano), 278. 
Torres Naharro (Bartolome de), 124. 
Trancoso (Gongalo Fernandez). See 

Fernandez Trancoso. 
Trindade (Adeodato da), 196, 197. 
Trindade Coelho (Jos6 Francisco de), 

327- 
Trissino (Giangiorgio), 165. 
Tristam, O Livro de, 63. 
Tristan, 65, 69, 70. 
Trovador, O, 300. 
Trovador, O Novo, 300. 
Trueba (Antonio de), 302, 303. 
Tundalo, Visdo de, 59. 

U 

Usque (Abraham ben), 246. 
Usque (Samuel), 245-6. 



Vaamonde (Florencio), 357. 

Valcacer. See Valcarcel. 

Valcarcel (Pedro de), 78. 

Vald6s (Juan de), 65. 

Valente (Afonso), 112. 

Valera (Juan), 19. 

Valla (Lorenzo), 180. 

Valle Incldn (Ram6n Maria del), 327, 

356. 
Van Zeller (Francisco), 169. 
Vaqueiras (Raimbaut de), 41. 
Varnhagen (Francisco Adolpho de), 

37, 133, 205, 206. 
Vasconcellos (Antonio de), 39, 259. 
Vasconcellos (Henrique de), 328. 
Vasconcellos (Joaquim de), 15, 214, 

230. 
Vasconcellos (Jorge de), 167. 



INDEX 



375 



Vasconcellos (Jorge Ferreira de) . See 

Ferreira. 
Vasconcellos (Simao de), 267. 
Vaz (Francisco), de Guimaraes, 161-2. 
Vaz (Joana), 107. 
Vaz da Gama (Guiomar), 174. 
Vaz de Camoes (Luis). See Camoes. 
Vaz de Camoes (Simao), 174. 
Vaz de Caivalho (Maria Amalia), 

324- 

Vazquez (Francisco), 234. 

Veer (Pero de), 29. 

Vega (Garci Lasso de la) . See Lasso 
de la Vega. 

Vega Carpio (Lope Felix de), 76, 129, 
130, 147, J53, 169, 181, 183, 258. 

Veiga (Manuel da), 340. 

Veiga (Thomas da), 17, 244, 245. 

Veiga Tagarro (Manuel da), 258. 

Velazquez (Diego), 333. 

Velez de Guevara (Luis), 284. 

Velez de Guevara (Pero), 79. 

Velho (Alvaro), 190. 

Verba (Joao), 92. 

Verde (Jos6 joaquim Cesario), 330. 

Vernier (P.), 226. 

Verney (Luis Antonio), 285. 

Veronese (Paolo), 182. 

Vespasian, Emperor, 64. 

Vespeseano, Estorea de, 64. 

Vespesiano, Estoria del noble, 64. 

Vicente (Belchior), no. 

Vicente (Gil), 13, 16, 19, 31, 32, 33, 
34, 35, 62, 74, 75, 97. 102, 105, 106- 
31, 132, 133, 138, 139, 141. 156, 
157, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164, 
166, 167, 178, 235, 271, 291, 311, 

338, 342. 344. 345- 
Vicente (Luis), 109. 
Vicente (Luis), son of Gil Vicente, 

no, 168. 
Vicente (Martim), 109. 
Vicente (Paula), no. 
Vicente de Almeida (Gil), 162. 
Vicentes, Cronica dos. See Cronica 

da Fundafam. 
Vieira (Antonio), 14, 16, 156, 190, 

245, 248, 249, 261, 265, 267-9, 307. 
Vieira (Nicolao), 59. 
Vieira da Costa (J.), 321- 
Vieira Ravasco (Cristovam), 267. 
Vilhena (D. Joana de), 145. 
Vilhena (D. Magdalena de), 241, 242. 



Vilhena (D. Philippa de), Condessa 

de Athouguia, 291. 
Villa-Moura, Visconde de, 328. 
Villa Nova, Condessa de, 253, 286. 
Villani (Giovanni), 83. 
Villareal, Fernando, Marques de, 107. 
Villas-Boas (D. Manuel do Cenaculo), 

Bishop of Beja, 285. 
Villena (D. Enrique de), 77. 
Vimieiro, Counts of, 71. 
Vimieiro, fourth Conde de, 273. 
Vimioso, first Conde de [or do]. See 

Portugal (D. Francisco de). 
Vimioso, third Conde de, 242. 
Virgil, 174, 180, 181, 182, 183, 257, 

272. 
Visao de Tundalo. See Tundalo. 
Viseu, Diogo, Duke of, 102. 
Viseu, Henry, Duke of. See Henrique, 

Infante. 
Visio Tundali, 59. 
Vita Christi. See Sachsen (Ludolph 

von). 
Vives (Juan Luis), 65, 212, 340. 
Voltaire (Fran9ois Arouet), 179, 182, 

274. 
Vyvyaes (Pero), 52. 

W 

Wieland (Christoph Martin), 277. 
Wyche (Sir Peter), 266. 

X 

Xavier, St. Francis, 190, 223, 225, 

243- 
Xavier de Mattos. See Mattos. 
Xavier de Novaes. See Novaes. 
Xenophon, 85. 
Ximenez de Urrea (Geronimo), 262. 



Yannez (Rodrigo), 73. 
Ychoa (Joao de), 89. 



Zamora (Gil de), 42. 
Zola (fimile), 299. 
Zorro (Joan), 29, 31, 53. 
Zurara (Gomez Eanez de), 14, 15, 68, 
69, 81, 82, 85-7, 88, 201. 



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